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1216— 1307 


C. F. CLAY, Manager 


Calcutta}- macmillan and co., Ltd. 






ADOLPHUS BALLARD, LL.B. (Lond.), Hon. MA. (Oxon.) 

Late Town Clerk of Woodstock 
Author oiThe Domesday Boroughs, The Domesday Inquest, etc, 

JAMES TAIT, M.A., Litt.D., F.B.A. 

Honorary Professor of History in the University of Manchester 




\ ^ ^^ A ,R-^ 

WAK 2 '. '^i^ 



ADOLPHUS BALLARD, who died in 19 15 at the early age of 
L forty-eight, was a conspicuous instance of single-minded and 
fruitful devotion to a chosen study. The son of an alderman of Chichester, 
and himself for many years town clerk of what he liked to describe as 
the smallest borough in England, his innate zest of inquiry naturally 
turned to the field of town history. It was quickened and widened by 
the striking results of the researches of Gross, Maitland and Miss Bateson 
into municipal origins in this country. After preparing the ground by 
a series of studies and articles, he published in 1913 his British Borough 
Charters 1 042-1 21 6, which established him in the position of leading 
authority on early municipal growth in the British Isles. A further 
volume, to extend to the end of the reign of Edward I was projected 
and by the time of his death about nine-tenths of the charters had been 
copied and typed. A few notes and textual corrections were made, 
provisional dates were affixed to the undated charters and the position 
of each clause in his subject classification was indicated on the slips, 
but the introduction still remained to be written and the tables of sources 
and contents to be drawn up. A page or two of rough jottings was the 
only guide left to the very varied and widely scattered sources from 
which he had drawn the charters. 

The work of editing these imperfect materials was, in the first place, 
entrusted to Mr F. W. Cuthbertson, who had given Mr Ballard some 
assistance in his lifetime. In the scanty leisure of the war years he 
prepared about half the slips for the press, collected some additional 
charters, and made a first rough draft of the Table of Sources. On the 
return of peace, however, he was called abroad and had to lay down his 
task. After some further delay, I undertook in the spring of 1921 to 
carry the work to completion. Unable to consult with my predecessors, 
I have been forced to retrace much of the ground they had covered, 
but though this has entailed another postponement of publication, it 
has made possible a full revision of the material by a single hand. A 
number of new charters have been included and the original Latin of 
those of Bake well and Bridgetown Pomeroy has been obtained. As 


regards charters in the strict sense, the collection is as nearly exhaustive 
as it was possible to make it. The dating of undated charters has, in 
every case, been carefully reconsidered. For the introduction (except 
the Table of Sources) I am solely responsible. 

It has seldom been necessary to revise Mr Ballard's classification of 
a clause, and his preference of the spelHng "guild" to "gild" has been 
respected, though the latter is now generally adopted. 

Mr Ballard's method of breaking up the charters and re-arranging 
their clauses under subject headings has been a good deal criticised, and 
it is no doubt open to some obvious objections. It is far from the most 
convenient arrangement for the study of individual charters, though the 
difficulty is mitigated by the Tables of Sources (p. xxv) and of the Con- 
tents of Charters (p. xc). But this disadvantage is outweighed by more 
important considerations. Apart from the practical impossibihty of 
printing in full so large a body of charters, many of which more or less 
repeat one another, the student of general municipal growth, whose 
needs are kept primarily in view, would in that case have to make some 
such re-arrangement as Mr Ballard's for himself, a wasteful expenditure 
of time and labour. For uniform and (what we consider) logical arrange- 
ment is conspicuously lacking in this class of document. 

No attempt has been made in the introduction to pursue the study 
of foreign parallels to English municipal growth which formed a valu- 
able feature of the first volume. Such a comparison for the thirteenth 
century would have required more time than I could dispose of, but 
a suggestion is thrown out (p. Ixxiv) that foreign influence was more 
extensive in this century than has been suspected. 

Mr Ballard left no record of those who had helped him in the collec- 
tion of charters for this volume, and it is therefore only possible to make 
a general acknowledgement. I have myself to express my thanks to the 
large number of persons, to many of whom I was a stranger, who have 
given me ungrudging assistance in my task. Mr John Brownhill has 
made a long series of transcripts for me, chiefly in the Public Record 
Office, with his accustomed care. To the Marquis of Granby I am 
indebted for a photograph of the Bakewell charter and to Mr John 
Scanes of Maiden Bradley, Wilts., for one of the Bridgetown Pomeroy 
chirograph. Canon Foster of Lincoln very kindly copied for me the 
Cambridge charter of 1227 in the archives of that city. My thanks are 
also due to Mr J. H. Rothwell, town clerk of Chesterfield, for the facilities 
afforded me when there to correct from the original charter of 1294 ^^^ 


very corrupt text published by the late Mr Pym Yeatman. Mr W. St 
Clair Baddeley of Painswick kindly lent me his transcripts of the two 
Berkeley charters, Mr H. L. Bradfer-Lawrence of King's Lynn a roll 
of the customs of the borough of Castle Rising, and Mr G. A. Dunlop, 
curator of the Warrington Museum, the charters of that town. 
To Sir Henry Maxwell Lyte I am indebted for the opportunity of 
correcting the bad eighteenth century transcript of the Dunster charter 
printed by Miss Bateson {Eng. Hist. Rev. xvii, 288) from a copy of the 
fourteenth century subsequently discovered. Others who have given 
me help for which I am very grateful are: Messrs C. G. Crump and 
V. H. Galbraith of the Public Record Office, Mr Strickland Gibson 
of the Bodleian Library, Dr Hearnshaw of King's College, London, 
Dr J. W. Horrocks of Southampton, Mr W. G. Collingwood of Conis- 
ton. Professor W. J. Harte and Miss Ruth Easterling of Exeter, 
Mr Henry Taylor of Chester, Mr T. Pape of Newcastle-under-Lyme, 
Dr R. L. Poole of Oxford, Dr W. Farrer of Witherslack, and Mr W. Page, 
formerly editor of the Victoria County Histories. 


June, 1923 



I. Preliminary 

1 . The Borough Charter of the Thirteenth Century 

2. Arrangement of the Documents . 

3. Sources ...... 

4. Critical Notes . . . . • 

II. The Borough in the Thirteenth Century 

1. What was a Borough? 

2. Royal Boroughs ..... 

3. Seignorial Boroughs .... 

III. Table showing Contents of Charters . 











Titles in vol. i not represented in this (except by regrants or inspeximus) are 
marked with an obelus, additional titles with an asterisk 


i.f License to create Borough 

2. Creation of Borough ........ i 

3. Grant of Liber Burgus ....... 2 

4. Ratification of Customs of Domesday Boroughs ... 7 

5 . Grant of Customs of Other Boroughs to Domesday Boroughs 1 1 

6. Ratification of Customs of Post-Domesday Boroughs . . 11 

7. Grant of Specific Customs to Post- Domesday Boroughs . 15 

8. Grant of Customs of Other Boroughs to Post-Domesday 
Boroughs . . . . . . . . . .18 

9. Preservation of Vested Interests ...... 29 

lo.f Disallowance of Charter 

I I.f Papal Charters 

12.* Confirmation by Regrant and by Inspeximus ... 30 

13 a.* Non-user of Liberties . ....... 35 

13 6.* Enquiry as to user of Liberties . . . . . -37 

14.* Sanction of Municipal Legislation ..... 38 

15.* Pardon .......... 39 

16.* Rights of Crown saved ........ 41 

17.* Enlargement of Borough ....... 41 

18.* Proclamation of Charter ....... 42 

19.* Specification of Liberties ....... 42 

20.* Magna Carta ......... 43 

2 1 .* Penalty for Breach of Charter ...... 43 





1 . Grant of Burgages ........ 45 

2. Gablum, etc. ...•••••• 53 

3. Building Burgages 60 

4. Area of Burgages ........ 62 

5. Appurtenances of Burgages ...... 62 

6. Rights of Timber, Turf, etc. Rights of Way ... 63 

7. Grant of Pasture ']<> 

8. Grant of Fishery 85 

9. Liberty of Sale, etc. ........ 85 

10. Restraints on Sales ........ 88 

ii.f Pre-emption by Lord 

12. Pre-emption by Kin ........ 89 

13. Dues on Sales ......... Q*-* 

14. Limitation of Claims to Property ..... 90 

15. Liberty of Making Will 91 

16. Intestate Succession. Primogeniture ..... 93 

17. Reliefs and Heriots ........ 95 

18. Liberty of Marriage ........ 97 

19. Wardship .......... 9^ 

20.* Widow's Free Bench . . . . . . . .100 

21.* Assessment of Rents . . . . . . . .100 











Grant of King's Peace 
Grant of Lord's Peace 
Warranty of Lands 
Hunting Privileges 
Freedom from Forest Laws 
No Scotale, etc. . 
No Billetting or Purveyance 
Limitation of Lord's Credit 
Military Service . 
Naval Services 
Aids and Tallages 
Riding Service 
Watching Service 
Walling Services and Licenses 
Agricultural Services . 
t Merchet 

Suit of Mill and Oven 
Burgess's Right to dispose of his 
Disallowance of Unjust Customs 
Miscellaneous Privileges 
Forced Service as Officials . 










1. Free Burgesses ...... 

2. Freedom to Sons of Burgesses 

2 a.* Freedom by Marriage to Heiress of Burgess 
zb* Freedom of Widow C?) and Second Husband 





3. Freedom by Occupation of Burgage. Tenants of Burgesses 
3 a* Freedom on Payment of Fees . 

4. Freedom by Residence for Year and Day 
Freedom by Royal Grant 
Scot and Lot 




Remission of Taxes, etc. 

Lord's Veto on Freedom 

Residence of Burgesses 
lo.f Admission of Burgesses 
II.* Prohibition of Residence to Jews 
12.* Enfranchisement of Serfs 
13.* Reservation of Rights over Serfs 







A. Courts 

1. Liberty to compound Offences 

2. Liberty to hold Pleas ..... 

3. Sake and Soke ...... 

4. No External Pleas ...... 

5 a. Non-intromittat Clause .... 

5 h.* Intromission by Sheriff ordered . 

6. Freedom from Suit to Shire and Hundred Courts 

7. Reservation of Pleas to Crown 

8. Proceedings before Justices in Eyre, etc. 

9. Formation of Sokens ..... 

10. Sokens in London ...... 

1 1 .f Privileges of Sokens 

12. t Grant of Aldermanry in Canterbury 

13.* Liberty to have Prison in Borough 

14a.* Return of Writs ...... 

14 &.* Direct Relations with the Exchequer . 

14 c* Attachment and Summons in Mesne Boroughs 

15.* University Jurisdiction ..... 

16.* Grant of Gallows ...... 

17.* Demand of Court ...... 

18.* Appeal in Defect of Justice in Borough Court 
19.* Lord's Justice ...... 

20.* Renunciation of Free Borough Court 

B. Modes of Trial 

1 . Trial by Battle 

2. Preservation of Judicial Customs 

3. Wager of Law. Witness 
if a. Trial by Jury. Exemptions. 
4 6.* Use of Jury and Exclusion of Non-burgesses 

4 c.* Seignorial Use of the Jury limited 

5 a. Mainprise . 
5 h. The Mainpast 
5 c* Husband and Wife 
6. Prohibition of Forced Bail 
7.* Royal Writs . 




















C. Procedure 

1. Times for Holding Courts 

2. Place of Trial 

3. Who may not sue . 

4. Essoins .... 

5. Default of Appearance, etc. 

6. Miskenning and Faulty Defence, etc. 
7.t Entry of Judgment 
8.* Attachment and Imprisonment 
9.* Presidents of Borough Courts 

10.* Withdrawal of Appeal . 

II.* Attornies and Counsel . 

12.* Limitation of Adjournments . 

13.* Enrolment of Recognizances of Debts in the Exchequer. 

D. Punishments 

1. Freedom from Murder Fine, etc. ..... 

2. Freedom from Arbitrary Amercement .... 

3 . Limitation of Amercements ...... 

4. Assize of Bread and Beer ...... 

S.f Assize of Cloth 

6.t Release from Certain Fines 

7.* Recovery of a Burgess's Goods bailed to a Felon . 
8.* Grant of Borough Amercements to the Burgesses . 
9.* Lord's Reservation of Wrongs done to members of his 
Household ......... 

10.* Gaolers' Fees ........ 

E. Distress 

I a. Distraint by Burgesses for their Debts 
I b.* Distraint by the Lord for Burgess Debts 
I c* Distraint for Payments to the Lord 

2. Restraints on Distress . 

3. Dealing with Distresses . 
4.t Distress on Bailed Goods 
5.* Distress to enforce an Agreement . 
6.* Distress to compel Appearance 
7.* Distress for Rent or Service . 
8.* Distress for Tallages and Aids 
9.* Distress on Surety .... 

F. Borough and Shire 

1. County Courts and Assizes 

2. County Gaol ...... 

G. Authority to make Bye-laws, etc. 

I . Power to make Ordinances and Agreements 

















A. Markets and Fairs 

1 . Ban of Trade to Borough 

2. Grant and Regulation of Market 

Grant of Fair 




4. Grant of Toll 
5 .f Schedule of Tolls 

6. Penalties for Evasion of Toll 

7. Freedom from Toll (General) 

8. Freedom from Toll (Partial) 

9. Prohibition of Illegal or Wrongly Levied 

10. Retaliation ..... 

1 1 . Reservation of Toll 

12. Liberty of Access to Markets and Fairs 

13. Free Navigation of Rivers 

14. Interference with Market 
15.* Stalls in Markets and Fairs 


16.* Free incoming and outgoing for Burgesses and their Goods 
17.* Foreign Merchants' Goods to be weighed by the King's 
Scales .......... 

18.* Site of Markets and Fairs ...... 

B. Guilds and Trading 







Foreign Merchants 

Merchant Guild 
Craft Guilds .... 
Monopoly of Trade to Guild . 
Monopoly of Trade to Burgess. 
Liberty to Trade ..... 
Monopoly of Keeping Inn and Brewing 
Dispute between Burgess and Merchant 
t Scavage 
Purchases of Stolen Property . 

* Forestalling and Regrating, etc. Brokers 

* Lord's Pre-emption of Goods 

* Sale of Wines in Boroughs 
The Burgess Lot in Bargains . 
Handclasp Bargains .... 

Burgess Agreements with Fullers and Dyers 
The Jews ...... 

No Rival Ports to be allowed . 


1. Firma Burgi 
I a.* Allowances from Farm 

2. Earl's Rights in Borough 

3. Lord's Rights in Borough 

4. Prises and Captions 

5. Aids to Farm, etc. 

6. Letting to Farm . 

7. Grant of Vacant Places 

8. Grant of Mills . 

9. Grant of Escheats 

10. Grant of Wreck . 

1 1 . Consideration for Charter 
12.* Grant and Confirmation of Lands 
13.* Grant of a Court and its Profits 
14.* Municipal Tallages 






























15.* Municipal Credit 

16.* Boroughs taken into the King's Hand 

17.* Murage 

18.* Pavage and Pontage 

1 . Power to elect (a)t Sheriffs 

(6)t Justiciar 

(c) Reeves, Provosts . 
(c*) No compulsion to serve as Reeve 

(d) Coroners 

(e) Mayor . 
(e*) Non-elective Mayor 
(/)* Steward 
(g)* Warden (nominated) 
(h)* Assistants, etc. of Mayors, Reeves 

Bailiffs (Aldermen, Jurats) 
(0* Overseers. Tithingmen. Aletasters 
(;■)* Beadle 

2. Duties of Officials 

3 . Powers of Reeve . 

4. Offences against Officials 
5.* Liability of Officials 
6.* Oaths of Officials 












1 . Morals 

2. Public Health 

3 . Roads 




APPENDIX A. Charters omitted in Volume I . . . . 378 

B. Charter TO THE Free Tenants OF Warrington (1292) 383 

C. Addenda et Corrigenda 386 



INDEX 392 


B.C. Miss Bateson's Borough Customs. 

C.C.R. Calendar of Close Rolls, 

C.Ch.R. Calendar of Charter Rolls. 

C.P.R. Calendar of Patent Rolls. 

D.B. Domesday Book. 

E.H.R. English Historical Review . 

H.E.L. Pollock and Maitland's History of English Law. 

P.Q.W. Placita de Quo Warranto. 

V.C.H. Victoria County History. 


I . The Borough Charter of the Thirteenth Century ^ 

IN the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the boroughs of the British 
Isles were in their active and energetic youth. New foundations 
abounded. It was the first age of charters and the number and variety 
of these attest the vigour with which the blood coursed in their veins. 
Some 330 charters and cognate documents, which can be dated before 
the death of king John, were included by Mr Ballard in his first volume, 
the period of rather less than a century which followed has yielded a 
collection outnumbering that figure by at least a hundred. This increase 
is the more marked because the first ten years of Henry Ill's reign 
are a complete blank, as far as royal charters are concerned. It was not 
until the young king declared himself of age at the opening of 1227 that 
the floodgates were opened. The Charter Roll of that year, the first of 
the reign, records no less than twenty-five charters to boroughs, many 
of them in pairs, beginning on January 30 with a grant to bishop Poore's 
new borough at Salisbury, and the stream continued to flow at an 
abnormal but gradually lessening pace for some years. There was a 
rush to secure confirmation of the liberties obtained from earlier kings 
and most of the charters granted in these years were regrants, with or 
without a reference to the charter (or charters) confirmed, or confirmations 
by inspeximus of previous charters. This latter method, rare at first 
(Bristol was the first borough to secure an inspeximus, i May 1227), 
soon became the regular form of confirmation. The last case of regrant 
— an isolated one — occurred in 1272. By 1307 over a hundred con- 
firmations in one or other of these two forms had been granted. In 
a few cases, one or more new clauses were appended to the confirmation. 
All this renewal and inspection of former concessions brought in 
grist to the royal mill in the shape of heavy fees and the apparent 
eagerness to secure them at the formal opening of the new reign was 
undoubtedly stimulated from above ^. Some thirty years later the coin- 
cidence of Henry's greatest hberality in new grants in 1255-7, when he 
bestowed nearly fifty charters upon rather more than half that number of 

^ For a full description of the normal form of a charter, of the distinction between 
charters of grant, regrant and inspeximus, and of the purposes that may be served by 
a wide comparison of contemporary charters, see Mr Ballard's introduction to vol. i. 

2 E.H.R. xxni, 221. 


boroughs in less than two years, with the period of his direst need just 
before the baronial revolution, has a significance that cannot be mis- 
taken. The wholesale distribution of so important a privilege as the 
return of writs speaks eloquently of the royal necessities. 

So many of the larger boroughs had now obtained practically com- 
plete independence of the county organization around them, becoming, 
as we should say, county boroughs, that, apart from political dis- 
turbances, the grant of charters on the old Hnes of "liberties" or 
exemptions inevitably slowed down. Henry HI issued but few in his 
later peaceful years, the most important being the London charter of 
1268, the privileges of which were extended by his son to the three 
Dorset boroughs of Melcombe, Lyme and Nova Villa. Edward's grants 
comprised a much higher proportion of mere charters of mspeximiis than 
before. His chief contribution to municipal development was subsidiary 
to his policy of union within the four seas and his charters to Welsh 
boroughs and to Berwick-on-Tweed (copied in part from that of 
Kingston-on-Hull) ran on familiar lines. 

Generally speaking, the royal charters to boroughs in the thirteenth 
century show an increasing tendency towards uniformity of privilege 
and phrasing which has saved many pages of print in the present volume. 
A chancery will always develop set forms, if only to ease its own labour. 
Perhaps the most striking case of identical drafting is that of the numerous 
charters which protected burgesses and their goods from arrest for the 
debts of their fellow-townsmen^. The wording of the single clause is 
nearly always the same, though in a few cases the qualification is omitted. 
This tendency makes what, at first sight, might seem slight variations 
in other clauses {e.g. that granting return of writs) more interesting and 
deserving of study. A curious feature of the outburst of charter-giving 
just before the Barons' Wars is the frequency with which the privileges 
just mentioned and certain others were granted to a borough in two 
separate charters, often of identical date and with the same witnesses, 
without any obvious reason for the division. This has sadly puzzled local 
antiquaries who were unaware that it was not an isolated phenornenon 
of their own town. Messrs King and Watts in their Municipal Records 
of Bath were driven to suggest that one of their charters was an after- 
thought or the other, of which they have not the original, a forgery. 
In this case, and commonly, the non-arestentur clause has a charter to 
itself and this might be thought to be due to the fact that it had already 
been granted separately to several communities before the bestowal of 
the other privileges began. Unfortunately for this explanation, the 
clause is sometimes combined with others in the same charter and the 

^ See IV E 2. 


distribution of clauses between the pairs of charters shows other varia- 
tions. Perhaps there was no more recondite reason for the separation 
than the royal desire to exact double fees. 

The proportion of documents other than charters is rather larger 
in this volume than in the first. Letters patent, though less solemn than 
charters, and normally used for grants of a temporary nature, such as 
the right to collect murage or tolls for the repair of the town walls, 
were already employed for the gift of permanent privileges. The right 
of having coroners was usually given by charter, but in 1252 Newcastle- 
on-Tyne received it by letters patent. This source has, however, been 
chiefly drawn upon for royal orders throwing light upon the relations 
of university and town at Oxford and Cambridge. The entry of 
inspeximus and confirmation of charters upon the patent rolls did not 
begin until the next age. 

Two of the three documents in this volume which throw most light 
upon the life of the towns under royal lordship in the thirteenth century, 
the Latin ordinances of Grimsby (1258) and the French ordinances of 
Great Yarmouth (1272), though entered on the Charter Rolls, are not 
charters at all, but the one a confirmation of the settlement of local 
disputes mediated by one of the king's judges and the other a record 
and notification of municipal legislation. 

The charters of mesne lords to their boroughs show a much greater 
variety both in form and substance than those emanating from the 
royal chancery. Many of the privileges extended to mesne (or seignorial) 
boroughs were enjoyed by prescription in the greater towns. Some of 
the charters given to the former, for example, the Salford group, are 
of the nature of brief custumals. The remarkable charter, if it should 
not rather be called ordinance, of Edmund earl of Lancaster to Leicester 
in 1277 is an important piece of local legal reform. Other charters 
approximated in varying measure to the royal type. An interesting set 
of charters of the more regular kind is that conferred upon the Cornish 
boroughs by Henry Hi's brother Richard earl of Cornwall and (from 
1257) king of the Romans. For such charters, whether of creation or of 
further privilege, royal confirmation was not necessarily sought. Two 
of earl Richard's charters, those to Bodmin and Camelford, are only 
known through inspeximus by the crown, but of the like confirmation 
there is no trace in the other cases before the fourteenth century. 
Richard le Poore, bishop of Durham, secured the royal approval of his 
charter (1230) to Hartlepool, a twelfth century borough, as he had ob- 
tained it three years before for New Salisbury in his previous diocese, 
but his fellow prelate, the bishop of Winchester, does not seem to have 
deemed it necessary to get similar confirmation of his charter to Farn- 


ham (1247). Where the burgesses and their immediate lord could not 
agree about their liberties, an equivalent of a new charter from the lord 
and a confirmation by the king combined was sometimes secured by an 
agreement or "final concord" in the royal court. This was certainly 
the history of the Wycombe fine (1226) and that of Reading (1254), 
the first of which was enrolled on the Charter Rolls in 1237, and it may 
also have been the history of the Chesterfield fine (1226-7), though its 
wording does not contain such clear evidence of preceding disputes. 

In deciding what charters could claim a place in the first volume, 
Mr Ballard adopted the "hard and fast standard" of including "no 
charters except those relating to places which within our period were 
styled cities or boroughs in documents emanating from the Chancery 
or from their lord, or whose inhabitants are called citizens or burgesses 
in such documents." This course had the advantage that it dispensed 
him from facing the difficult problem of the exact definition of a borough 
at the outset, but it only postponed the evil day. Among the charters 
which were ruled out was that by which John in 1208 granted "to 
our freemen of Kingston (on Thames) our town (villam) of Kingston 
with all its appurtenances" in fee farm for ever. Now, to begin with, 
though many a rural manor was farmed by the men of the manor, 
Maitland at least was very doubtful whether a perpetual lease was ever 
given in such a case. His view seems to have been that a grant in fee 
raised a strong presumption that the place had pretensions to be called 
a borough. Mr Ballard did not consider the matter from this standpoint, 
and, indeed, admitted that Kingston was termed a borough in the middle 
of the reign of Henry HI. The real difficulty is that in this he was almost 
certainly mistaken. We have failed to find a single reference to a borough 
or burgesses of Kingston in mediaeval documents, and down to 1835 
the official style continued to be: "the bailiffs and freemen of the town 
of Kingston." Yet there can be no doubt that in everything but name 
it was a borough already in the thirteenth century. In 1256 Henry HI 
granted "liberis hominibus nostris de Kyngeston" in perpetuity the 
return of writs and other privileges which he was showering on undeni- 
able boroughs at that time, along with the right to elect coroners to make 
attachments of pleas of the crown within the town (villam), and a 
merchant guild "as they already had it and as our men of Guldeford 
have it." In 131 1 and 13 13 and again in 1373 the town was treated as 
a borough in being called upon to send burgesses to parliament. It 
seems, therefore, impossible to exclude the charter of 1256 from a 
collection of borough charters of the thirteenth century. 

The existence of a borough which was not (in name) a borough 
raises interesting questions. How is such a portent to be accounted for, 


and did it stand alone? The explanation cannot be found in the loose 
usage even of the royal chancery in frequently substituting "homines" 
for "burgenses" and "villa" for "burgus" in the case of undoubted 
boroughs. In the Kingston instance the practice is too consistent and 
it is always '' liberi homines." 

A glance at the plan of Kingston in the report of the Municipal 
Corporation Boundaries Commission of 1835, and a perusal of the 
description of its old constitution there and in the Municipal Corpora- 
tion Commission's report, give the clue to the mystery. As late as 
1835 the freemen were still chosen from the free tenants of the manor 
of Kingston, a district then six miles in length by two in breadth ^ 
With the exception of the liberty of exclusive trading in the town, 
whatever liberties were enjoyed within the town were enjoyed throughout 
the manor. Kingston is one of the boroughs which have developed from 
the great manors of ancient demesne in the southern counties, manors 
which often had a forinsec (outer) hundred (or hundreds) attached to them. 
Ancient demesne of the crown, as is well known, everywhere secured 
or assumed some of the most characteristic privileges which the crown 
granted to boroughs 2, and a favourable situation would do the rest. The 
men of Andover in Hampshire who held the manor and forinsec hundred 
at fee farm had obtained a merchant guild as early as 1175 and were 
sometimes called burgesses. Basingstoke, in the same county, was slower 
in development. In 1228 its men received a new grant of the fee farm 
of the manor and hundred and in 1256 they had charters for some of 
the privileges that were then going to towns, including return of writs. 
Basingstoke, like Andover and Kingston, was summoned to send 
burgesses to early parliaments^. 

Another manor of ancient demesne which was held in fee farm by 
its "men" was Godmanchester in Huntingdonshire, and the custumal 
of 1324 seems to recognise its burghal character {B.C. i, xxix). But as 
its only charter in this period was Edward I's confirmation of John's 
fee farm grant, it has not been thought necessary to include it. 

Sheffield's claim to a place among the mesne boroughs in this volume 
was ruled out by Mr Ballard, in a note left by him, on the ground that 
Thomas de Furnival's charter of 1297 does not apply the term burgesses 
to the grantees and speaks of the court of the vill and not the court of 
the borough. But the danger of the negative argument has been seen 

^ The original manor cannot, however, have been so large, for Petersham in the 
north and Long Ditton in the south were separate manors in 1086 held respectively 
by the abbot of Chertsey and the bishop of Bayeux. In documents of the fourteenth 
century and onwards the Town is often distinguished from its Liberty or Precincts. 

^ H.E.L. I, 384, and below, p. 1. 

* But for the somewhat loose use of "borough" in early parliamentary writs, see 
below, p. lii. 


in the case of royal boroughs and in comparison with the charters of 
some of the small towns which satisfy this test {e.g. Gainsborough) 
Furnival's grant seems even liberal. Whatever his intention may have 
been, there is no doubt that the descendants of the free tenants to whom 
he granted their tofts, lands and tenements at fee farm were called 
burgesses and collectively the Burgery^. Though deprived of the govern- 
ment of the town in the sixteenth century, they continue to this day to 
administer, under the name of the Town Trust, a part of the common 
property which they acquired in the later middle ages. The point might 
be pursued further, but we have already anticipated too amply the 
discussion of the meaning of the word borough in the thirteenth century 
which finds its natural place in a later section of this introduction, 

2. Arrangement of the Documents 

The plan of this work, as an "analytic digest" of charters granted to 
burgesses of boroughs in the British Isles, and of a large selection of writs 
of similar import or interest and a few other documents, is very fully 
described in the introduction to the first volume, and need not be re- 
capitulated here. New problems and fresh solutions have entailed the 
addition of many subsections to Mr Ballard's "code," but the general 
scheme of arrangement, borrowed as it was from Maitland's chapter on 
the English borough in the thirteenth century, has suffered but little 
strain. It has been necessary to create two new sections under the head 
of Jurisdictional Privileges and some may think that that reserved for 
municipal legislation would more logically have formed a new head by 
itself. Yet as legislation was vested in a body which was largely a court 
of justice, there is a sort of historical logic in the course adopted. 

Every eff'ort has been made to include all grants or confirmations 
of privileges falling within the limits of date adopted and the volume 
contains a considerable number which have never been printed before 
in the original Latin, and in many cases were only known by abstracts 
in English. The references to printed sources in the table of charters 
(p. xxv) are to books which print the charters in Latin. It is possible 
that a few in private collections or in the back volumes of unindexed 
local periodicals may have escaped us, but exhaustiveness is hardly 
attainable where documents are so widely scattered. 

Any attempt at an exhaustive reproduction of the material on the 
Patent and Close Rolls was, of course, out of the question, and as the 
line of inclusion or exclusion is difficult to draw, we have been content 
not to add to Mr Ballard's selection, except where there was a definite 

^ By a reverse process, the burgesses of Warrington sank into libere tenentes. See 
p. 182. 

SOURCES xxiii 

grant of some privilege. This has had the disadvantage of excluding the 
interesting arrangement of 1270 for a joint committee of scholars and 
burgesses to allay the strife of town and gown at Cambridge and the 
award of 1277 between the barons of the Cinque Ports and the men of 
Great Yarmouth. Of certain classes of documents, such as those restoring 
borough liberties which had been taken into the king's hands and grants of 
murage and pavage, only typical examples could be given. Licenses for 
fairs and markets are confined to those which were included in founda- 
tion charters or granted later. 

One slight deviation from the arrangement of the previous volume, 
which was only adopted with hesitation, is the further breaking up of 
some subsections into two or three divisions. The drawback attaching 
to this is that, owing to exigencies of space, this subdivision could rarely 
be indicated in the table of the contents of the charters the reference 
from which in such cases may involve looking through two or three 
divisions, each in chronological order, instead of one. This, however, 
seems a less evil than mingling, for instance, clauses relating to main- 
prise, to the mainpast and to the law of husband and wife merely in 
order of time. A further exception to the purely temporal arrangement 
is made (as in the first volume) where clauses from more than one charter 
to the same town occur in one subsection or division. These are brought 
together under the year of the earliest in date. 

Charters of confirmation by regrant or inspeximus are indexed under 
section I 12 (a) and 12 (6). Their clauses are not usually printed in the 
text, unless they contain some variation of reading worth note or 
confirm a charter accidentally omitted in the first volume, as in the 
case of the Inverkeithing charters in V a i . Some exceptions are made 
in section I to illustrate the formulae of such confirmations, and else- 
where the text of a regrant is occasionally printed where it (or its original) 
formed the model for new grants to other boroughs. 

The explanation of unusual terms is in most cases reserved for the 
glossarial index. 

3 . Sources 

The following table shows the charters and other documents con- 
tained in this volume, their dates, their grantors and the sources from 
which our text is derived. Any critical notes that may be required will 
be found in the next section of this introduction, but as a general rule, 
no such notes are needed. 

The chief source that has been used is, of course, the Charter Rolls 
in the Public Record Office, the use of which is now made vastly easier 
by the printed calendar and indexes. There are several gaps in the 



series and unluckily one of the missing rolls is that of 40 Henry HI 
(1255-6) which was the most important year of the reign from our 
point of view. It is not very likely, however, that many charters of this 
year have missed preservation in later inspextmus on the Charter and 
Patent Rolls and in the muniment rooms of corporations. A large 
proportion of the latter are described, and in some cases printed, in the 
reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. A certain number 
of towns have published, or had published for them by private enter- 
prise, a more or less complete text of their Latin and French charters, etc. 
Such are in England : Bath, Bristol, Cambridge, Chester, Chesterfield, 
the Cinque Ports, Leicester, Liverpool, Northampton, Norwich, Not- 
tingham, Oswestry, Oxford, Preston, Southampton and Great Yarmouth. 
Had they been more numerous, the labour expended on the compilation 
of the present collection would have been greatly lessened. In one or 
two cases the texts leave much to be desired. Fortunately, it has been 
possible to correct the very corrupt copy of the Chesterfield charter of 
1294 printed in Pym Yeatman's Records by a personal collation of the 
original. The charters of the chief Scottish boroughs have been well 
edited and Ireland stands alone in possessing a corpus of mediaeval 
town charters in the Chartae, privilegia et immunitates printed in 
1829-30 by the Irish Record Commission. It was, however, care- 
lessly edited. This is also the case in a greater degree with some of the 
many Welsh charters in Archaeologia Camhrensis. The fate of the Elles- 
mere charter of Joan of Wales which, it seems likely, was among the 
Bridgewater MSS. recently sold to an American bookseller and now, 
in part, the property of Mr Huntington the banker, is lamentable, for we 
have nothing but a note that it granted the customs of the law of Breteuil. 

The town histories, the best guide to which is Gross's Bibliography of 
British Municipal History, only occasionally print the original text of the 
charters of the thirteenth century. The royal charters can usually be found 
on the Charter Rolls, but it is by no means always easy to obtain the Latin 
text of a charter to a mesne borough. It will be noticed that in the case of 
Gainsborough and Uttoxeter our search has been altogether fruitless. 

A word of gratitude must be devoted to the collection of charters 
printed by Miss Bateson in her articles on the "Laws of Breteuil," and 
"The Creation of Boroughs" in the fifteenth, sixteenth and seven- 
teenth volumes of the English Historical Review, and to those in the 
appendix of Gross's Gild Merchant. 

The names of the boroughs mentioned in Domesday Book are 
printed in capitals, and of those founded by or for mesne lords in italics. 
In the three cases of Okehampton, Pontefract {D.B. Tateshale) and 
Rhuddlan, these categories overlap. 




Abbots Bromley ... 1222 
Aberavon (Avan) ... 1288-1313 

Aberystwyth ... 1277 

Agardsley 1263 

(Newborough, Staffs.) 


. 1226-53 

William de Vescy II 


William de Vescy III 


.c. 1290 

Hamon de Massey... 


. 1228 {a) 

Henry III 







Edward I 


. 1286 

William Gernun ... 


• 1255 

Henry III 

Barnard Castle 

.c. 1215-29 

Hugh de BaUiol I^ 


John de Balliol 


Alexander de BaUiol 


. 1237 

Henry III 


Edward I 


. 1228 

Henry III 

1256 (a) 






Henry III 

1256 [a) 


1256 (6) 



Edward I 


. 1296 

Edward I 




. 1227(a) 

Henry III 



Bere (Merioneth) 


Edward I 


.c. 1235-6 

Thomas de Berkeley 


Maurice de Berkeley 


. 1230 

Henry III 






Edward I 


. 1225-57 

Richard earl of Corn- 


Edward I 


. 1253 

William de Ferrers 

Bossiney. See Tintagel. 





Henry III 

1227 (a) 




1256 (fl) 




Bridgeton Pomeroy 


Henry de Pomeroy 

Richard abbot of Wm Salt Soc. Coll. ist ser. v, i, 73. 

Leysan ab Morgan Clark, Cart. Glamorgan, iii, 922 

Edward I ... Arch. Camb. 4th ser. x, Suppl. 

Robert de Ferrers Eng. Hist. Rev. xvi, 334. 

Tate, Alnwick, 11, 97 

lb. II, App. 2. 

Ormerod, Cheshire, i, 536. 

Chart. Roll, 12 Hen. Ill, m. 9; 

Madox, Firma Burgi, 44. 
Chart. Roll, u.s. 
lb., 16 Hen. Ill, m. 12. 
lb., 14 Edw. I, no. 21. 
Photo of original at Belvoir Castle 

(MS. no. 27). 
Chart. Roll, 39 Hen. Ill, m. 3; 

Hist, of Northumberland, i, 115. 
Surtees, Durham, iv, 72. 
lb. 71. 
lb. 72. 

Gribble, Memorials of B. 375 
Pat. Roll, 17 Edw. IV, pt. 11, m. 20. 
Chart. Roll, 12 Hen. Ill, m. 9. 
lb. 3 Edw. Ill, no. 34. 

Warner, Hist, of Bath, App. 18. 
lb. App. 27 

Chart. RoU, 3 Edw. I, no. 3. 
Lewis, Mediaeval Boroughs of 

Snowdonia, 282. 
Had. MS. 1954, ff. 536, 54. 
Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 121. 
lb. no. 127. 
Lewis, Mediaeval Boroughs of 

Snowdonia, 282. 
Copy at Berkeley Castle, 
Chart. Roll, 14 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

m. 2. 
lb. 21 Hen. Ill, m. 6. 
lb. 35 Edw. I, no. 13. 
Chart. Roll, 13 Edw. I, no. 9. 


Eng. Hist. Rev. xvii, 291. 

Rawlinson MS. 465, f. 229 (BodL 

lb. f. 230. 

Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1216-25, p. 239. 
Ch£u:t. Roll, II Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 91. 
lb. no. 9. 

Confirm. Roll, 4 Jas. I, no. 6. 
Original at Maiden Bradley, Wilts. 

^ For a second charter of Hugh, see p. 71 n. 






Henry III 

.. WUlis, Notitia Parliamentaria, 11, 




.. Seyer, Charters of Bristol, 12. 



.. Cal. Chart. Rolls, i, 113. 




.. Seyer, 14 



.. lb. 16. 



.. lb. 21 


Edward I 

.. lb. 25. 

Bromley. See Abbots Bromley. 




.. Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 355. 

Burford (Oxon.) .. 


Richard de Clare 

.. Gretton, Burford Records, 301. 

Bur ford (Salop) .. 


Henry III (?) 

.. Eyton, Shropshire, iv, 318. 

c. 1265-6 

Hugh de Mortimer 


Burton-on-Trent .. 


Abbot John 

.. Journ. Brit. Archaeol. Ass. vii, 


Abbot Thomas 

.. lb. 425. 

Bury St Edmunds 


Henry III 

.. Camb. Univ. Lib. FF. 2/33. * 


Edward I 

.. Cal. Chart. Rolls, 11, 258. 



Edward I 

.. Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 356. 


1227 (fl) 

Henry III 

.. Maitland and Bateson, Charters of 
Camb. 8. 

1227 (&) 


.. lb. 12. 



.. lb. 14. 



.. lb. 16. 


Edward I 

.. lb. 18. 


1231 (a) 

Henry III 

.. Cal. Close Rolls, 1227-31, p. 586. 

1231 (6) 


Fuller, Hist. Univ. Camb. 22. 

1231 (c) 


.. lb. 23. 



.. Dyer, Privil. i, 62; Rot. Pari, v, 



.. Dyer, 63; Rot. Pari, v, 426. 



.. lb. 



.. Dyer, 64; Rot. Pari, v, 426. 


Edward I 

.. Cal. Chart. Rolls, 11, 415. 



Henry III 

.. Rep. Roy. Institution of Corn- 
wall, Oct. 1865, 83. 




.. Chart. Roll, 26 Edw. I, no. 5. 



.. Chart. Roll, 36 Hen. Ill, m. 3. 



.. Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. ix, pt. i, 

.. Chart. Roll, 26 Edw. I, no. 5. 




Edward I 

.. lb. 



Henry III 

.. Chart. Roll, 14 Hen. Ill, pt. 11, 
m. 10. 


Henry III 

.. Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 359. 


Edward I 

.. Chart. Roll, 13 Edw. I, no. 147 
and P.Q.W. 820. 



Henry III 

... Ferguson, Charters of Carlisle, 1. 



.. Chart. Roll, 16 Hen. Ill, m. 19. 



.. lb. 35 Hen. Ill, m. 4. 



.. lb. 

1251 {b) 


.. Ferguson, op. cit. 10. 


Edward I 

.. lb. Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. ix, 
App. I, 197. 



Henry III 

.. Daniel-Tyssen, Ch. of Carm. 2. 


Edward son 
Henry III 

of lb. 7 


Henry III 

.. lb. (also Foedera (R), i, 501). 


Edward I 

.. lb. 21. 



Edward I 

.. Lewis, Med. Boroughs of Snow- 
donia, 281. 

? 1284 


.. Harl. MS. 1954, f. 54. J 


Edward prince 

of Rec. of Cam. 185-6. J, 



Bp Jocelin of Ba 
and WeUs 

th Pat. RoU, 14 Edw. I, m. 24 (sched.).  



■Chard {cont.) 


Bp WilUam II 

Pat. Roll, 14 Edw. I, m. 24 (sched.). 


Bp Robert Burnell 



Edward I 



. 1233-7 

Earl John le Scot ... 

Morris, Chester, 487 (also Hist. 
MSB. Comm. Rep. viii, App. 


Henry III 

lb. 488 

1237 (&) 


lb. 489. 



lb. 490; Chart. Roll, 23 Hen. Ill, 


Edward I 

no. I. 
Morris, 492. 


. 1226-7 

William Brewer II 

Yeatman, Borough Rec. of Chester- 
field, 28 (facs.). 


Henry III 

Chart. Roll, 17 Hen. Ill, m. 12. 


John Wake 

Original at Chesterfield. 

Chipping Campden 


Henry III 

Chart. Roll, 31 Hen. Ill, m. 3. 


c. 1247 

Roger de Somery . . . 

Eng. Hist. Rev. xvi, 96. 


Henry III 


Chipping Sodbury 



Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 


m. 3. 

c. 1245-60 

William le Gras 


Eng. Hist. Rev. xv, 315. 

Before 1281 

Jordan Bishop 

Rudder, Gloucestershire, 673. 



Earl Baldwin (IV) of 

Confirm. Roll, 6-10 Hen. VII, 


m. 15. 

Cinque Ports 


Henry III 

Chart. Roll, 44 Hen. Ill, no. 35. 


Edward I 

Jeakes, Charters of the Cinque 
Ports, 7. 



Chart. Roll, 18 Edw. I, no. 87. 

1298 (a) 


Pat. Roll, 26 Edw. I, m. 17; 
Swinden, Great Yarmouth, 198. 



Pat. Roll, loc. cit. 

Clifton (Wore.) .. 


Henry III (to Roger 
de Mortimer) 

Chart. Roll, 54 Hen. Ill, m. 8. 



Henry earl of Lincoln 

Harland, Charters of Clitheroe, 6. 



lb. 13. 



Henry III 

Cart. Mon. S. Joh. de Colecestria, 
n, 673- 


1272-C. 74 

Henry earl of Lincoln 

Ches. Recogn Roll, 192, m. 2d. 



Edward I 

Lewis, Med. Boroughs of Snow- 
donia, 279. 

? 1284 


Harl. MS. 1954, f. 54. 



Henry III (to Prior) 

Chart. Roll, 51 Hen. Ill, m. 8. 



lb. 52 Hen. Ill, m. 11. 



Edward I 

Lewis, Med. Boroughs of Snow- 
donia, 281. 

c. 1284 

Harl MS. 1954, f. 54- 

Deganwy (Gannoc] 


Henry III 

Eng. Hist. Rev. xvii, 287. 



Henry earl of Lincoln 

Williams, Records of Denbigh, 119; 
Arch. Camb. 3rd ser. 1, 185. 


Edward I 

Pat. Roll, 18 Edw. I, m. 11. 



Henry III 

Chart. Roll, 13 Hen. Ill, m. 7. 



Madox, Firma Burgi, 9. 



Nichols, Leicestershire, i, 7- 



Simpson, Derby, 43. 




Chart. Roll, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 



Richard earl of Corn- 

m. 9* 
Pat. Roll, 2 Hen. V, pt. ni, m. 28. 





Reginald de Mohun 

Early copy at Dunster Castle. 


• 1230 

Henry III 

Charter Roll, 14 Hen. Ill, pt. 2, 



m. 2. 
lb. 13 Edw. I, no. 41. 


Edward I 

Pat. Roll, 7 Edw. I, m. 3. 



Charter Roll, 13 Edw. I, no. 41. 


. 1216-37 

Joan of Wales 

Eng. Hist. Rev. xv, 316. 





(Newtown, I. of W.) 

1259 (a) 







Henry III 

... Mun. Gildh 

Richard, king of the Oliver, Exeter, 280 

Lond. (R.S.) II, 


Henry III 
Edmund earl 

Edward 1 

Chart. Roll, 44 Hen. Ill, no. 

... lb. 
of Oliver, Exeter, 281. 

William bp of Win 

John do. 
Henry III 

Edward I 

Hearne, Lib. Niger, 812; Mun. 

Gildh. II, 668. 
V.C.H. Surrey, 11, 585 


Gainsborough ... Before 1250 John Talbot 
Gannoc. See Deganwy. 

Chart. Roll, 36 Hen. Ill, m. 10. 

lb. 9 Edw. II, no. 48. 

lb. 30 Edw. 1, no. i. 

Arch. Camb. 5th ser. ix, 102. . 
Aymer bp el. of Win- Chart. Roll, 13 Edw. 1, no. 3. 

Edward 1 ... lb. 

Stark, Gainsborough, 73. 











? 1284 

1234 (a) 
1234 ib) 


Helmsley (Yorks.) c. 1186-1227 
Helston ... 1225-40 


. 1227 (fl) 



Higham Ferrers 

1227 (6) 
1256 (b) 

1251 (a) 
1251 (6) 

Henry III ... Madox, Firma Burgi, 133. 

Do. ... Hist. MSS. Comm. 12 Rep. App. 

IX, 402. 

Edward 1 ... Chart. Roll, 30 Edw. I, no. 11. 

Henry III ... Chart. RoU, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 8. 

Do. ... Ib. 12 Edward II, no. 2. 

Do. ... Ib. 43 Hen. Ill, m. 5. 

Do. ... lb. 55 Hen. Ill, m. 5. 

Henry III ... Chart. Roll, 41 Hen. Ill, m. 12; 

Madox, Firma Burgi, 43 (part). 

Do. ... lb. 

Edward 1 ... Lewis, Med. Boroughs of Snow- 

donia, 282. 

Do. ... Harl. MS. 1954, f. 54- 

Bishop le Poore of Surtees, Durham, iii, 386; Sharp, 

Durham Hartlepool, 68, App. i. 

Prior and Convent do. Sharp, op. cit. 69. 

Peter de Brus ... Ib. 70. 

Henry III ... Chart. Roll, 39 Edw. Ill, no. 27. 

Do. ... lb. 21 Ric. II, no. 20. 

William (II) earl of Arch. Camb. iv, ser. x, Suppl. 

Pembroke xxxviii. 

Do. ... Eng. Hist. Rev. xv, 518. 

Do. ... Ib. 

GObert earl of Pem- Arch. Camb. u.s. p. xl. 

Edward 1 

Robert de Ros 

Richard earl of Corn- 

Do. (king of the Chart. RoU, 10 Edw. Ill, no. 6. 

Henry III ... Chart. RoD, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. 1, 

no. 128. 

Do. ... lb. no. 127. 

Do. ... Eng. Hist. Rev. xxxv, 558 sqq. 

Do. ... Ib. 

Edward son of Hist. MSS. Comm. 13 Rep. pt. iv, 

Henry 111 p. 284. 

William earl of Derby Eng. Hist. Rev. xvii, 290. 

Henry 111 ... lb. 

Edward 1 ... Chart. Roll, 28 Edw. I, no. 30. 

Ib. p. xxxvii. 
Dodsworth MS. 7, f. 160. 
Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 108. 

Hull ... 1299 




HYTHE ... 1261 

See also Cinque Ports. 

IPSWICH ... 1256 

Kendal ... 1247-72 

Kingston-on-HuU. See Hull. 
Kingston-on-Thames 1256 (a) 
1256 (b) 
Kinver (Kinfcire) c. 1260-1300 

Kirkby Johannis^... 1305 

(co. Cumberland) 
Kirkham (co.'Lanc.) 1296 


Edward I 


Henry III 


Edward I 

Peter de Brus III . 


Chart. Roll, 27 Edw. I, no. 27 and 
Madox.Firma Burgi, 272 (in part). 
Pat. Roll, 30 Edw. I, m. 15. 
Chart. Roll, 36 Hen. Ill, m. 18. 
lb. 45 Hen. Ill, no. 18. 

Hist. MSS. Comm. 9 Rep. pt. i 

App. 230. 
Photo, of original at Kendal. 

K nuts ford 







.c. 1292 
. 1227 

. 1278-82 
. 1274 

. After 1224 

. 1229 


c. 1254 





. 1240 



. 1229 (a) 

1229 (b) 

Henry III ... B.M. Lansdowne MS. 225, f. 8d. 

Do. ... lb. f. 9- 

Do. ... Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1343-5, P- 3- 

John son of John Shaw, Staffordshire, 11, 262. 

fitz Philip 

Edward I ... Chart. Roll, 33 Edw. I, no. 35. 

Walter abbot of Vale Chetham Soc. O.S. 92, p. 209. 

Wilham de Tabley Ormerod, Cheshire, i, 488. 
Henry III ... Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 144. 
Guy de Brionne ... Arch. Cambr. 4th ser. x, Suppl. xU. 
Earl Edmund of Peter, Laimceston, 9. 

Rich. abbot of Sleigh, Leek {1883), 16. 

Henry III ... Chart. RoU, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

m. 12. 
Simon lord of Lei- Bateson, Rec. of Leicester, i, 39. 

lb. 38 
lb. 46. 
lb. 49. 
lb. 51. 
lb. 53- 
lb. 56. 
of lb. 150. 

Do. earl do. 



Henry III 



Edmund earl 

Henry III 

Llanbadam. See Aberystwyth. 
Llanfyllin ... After 1286 


... Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 
no. 72. 

Do. ... lb. 39 Hen. Ill, m. 7. 

Do. ... Hist. MSS. Comm. 14 Rep. App. 

VIII, 5. 

Do. ... lb. 6. 

Edward I ... Chart, RoU, 29 Edw. I, no. 31. 

Richard earl of Com- Pat. Roll, 2 Edw. Ill, pt. 11, m. 14. 


Do. as king of the lb. 


Edmund earl of Com- lb. 


Henry III ... Muir and Piatt, Mun. Gov. in Liv. 


Do. ... lb. 296. 

Robert (Ferrers) earl lb. 156. 
of Derby 

Llewelyn ab Gruffydd Powysland Club Coll. in, 91; Eng. 

ab Gwenwynwyn Hist. Rev. xv, 318. 

1227(a) Henry III ... Mun. Gildh. (Lib. Cust.), 256. 

1227(6) Do. ... lb. 45. 

1227 (c) Do. ... lb. 258. 

^ Now Newton Arlosh. 



LONDON (com.)... 

1227 {d) 

Henry III 










Edward I 

(Weavers' Guild) 


Henry HI 


Edward I 

Looe, West 

' 1243 

Richard earl of 

( Porthbychan) 




Richard king of the 



Edward I 

Lydham (Salop) ... 


Henry III 

Lyme [Regis] 


Edward I 



Lynn [King's] 


Henry III 






Simon bishop of 


Henry III 


Edward I 





Edward son of 
Henry III 



Edward I 



Thomas Grelley . . . 



Henry III 





Melcombe [Regis] 


Edward I 



Henry III 





Hubert earl of Kent 


Henry III 




1239-66 (a) 

Roger de Merlay III 

1239-66 (6) 




1239-66 (c) 



John de Greystoke 



Gilbert de Clare ... 

Nether Weare 


Edward I 




Edward prince of 




' 1303 

Edward I 

Newborough (Kemmes). See Newport. 

Newborough (Staffs.) 

. See Agardsley. 



Henry III 





Edward I 


Mayor and community 

Mun. Gildh. (Lib. Cust.), 259. 

Foedera (R), i, 266. 

Mun. Gildh. 262. 

Pat. Roll, 50 Hen. Ill, m. 35. 

Mun. Gildh. 251. 

lb. 256. 

lb. 48. 

lb. 417. 

Pat. RoU, 18 Edw. II, pt. i, m. 22. 

Chart. Roll, 19 Edw. II, no. 24. 

Photo, of charter of 1364 in Records 

of Lydd. 
Chart. RoU, 54 Hen. Ill, m. 5; 

Eyton, Shropshire, xi, 280 (tr.). 
Gross, Gild Merchant, i, 14. 
Chart. Roll, 13 Edw. I, no. 136.. 
Chart. Roll, 17 Hen. Ill, m. 11. 
Feet of Fines, Norfolk, 369. 
Chart. Roll, 39 Hen. Ill, m. 6. 
lb. 52 Hen. Ill, m. 9. 


lb. 9 Edw. I, no. 100. 
lb. 33 Edw. I, no. 45; Gild Mer- 
chant, II, 151. 
Ormerod, Cheshire, in, 740; Ear- 

waker. East Ches. 11, 460 (facs.). 
Cal. Chart. Rolls, 11, 351. 
Tait, Mediaeval Manchester, 62; 

Harland, Mamecestre (facs.). 
Chart. RoU, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

m. II. 
Gross, Gild Merchant, ii, 173. 
Chart. Roll, 30 Hen. Ill, m. 10. 
lb. 8 Edw. I, no. 52. 
P.R.O. Anc. Deeds, C. no. 9843. 
Arch. Camb. 4th ser. x, Suppl. 

Chart. RoU, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

m. 2. 

Pat. RoU, 51 Hen. Ill, m. 7. 
Hodgson, Northumberland, pt. n, 

vol. II, p. 481. 
lb. 482. 

lb. 484. 
Clark, Cart. Glamorgan (1890), 11, 

Eng. Hist. Rev. xv, 308. 

Lewis, Med. Boroughs of Snow- 

donia, 283. 
Harl. MS. 1954, f. 54. 

Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 178 (with 

error in date). 
Chart. RoU, 35 Hen. Ill, m. i. 
lb. 9 Edw. I, no. 49. 
Ward, Stoke-upon-Trent, App. xli. 

1 See note to I 5. 





Henry III 

.. Foedera (R), i, 213; Brand, New- 


castle, II, 139. 



.. Brand, 11, 140. 



.. lb. 



.. lb. 141. 


Edward I 

.. lb. 143- 



.. lb. 146. 



.. lb. 146. 

Newport (Kemmes c 

. 1241 

Nicholas son 

of Fenton, Pembrokeshire (1903), 

CO. Pembroke) 

William fitz Martin 348 ; Baronia de Kemeys, 50. 



.. lb. 49. 

Newport (Salop) ... 


Edward I 

.. Harl. MS. 1985, f. 244b; Eyton, 
Shropshire, ix, 134. 

Newport (I. of W.) 


Isabella de Forz 

.. Worsley, Isle of Wight, App. no. 

{Novum burgum de 



Newton (Dorset). See Nova Villa. 

Newtown (I. of W.). 

See Frauncheville. 



Henry III 

.. Markham and Cox, Rec. of N. i, 37- 



.. lb. 364. 



.. lb. 41. 



.. lb. 44- 



.. lb. 365. 

1268 (a) 


.. lb. 49- 

1268 (b) 


.. lb. 51. 



.. lb. 53- 


Edward I 

.. lb. 54. 



.. lb. 364. 



.. lb. 58. 



Henry III 

.. Chart. Roll, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 
m. 10; Hudson and Tingey, Rec. 
of Norw. I, 15. 



.. lb. 



.. lb. 16. 


Edward I 

.. lb. 18. 



.. Chart. Roll, 33 Edw. I, no. 22; 
Blomefield, Norfolk, iii, 67. 



Henry III 

.. Stevenson, Rec. of Nottingham, 

I, 22. 
.. lb. 40. 

1255 (fl) 


1255 ii>) 


.. lb. 



.. lb. 46. 



.. lb. 52. 


Edward I 

.. lb. 56. 

Nova Villa 



.. Chart Roll, 14 Edw. I, no. 3. 

(Newton, Dorset) 



.. lb. no. 2. 



Hugh de Courtenay Bridges and Wright, Okehampton, 



Henry III 

.. Pat. Roll, 26 Edw. Ill, pt. I, m. 

1256 (b) 



.. lb. 

Ormskirk ...c 

. 1286 

Prior and canons 

of P.R.O., D. Lane. Misc. Bks. no. 6, 

of Burscough 

f. 15. 



John Fitz Alan 

.. Leighton, Rec. of Oswestry, i. 



Edward I 

.. Chart. Roll, 20 Edw. I, no. 55; 
cf. Madox, Firma Burgi, 39. 


1229 (a) 

Henry III 

.. Ogle, Royal Letters to Oxford, 6. 



.. lb. 7 (facs.). 

1257 («) 


.. lb. 8. 



.. lb. 10. 

1301 (a) 

Edward I 

.. lb. 16. 

(Cordwainers' Guild) 


Henry III 

.. Cal. Chart. Roll, 11, 34. 

(Weavers' Guild) 


Edward I 

.. Pat. Roll, 3 Edw. I, m. 13. 



Henry III 

.. Cal. Close Rolls, 1227-31, p. 586. 

^ The presentment of 1256 as to the royal prises at Newcastle printed under VI 4 is from 
Assize Roll, Northumberland, 40 Hen. Ill (Siirtees Soc.), p. 83. 



OXFORD {cont.) 

Penknight (Cornw.) 
Penryn (Comw.) ... 



1231 (b) 
1231 {c) 




1301 {by 

1305 (a) 
1305 (b) 
1305 (c) 

Henry III 








Edward I 








Henry HI 

See Lostwithiel. 






1278 (b) 
See also Westcheap. 
Poole ...c. 1248 





Redcliffe. See Bristol. 
Retford (Notts.) 



1229 (a) 

1229 [b) 





1254 (Fine) 



William Brewer bp 
of Exeter 

Walter Bronescombe 
bp of Exeter 

Baldwin earl of 

Isabel covmtess of 

Edward I 

Henry earl of Lin- 


William de Longes- 

Henry III 



Sal ford ...c. 1230 


Edward I 

Henry III 

Henry III 

Edward I 




John son of the duke 

of Brittany 
Henry III 

Ranulf earl of Chester 
Henry III 

Cal. Close Rolls, 1227-31, p. 586. 


Cal. Close Rolls, 1231-4, pp. 568, 

Registrum PrivUegiorum, 4. 
lb. 5; Oxford City Docs. 212. 
Cal. Close Rolls, 1247-51, P. 480. 
Foedera (R), i, 323; Stubbs, Select 

Ch. 366. 
Pat. Roll, 40 Hen. Ill, m. 16. 
Oxf. City Docs. 215; Reg. Priv. 6. 
lb. 7- 

Oxford City Docs. 213. 
Munimenta Academica, i, 46. 
Hare, Privilegia, 14. 
Pat. Roll, 14 Edw. I, m. 15. 
Prynne, Records, iii, 909. 
Twyne MSS. iv, 43. 

lb. 50. 
Cal. Pat. RoU, 34 Edw. Ill, 489- 

Parochial Hist, of Cornwall, 11, 90. 


Journ. Devon Assoc, xix, 561 j 

Chart. Roll, 13 Edw. I, no. 64. 

Chart. Roll, u.s. 

Fraser, Contested Elections, i, 

App. II. 

Sydenham, Poole, 154. 

Chart. Roll, 14 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

m. 4. 
Allen, Portsmouth, App. xiii. 
lb. XIV. 
lb. XV. 
Lingard, Charters of Preston, 

no. 6. 
lb. no. 8. 
Chart. RoU, 27 Edw. I, no. 25. 

Gross, GOd Merchant, 11, 202. 

Chart. RoU, 44 Hen. Ill, no. 45. 

lb. 4 Edw. I, no. 2. 

Arch. Camb. 5th ser. ix, 338. 

Rec. of Caernarvon, 179. 

Chart. RoU, 24 Edw. I, no. 24. 

Gale, Registrum Honoris de Rich- 
mond, App. 209. 

Chart. Roll, 12 Hen. Ill, m. 11. 

Hist. MSS. Comm. 9 Rep. App. 
286 (in part). 

Tait, Med. Manchester, 62 (facs.). 

Chart. RoU, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 
m. II. 

^ Should be 1305 (Salter, Munimenta, No. 12). 

* See also Southampton, 1252. 



Salisbury (New) ... 


Bp. Rich, le Poore 

Hoare, Wilts, vi, 728. 


Henry III 

.. lb. 730; Sarum Charters (R.S.), 

.. Chart. Roll, 54 Hen. Ill, m. 9. 




Edward I 

.. lb. 13 Edw. I, no. 13. 



.. Hoare, vi, 739; Chart. Roll, 34 
Edw. I, no. 27. 


Before 1246 

Reginald de Valletort Luders, Controverted Elections, 11, 

117; C.P.R. 1381-85, p. 57 



1253 (a) 

Henry III 

.. Chart. Roll, 37 Hen. Ill, m. 14. 

1253 (^) 


.. lb. 

1253 (c) 


.. lb. 5 Edw. II, no. 14. 

1256 (a) 


.. lb. 

1256 (6) 


.. lb. 




.. Chart. Roll, 37 Hen. Ill, m. 22. 



Thomas de Fumival Leader, Burgery of Sh. i. 



Richard (Poore) bp Pat. Roll, 5 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 11. 

of Salisbury 



Henry III 

.. Cal. Pat. RoUs, 1216-25, p. 169. 



.. lb. 238. 

1227 {a) 


... Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 
no. 135; Gross, Gild Merchant, 
II, 210 (in part). 



.. lb. II, 211. 



.. Eng. Hist. Rev. xxxv, 558-9. 



.. lb. 



.. Pat. RoU, 49 Hen, III, m. 6. 



.. Chart. Roll, 51 Hen. Ill, m. 3. 


Edward I 

.. Hist. MSS. Comm. 15 Rep. App. 




X) P- 3- 
... Chart. RoU, 29 Edw. I, no. 43. 

Sodbury. See Chipping Sodbury. 


1227 (a) 

Henry III 







1256 (a) 


1256 (6) 



Edward I 









Stockport ...c 


Robert de Stockport 



Henry III 


William de Braose 



William de Valence 

Thalacarn. See Laughame. 



Richard earl of 

Totnes (composition) 


See Introduction, pp 



Edward I 



Roger de Lancaster 

Uttoxeter ... 1252 

WaUingford ... 1267 

Warenmouth 1247 

Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 60. 
Gidden, Charters of Southampton, 

I, 4- 
Chart. Roll, 33 Hen. Ill, m. i. 
Gidden, op. cit. i, 6. 
lb. 8 (also Stubbs, Sel. Charters, 

lb. 14. 

Pat. Roll, 31 Edw. I, m. 43. 
Chart. Roll, 12 Hen. Ill, m. 7. 
lb. 45 Hen. Ill, no. 13. 
lb. 41 Hen. Ill, m. 4. 
Heginbotham, Stockport (facs.) ; 

Tait, Med. Manchester, 62. 
Clark, Cart. Glamorgan. 11, 230 

(1910); Chart. RoU, 6 Edw. II, 

no. 50. 
Francis, Swansea Charters, 5. 
Eng. Hist. Rev. xvi, 102. 

WiUis, Notitia Parliam. 11, 542. 

Ixxx, Ixxxv. 

Cal. Charter RoUs, 11, 304. 
West, Furness Abbey, App. iii. 
WiUiam earl of Derby (Mosley) Hist, of Ashbourne, 302 f. 

(tr.); Harl. MS. 2060, f. 16 (24). 
Henry III ... Cal. Chart. RoUs, 11, 68; Foedera 

(R), I, 471. 
Henry III ... Chart. RoU, 31 Hen. Ill, m. 7; 

Bateson, Bamburgh, 195. 





William le BotiUer 


Free tenants and 



Walter de Lindsay 



Edward I 

Weare. See Nether Weare. 



Edward I 


1241-C. 1286 

Gruffydd ab Gwen- 



Edmund earl of 

West Looe. See Looe 



Prior and convent of 



Henry III 




Winchelsea (New) 


Edward I 







Henry III 


Edward I 

Windsor, New 





Henry III 







Joan de Berkeley . . . 


Maurice de Berkeley 


Thomas (II) de Ber- 



Alan Basset 


Henry III 


Edward I 



Henry III 





Do. :.. 



1285 (a) 

Edward I 

1285 (6) 


1285 (c) 






Yarmouth (I. of W.) 


B aid win earl of Devon 



Robert de la More 




Henry III 

Original in Warrington Museum, 

Eng. Hist. Rev. xvii, 203. 
Chart. Roll, 28 Edw. I, m. 2. 

Chart. Roll, r8 Edw. I, no. 31. 
Powysland Club Coll. i, 302 ; Gross, 
Gild Merchant, 11, 389 (in part). 
Yorks. Arch. Soc. Journ. i, 170. 

Hutchins, Dorset, 11, 466. 

Placita de Quo Warranto, 372. 
Chart. Roll, 13 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

m. 12; Gross, Gild Merch. 11, 389. 
Cooper, Winchelsea, 30. 
lb. 32. 
Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 47. 
lb. i8 Edw. I, no. 34. 
Chart. Roll, 5 Edw. I, no. 14; 

Tighe and Davis, Windsor, i, 104. 
Chart. Roll, 11 Hen. Ill, pt. i, 

no. 146. 
Eng. Hist. Rev. xxxv, 560. 
Chart. Roll, 48 Hen. Ill, m. 3. 
Smyth, Lives of the Berkeleys, ed. 

Maclean, i, 118. 

Chart. Roll, 21 Hen. Ill, m. 5. 
lb.; Parker, Wycombe, App. 12. 
Ib.i5;Chart. Roll, I3Edw.I,no.59• 
Swinden, Great Yarmouth, 72. 
lb. 74. 
lb. 75- 

Cal. Chart. RoUs, 11, 185. 
Chart. RoU, 13 Edw. I, no. 37. 
lb. no. 36. 

Pat. Roll, 13 Edw. I, m. 11. 
Swinden, Yarmouth, 198. 
lb. 246. 

Worsley, I. of W. App. 41, 45. 
Proc. Som. Arch. Soc. xxxii, 4. 
Chart. Roll, 36 Hen. Ill, m. 19; 

Drake, Eboracum, 264. 
Chart. Roll, 5 Edw. II, no. 23. 

Pat. RoU, 46 Hen. Ill, m. 14. 
Chart. Roll, 51 Hen. Ill, m. 6. 



... 1273 

Alexander III 

... Anderson, Ch. of A. i 



... lb. 9. 


... 1223 

Alexander II 

... Ch. of Ayr, 6. 

1236 {a) 


... lb. 9. 



lb. 14. 


Alexander III 

... lb. 18. 


See critical note on 






Henry III 

Chart. Roll, 45 Hen. Ill, no. 34. 


Edward I 

lb. 30 Edw. I, no. 13. 



lb. 35 Edw. I, no. 20. 



Robert I 

Mun. Corp. Comm. Rep. (S), i, 155 



Alexander II 

Reg. Magni SigUli, 1424-1513, 
p. 508. 




Irving, Book of Dumbartonshire, 



lb. 59- 







Cramond, Ch. of Elgin, 8 (facs.). 





Marwick, Ch. of Glasg. i, pt. 2, p. 9. 







lb. II. 



lb. 12. 



lb. 14. 


Alexander III 

lb. 17. 




Alexander II 

Mun. Corp. Comm. Rep. (S), 1836, 
Local Rep. 11, 8 (App.). 






Alexander III 



Alexander II 

Wight, Enquiry into the Rise and 
Progress of Parliament, 412. 


Alexander III 

lb. 411. 




Reg. Magni Sigilli, i, 51. 



Alexander II 

Renwick, Records of L. 307. 


Alexander III 

lb. 308. 




Chart, of Lindores Abbey, 8. 




Alexander II 

Mun. Corp. Comm. Rep. (S), 11, 9. 




Renwick, Ch. of S. 6. 




lb. 9. 



William MarshaU II 
earl of Pembroke 

Chartae Hiberniae, 37. 



Marian abp of Cashel 

lb. 21. 

(co. Tipperary) 



Edward I 

lb. 38. 




Bp Daniel II 

Caulfield, Rot. Pip. Clonensis, 36. 

(co. Cork) 



Henry III 

Chartae Hiberniae, 24. 


Edward I 

lb. 36. 



Henry III 

lb. 20. 

(co. Louth) 



lb. 28. 


Edward I 

lb. 41- 



Henry III 

lb. 25. 

(co. Meath) 




Gilbert, Historic Docs. 76. 




lb. 89. 




lb. 91. 







lb. 126. 



Chart. Roll, 8 Edw. I, no. 38. 



Foedera (R), i, 661. 


. Before 1247 

John fitz Geoffrey 

Chartae Hiberniae, 17. 

(co. Kilkenny) 



William Marshal II 

lb. 34. 


. 1251 


Bp Daniel II of 

Rot. Pip. Clonensis, 17. 

(co. Cork) 


1251 (b) Gilbert dean of 

Cloyne "et senior 
pars capituli" 




(co. Waterford) 


(CO. Kildarc) 
New Ross 

(co. Wexford) 

(co. Tipperary) 

(? CO. KUdare) 

(co. Kilkenny) 

(co. Meath) 


1216-72 Henry III ... Eng. Hist. Rev. xv, 515. 

1292 Edward I ... Chart. Hiberniae, 36. 

1303 Do. ... lb. 40. 

. 1223 William Marshal II Cal. Justiciary RoUs, i, 369. 

.c. 1279 Roger (Bigod) earl of Chart. Hiberniae, 84. 


.. 1228-56 (a) Luke abp of Dublin Chartae Hiberniae, 24. 

1228-56(6) Do. ... lb. 33. 

,. 1215-57 Maurice fitz Gerald Vol. i. 

,. 1289-95 

. 1290 

.c. 1230 

Gilb. earl of Glou- lb. 39. 

Edward I ... lb. 36. 

Henry III 

Edward son 
Henry III 

... lb. 21. 
... lb. 22. 
of lb. 31. 

4. Critical Notes 

Notes are only given where the date to which an undated charter is 
assigned seems to require explanation or where the document raises 
some other point of importance. The frequent errors of date in local 
histories due to confusion of the old and new styles and to inaccurate 
conversion of regnal years have usually been corrected without comment. 

Aberavon. Mr Ballard took the date 1288-13 13 for Leysan ab 
Morgan's charter from Mr G. T. Clark's article on the lords of Avan 
or Aberavon in Arch. Camhr. 3rd ser. xiii, i ff. There were three 
of this name in different generations in the thirteenth century, the 
second of whom granted another charter (1249) ^^ ^^^ town which was 
formerly (with this) in the possession of Mr H. Hussey- Vivian, but does 
not seem to have been printed. The grantor's description of himself 
as son of Morgan Vachan appears to identify him with the son of the 
Morgan so called who died in 1288 {op. cit. 11). As the "dominium 
comitis Gloucestrie et Hertfordie" is mentioned in one clause, the 
inferior limit in that case is the death of the last earl which Clark 
curiously placed in 13 13. He was killed at Bannockburn in the following 

Abbots Bromley. Abbot Richard de Insula, the grantor, received 
the royal assent to his election in June 1222 [Mon. ill, 34) and the last 
clause of the charter (II a 6) fixes 30 Nov. 1222 as the date from which 
the burgesses were to take estovers in Bromley Wood. Henry de Audley 
witnesses as sheriff, an addition to the P.R.O. Hst. 

Barnard Castle. Hugh de BalHol died in 1228 or 1229 [Exc. e Rot. 
Fin. I, 83). 

Berkeley. Mr W. St Clair Baddeley informs me that the originals 
of the charters of Thomas and Maurice de Berkeley are not known to 


be in existence, but copies on vellum were at Berkeley Castle in the early 
years of the last century, and may still be there, though at present they 
cannot be found. Transcripts of them were made for the fifth earl of 
Berkeley {d. 1810). From these Mr Ballard's copies were presumably 
derived, directly or indirectly. Mr Baddeley has enabled me to detect 
some errors by the loan of his corrected copies. Thomas de Berkeley's 
charter is dated "about 20 H. 3 " by Smyth {Hundred of Berkeley, 84). 

Brecon. The Brecon charters as given in Rawlinson MS. 465 are 
imbedded in a series of inspeximus, the earliest of which is that of 
Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford, Essex and Northampton 
(1361-73). He inspects (i) a charter of his proavus dated 1270; (2) one 
of his abavus undated; (3) one of his avus also undated. All bore his 
own Christian name. The proavus of (i) is "the good earl" (1220-75), 
the word being used in its occasional classical application to an abavus, 
or more remote ancestor. The grantor of (2) is shown by the order and 
the witnesses, who include Ralph de Toeney (1277-94), Richard Talbot 
( 1 274-1 306) and Roger Mortimer (1247-82), to be his grandson and 
successor (1275-98). Abavus is therefore used here in the unusual sense 
of greatgrandfather. The date of the charter is 1277-82. It has hitherto 
been attributed to the grantor of (i) (Jones, Hist, of Brecknock, I, 69) 
and an error in the date of the latter has been supposed, without other 
ground. Lewis dates it 1276 (Topogr. Diet, of Wales, i, 100). 

The avus of (3) was the fourth Bohun earl (1298-1322). 

Bridgetown Pomeroy. The charter preserved among the duke of 
Somerset's deeds at Maiden Bradley near Bath (tr. in Hist. MSS. Comm. 
Rep. XV, pt. VII, pp. 134-5) ^s the lord's counterpart of a chirograph 
agreement with the burgesses of a new quarter {nova villa) of the town. 
It begins : 

Anno domini mOccolxo octauo. In festo sancti Michaelis facta fuit hec 
conuencio inter dominum Henricum de la Pomeraye filium Henrici de la 
Pomeraye et Margarete de Vernun ex una parte et burgenses sues de Brigg' 
ex altera in hec verba: 

This counterpart is stated in the sealing clause to have had the seals of 
Sir Roger de Praule kt., Benedict le Bon and Richard vicar of Berry 
(Pomeroy) affixed by common consent and assent of the burgesses. These 
have been lost. The burgesses' part of the chirograph with the lord's 
seal seems to have shared the fate of the charter founding the borough 
granted by Henry de la Pomeray, father of the grantor. 

Cambridge. The day of the month, 30 April, to which the two 
charters of 1227 are assigned in the C.C.R. i, 33, requires correction. 
Owing apparently to the loss of a preceding membrane, unsuspected 
when the calendar was made, the de eadem dat. of the two enrolments 


was held to refer to the charter actually preceding them on the roll. The 
originals at Cambridge show that the real date was 21 April. A sixteenth 
century copy of the first of these, confirming king John's charter of 1201 , 
which is entered in the White Book of the city of Lincoln (f. 150) has 
by an obvious slip the date "xxj die Novemhris anno regni regis xj^^o," 

Camelford. The confirmation charter of Henry HI was granted on 
12 June 1260 {C.Ch.R. 11, 26). The editor in the Reports of the Royal 
Institution of Cornwall dates earl Richard's charter 1259, but as he also 
misdates the year of the confirmation as 1259, he probably only means 
that the earl's charter being "lately made" when confirmed was granted 
in the same year, which is perhaps not a certain inference. 

Carlow. The witnesses to this and the identical charter to Moone, 
are largely the same as those of the second William Marshal's charter 
to Kilkenny granted there 5 April 1223 and they are clearly of about the 
same date (Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, iii, 49). The date given by 
Miss Bateson for the Moone charter and implied for that of Carlow is 
too early by a dozen years {B.C. I, xxi, xl). 

Carmarthen. The date of the lord Edward's charter to the borough 
lies between his investiture with his Welsh fiefs in 1254 and his father's 
confirmation of the charter on 4 February 1257. As Peter of Savoy, the 
first witness, was abroad from 1253 to 1256 at least, the actual date must 
be near the lower limit, unless the grant was made when Edward and 
Peter were both in Gascony in 1254-5. ^^ ^^ possibly significant that 
two other witnesses John fitz Geoffrey and William de Pemis attested 
Edward's charter to Bergerac executed in that town on 16 January 1255 
{C.Ch.R. I, 448). 

Castle Rising. The long list of liberties printed in English from an 
Elizabethan inquisition in Blomefield and Parkin's History of Norfolk 
(ed. 1808, IX, 49) and there described as a royal charter granted to 
Hugh de Albini, earl of Arundel and Sussex, between 1233 and 1242 
were probably not the subject of a single charter given by Henry HI. 
A more correct 1 5th century version with some divergencies is contained 
in a parchment roll belonging to Mr H. L. Bradfer-Lawrence of King's 
Lynn at the end of a translation of an inquisition, taken between 1275 
and 1290, into the Norfolk franchises of Roger de Mold {de Monte alto) 
who held Castle Rising as the grandson of one of Hugh de Albini's 
sisters and heirs. Its heading (omitted by Parkin) is: "Theis be the 
privileg and ffrancyces graunted to Hughe Albinaco Erie of Arundell 
lord of Rysing be the king {sic) charters the which privileges and ffran- 
cises the burgesses of Rysing clayme to hould and haue of the said Earle 
of Arundell." The grant of fair and markets is omitted as among the 
lord's franchises already stated and the two final clauses in Parkin's 


copy do not appear. A Latin copy is said to survive among the deeds of 
Colonel Howard at King's Lynn. It is possible that the claim of the 
burgesses was not in the inquisition of 1275-90. 

Chard. Mr Emanuel Green who translated the charters of bishops 
Jocelin and William II in Proc. Somerset Archaeological and Natural 
History Society, xxviii (1883), 48-5 1 , misdates the former 1234 and the 
latter 1253 (a confusion between William I and WilHam II). The exact 
year of bishop William's grant is uncertain because the date of his 
consecration in 1267 is unknown. If it was before June 13th the year (the 
fifth of his consecration) is 1271, if after, 1272. 

Chester. In his charter of 1233-7 earl John le Scot refers to a 
"great charter" of his uncle earl Ranulf, granted when he was earl of 
Chester and Lincoln (1217-32), which confirmed the hberties and free 
customs enjoyed by the citizens in the time of his ancestors and to which 
for greater security he had affixed his own seal in addition to that of 
Ranulf. Three charters of Ranulf are preserved at Chester and printed 
in vol. I. The two dated by Mr Ballard 1190-1212 {a) and {b) (the date 
might be narrowed to 1200-8) are too early for either of them to be 
the charter in question, though curiously enough 1 190-12 12 («) has 
John le Scot's seal as well as the grantor's (Morris, Chester in Plantagenet 
and Tudor Reigns, 482, 486) while 1190-1212 {b) is the only one of the 
three the contents and length of which answer to earl John's description. 
The third charter, which Mr Ballard ascribes to 1208-26, Hugh abbot 
of Chester being the first witness, so far as its attestations go, could be 
a charter of Ranulf as earl of Chester and Lincoln and is described as 
such in Henry Ill's inspeximus of 1239 {C.Ch.R. i, 247). The grantor, 
however, describes himself merely as earl of Chester, and its contents 
do not correspond to the indications given by earl John^. It has no 
surviving seal. It could only just have compHed with the condition as to 
date, for Thomas le Despenser, one of its witnesses, died in 121 8, and 
it would be disconcerting for dating reasons to find Ranulf not always 
using his new title. 

On the whole, then, the facts seem to point to a lost charter, but the 
silence of the inspeximus of Henry III and Edward I as to any fourth 
charter is surely fatal to this supposition. If that be so, the statement in 
the charter of John le Scot is extraordinarily inaccurate. 

Crail. The lost charter of Robert I, from which a clause is given 
in EngHsh, was dated 1306 by the Municipal Corporation Commis- 
sioners, and though the first troubled months of Robert's reign seem 

^ They would, if Mr Ballard were correct in assigning to it the clause he 
prints in vol. I, p. 9, but this really belongs to the charter which he dates 1190- 
1212 (b). 

B.n d 


hardly a favourable time for charter giving, there are no means of 
checking their statement. 

Chipping Campden. The grant of a market and fair for Campden 
to Roger de Somery in 1247 seems to fix the date of his charter, which 
was confirmed by Henry HI, between 30 July 1247 and 16 April 1249, 
the date of the confirmation. 

Chipping Sodbury. The rough date given to the charter of William 
le Gras (Crassus), son of William le Gras junior, confirming the grant 
of his uncle William le Gras " primogenitus," is arrived at as follows: 
William le Gras junior witnessed an agreement in Ireland in Feb. 1241 
(Hore, Wexford, in, 61) but his son had succeeded by 1247 (Orpen, 
Ireland under the Normans, in, 94). The lower limit is purely conjectural. 

The date of the grant by Jordan Bishop, lord of Little Sodbury, is 
before 9 Edward I, when his grandson John was in possession of that 
manor (Rudder, Gloucestershire, 673). 

Cinque Ports (The). The view of Dr Round stated in his article 
on "The Cinque Port Charters" {Feudal England, 5631?.) that this 
maritime confederation came into existence later than the reign of John, 
who gave separate (though simultaneous) charters to the towns in 1205, 
has been refuted for that reign by M. Petit-DutailUs {Studies Sup- 
plementary to Stubbs, 87) and the confederation has been shown by 
Mr Ballard to have been already in existence for some purposes in the 
early years of Henry IPs reign (vol. i, p. 184). 

Dr Round was also mistaken in describing the great charter of 1278 
as the first granted to the confederation as a whole, a distinction which 
belongs to the charter of 1260. A curious survival of the older method 
is seen in the grant of letters patent in 1298 both to the confederation 
and to the individual towns, in identical terms, mutatis mutandis, except 
that the clause allowing exemption from the royal right of marriage, 
when due from those holding tenements without the liberty, was 
omitted from the Sandwich charter. Faversham in 1302 received a 
separate regrant of the general confirmation charter of 1290. 

Clitheroe. Harland places Henry de Lacy's first charter between 

1273 {f^ctius 1272) and 1283-4 adding that 1283 when the earl and most 
of the witnesses were in Lancashire was a likely date. His reasons for 
making 1284 the inferior limit are not clear, and I have thought it safer 
to substitute 1291 when Robert Banaster, one of the witnesses died. 
Another, John de Heriiz, was dead by 1292 {V.C.H. Lanes. VI, 559 «.). 

Congleton. The date of Lacy's charter falls between the year 1272, 
when he was invested with the earldom of Lincoln, and 1274 ^^ shortly 
after. Robert de Stockport, one of the witnesses, last appears in July, 

1274 {Chester Chartulary (Chet. Soc), 432). 


Coventry. The grant of a merchant guild to the Prior's Half was 
so violently resisted by the men of the Earl's Half that it never took 
effect (Dormer Harris, Life in an Old English Town, 61-2). 

Drogheda. In the fourth volume of his Ireland under the Normans 
(pp. 3 1 1-2), Mr Orpen points out that in my review of his first two 
volumes in the Eiiglish Historical Review, I was mistaken, following 
Miss Bateson {E.H.R. xv, 311), in asserting that the name Drogheda 
Bridge {Pons de Drocheda) was confined to the part of the town lying 
north of the Boyne in Uriel (co. Louth) and in referring king John's 
charter of 12 13 to the northern town only. As Drogheda in Meath was 
then in the hands of the crown, he regards the grant as a royal confirma- 
tion of the charter which Walter de Lacy had given to the southern 
town in 1194. Mr Ballard, Hke myself, had accepted Miss Bateson's 
view on this head (vol. i, p. xxxiii). 

Ellesmere. The charter of Joan of Wales was apparently among the 
Bridgewater charters when Owen and Blakeway wrote their History of 
Shrewsbury (i, 89), though it is not especially mentioned in Macray's 
report on them for the Hist. MSS. Comm. {nth Rep. App. vii (1888)), 
and presumably was included in the recent sale of the charters to an 
American bookseller. There is some reason to believe that it may now 
be in the possession of Mr Huntington, the well-known banker. 

Exeter. Richard, king of the Romans, granted two charters, which 
are practically identical, to Exeter in the third year of his reign, the 
first at Mere in Wiltshire dated 25 May 1259, third year^, and the 
second at London on 7 November, third year. His reign had begun on 
13 January 1257. Henry Ill's confirmation of the latter is however 
dated 6 November 1259 {C.Ch.R. 11, 25 ; C.P.R. 1377-81, p. 292). There 
seems, therefore, to be an error in the day of the month in one or other. 
They were executed so close together that a mistake might easily occur 2. 

Faversham. The inspeximus of 13 16 is given as the source and 
suppHes the words "de Dovere" omitted by Mr Ballard, who, however, 
seems to have followed some other copy, unknown to me, which had a 
slight verbal variation at the end. The letters patent are not entered on 
the roll of 46 Henry III. 

Hartlepool. Gross, perhaps misled by Petyt, whom he quotes, 
dates Henry Ill's inspeximus of bishop Poore's charter in his nineteenth 
year {Gild Merchant, 11, 106), but Edward Ill's inspeximus proves that 
its date was 2 July 18 Henry III, i.e. 1234. On the same day he regranted 
John's charter of 1201. 

Helmsley. Theeditor of the Rievaidx Chartulary (p. lyzn.) attributes 

^ The Mere charter refers to the time " before Walter Galun, our bailiff, took the 
city into our hands." ^ The originals at Exeter are dated as above. 


this charter to the second Robert de Ros {c. 1 186-1227), and with this 
date most of the witnesses seem to be consistent. Waher, prior of 
Kirkham, who heads the list is not otherwise recorded, unless Dug- 
dale's William, 1190, is an error for Walter. If this be not so, the date 
would seem to be towards the close of Robert's life. 

Helston. For the date of the first charter see Gross, Gild Merchant, 
II, 108. The second is dated 6 January, third year (of the reign of 
Richard, king of the Romans), i.e. 6 January 1260. 

Kells (Kilkenny). The grantor, John fitz Geoffrey was younger 
brother and heir of William fitz Geoffrey who succeeded his father 
in 1210, but the date of whose death is not known. John was dead by 
1247 (Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, ill, 94). 

Kendal. The date of the charter, which is in the custody of the 
corporation, lies between 20 February 1247, when Kirkeby was assigned 
to Brus (Exc. e Rot. Fin. 11, 7), and 28 September 1272, when a writ of 
diem clausit extremum issued for the lands of Brus {ib. 582). 

Kinver. The grantor, John son of John fitz Philip, was living in 
1293 {Salt. Soc. VI, i, 257), and his father had succeeded to the fief 
between 1215 and 1228 {ib. 11, 166; iv, i, 59). A date in the second half 
of the century is therefore probable, and this is supported by the fact 
that three of the witnesses, Richard de Eversfield, Henry de Prestwood 
and William de Whittington, were jurors for the hundred of Seisdon 
in 1272 {ib. p. 208). The above note is Mr Ballard's. 

Kirkham. The miserably poor copy of the charter of 1296 from 
which Fishwick made his transcript was then in the custody of the 
bailiff, but is apparently not in the possession of the urban district 
council, which dates from 1894. A seventeenth century transcript 
kindly lent me by Dr Farrer has made possible the correction of some 
errors and the filling of some gaps, but is not itself entirely trustworthy, 
as it translates what was clearly liberum burgum by "free market." 

Laugharne. The date of the charter of Guy de Brionne (Brian) 
junior is almost certainly 1278-82. The first witness might indeed be 
the Patrick de Chaworth who died in 1257 and not his second son whose 
dates have just been given. But the grantor refers to Guy de Brionne 
senior and this must be the Guy, son of William, whose homage was 
taken by Henry HI in October 1244 {C.C.R. 1242-7, p. 230). Guy 
the elder was, no doubt, the husband of Eve, daughter of Henry de 
Tracy (1215-74), t»y whom he had a daughter Maud who carried the 
Tracy fief to her husband Geoffrey de Camville, another witness of the 
Laugharne charter. The grantor may be safely identified with the Guy 
who died in 1307, leaving a son and heir, aged upwards of twenty-four 
{Calendarium Genealogicum, 11, 734). 


Leek. As stated in the critical note to earl Ranulf's charter in 
vol. I, the superior Umit of date for that of abbot Richard (of Dieulacres) 
is fixed to 1224 by the attestation of the earl's gift of Leek to the abbey 
by Alexander, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield (1224-38). Only the 
clauses in which the abbot's charter differs from the earl's have been 

Leicester. The limits of date of Simon de Montfort's undated release 
by agricultural payments, etc., in which he is not described as earl, are 
123 1 when he received seisin of his lands and 1239 when he was formally 
invested with the earldom. Miss Bateson accidentally placed this 
charter after his charter of 1239 as earl. 

Lichfield. Lichfield is incidentally mentioned in a legal decision 
of 1225 as a borough having the law of Breteuil {E.H.R. XV, 315). 
Mr Ballard was, of course, guilty of an anachronism in accepting the 
decision that the law excluded the assize of mort d'ancestor (ib. xxx, 654). 
As a matter of fact, the judgement laid more stress upon "the custom 
of the borough" than upon the law of Breteuil. 

Lincoln. The reference in i/w^. MSS. Comm. 14 Rep. App. viii, 5 
to the White Book of the city (f. 150) for a grant of exemption from 
tolls dated 21 November 1226 is an error. The grant is part of a charter 
to Cambridge copied there. See above s. Cambridge. 

Llanfyllin. The charter of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn 
is in identical terms with that of Welshpool, on which see note below. 

London. Birch, in his Historical Charters of London, following 
Luffman's Charters of London (1793), 64-7, duplicates the grant of the 
new clauses (permission to present the mayor to the constable of the 
Tower in the absence of the king and the barons of the exchequer, etc.) 
in the inspeximus of 17 April 1299 under the earlier date of 26 May 1298. 
But the dating clause obviously does not belong to any such charter, 
but to a writ announcing the restoration of the liberties and mayoralty 
to the citizens which took place on 10 April in that year {Foedera (R), 
I, 892). Easter falling on 19 April in 1299, the inspeximus would, in the 
old style, be dated 1298 and so got confused with a document eleven 
months older. 

Looe, West. The statement that Richard of Cornwall's charter to 
Odo de Treverbyn was witnessed by his brother the king at Porchester 
on 22 September points to the end of September 1243 as the date, for 
Henry does not seem to have been at Porchester in the autumn in any 
other year. It is true he only landed at Portsmouth on the 27th (Pauli, 
Gesch. Englands, in, 653), but there may have been a confusion between 
septimo and seciindo. In any case, 1256, before Richard became king of 
the Romans, is the latest possible date. 


Hugh de Treverbyn granted a charter without date to his burgesses 
of Porthbyhan which may belong to the latter part of the thirteenth 
century or beginning of the fourteenth. A translation with lacunae is 
printed in Bond's History of Looe, 51 . It quitclaims a payment probably 
from the brewers of the town and grants "all the libertyes and antient 
customs which other the free burgesses in Cornwall have, viz. Helstone 
and Lanceston." 

Montgomery. The date of Hubert de Burgh's charter lies between 
28 November 1228, when he received a grant of the town with the 
castle, vale and honour, and 6 October 1229 when Henry HI inspected 
and confirmed his charter {C.Ch.R. I, 81, loi). 

Morpeth. Hodgson, in his History of Northumberlafid (11, ii, 481 ff.), 
prints four charters of Roger de Merlay HI, who held the barony from 
1239 to 1266, which he does not venture to date more closely except 
that he places the first in order at the beginning of Roger's time. The 
date of the third, however, can be narrowed to 1246-62 by the signatures 
of Adam abbot of Newminster and Roger Bertram of Bothal. 

Nether Weare. In Edward I's charter to Anselm de Gurney for 
his borough at Nether Weare, given in an inspeximus of Henry V, the 
grantee is described as "militi nobiscum in obsequio nostro in partibus 
Scotie commoranti." As this seems difficult to reconcile with the date 
of the charter as given in the inspeximus, 7 Edward I, 1278-9, Miss 
Bateson suggested a possible mistake for 30 Edward I, but, whatever 
may be the explanation of the difficulty in question, it cannot be so 
resolved, for Anselm died in 14 Edward I, 1285-6 (CalJnq.P.M. 
II, 357). It is curious that John ab Adam his son's son-in-law obtained 
a license for a market and fair "at his manor of Netherwere" in 1298 
{C.Ch.R. II, 471). 

Newcastle-under-Lyme. In his critical notes in the first volume 
Mr Ballard called attention to the erroneous assignment of the charter 
of 19 Hen. HI (1235) to 19 Hen. II (1173) which has introduced con- 
fusion into the early municipal history of Preston. The error was due 
to the false assumption that the grant of the liberties of Newcastle to 
Preston in 1179 (vol. i, p. 27) must refer to this charter. Error seems 
to have dogged this charter for an official copy of 1635 printed by Farrer 
{Lanes. Pipe Rolls, 414) contains an insertion in the toll clause and an 
impossible set of liberties intruded in the volumus clause. Neither of 
these additions is found in the copy on the Charter Roll {Cal. l, 213), 
in that on a Plea Roll of 1280 printed by Gross {G.M. 11, 178) or in an 
exemplification of 1344 which was at Preston until a few years ago when 
it was returned to Newcastle. The unkind suggestion of Dobson and 
Harland that Richard Kuerden the Preston antiquary "tagged onto 


the charter clause 3 of the (Preston) Custumal" is refuted alike by the 
fact that Kuerden was only 12 years old in 1635 and lived near Preston, 
while the inflation must have been made at Newcastle, and by the dis- 
similarity of clause 3 to the insertions. Even Mr Ballard seemed in- 
fected by this atmosphere of confusion and described Dr Farrer's 
transcript as taken from a copy in the Preston archives of which the 
original is lost, whereas it was printed from the original official copy of 
1635 preserved among the Harley MSS. in the British Museum. 

Newport (Kemmes). The dates assigned by Mr Ballard to the two 
charters of Nicholas son of William fitz Martin were arrived at by com- 
parison of their witnesses with those of other charters of Nicholas in the 
Baronia de Kemeys. They are approximately correct. The Munic. Corp. 
Report, 1835 attributed the first charter to an impossibly early date, 
1 192, and was copied by Lewis {Topogr. Description of Wales, 11, 261). 
Miss Bateson seems mistaken in ascribing the date 6 Edward I (1277-8) 
for the second to Lewis {E.H.R. xv, 521), but it may well be correct. 

New Ross. Mr Hore dates Roger Bigod's charter 1274, but does not 
give his authority {Old and New Ross, 114). It seems more likely to 
have been granted when he was in Ireland in 1279-80 {ib. 142; Orpen, 
Ireland under the Normans, iv, 20). 

Nova Villa. On 7 January 1286, Edward I appointed two commis- 
sioners to lay out, with sufficient streets and lanes, and adequate sites 
for a market and church and plots for merchants and others, a new town 
with a harbour in a place called Gotowre super Mare, in the parish of 
Studland and on the king's land {C.P.R. 1281-92, p. 217). In accordance 
with a promise then made, a charter was granted to the new burgesses 
on 10 May following which bestowed upon them all the liberties of 
London as set forth in the charter which Melcombe (Regis) had received 
six years before {C.Ch.R. 11, 337). A license for two weekly markets and 
a yearly fair accompanied this grant. 

Nothing more seems to be known of the new town, and when Tres- 
well's map of the Isle of Purbeck was drawn c. 1585-6, it was already 
represented, as it is still, by a single farm called Newton, a mile east of 
Ower (Passage) on the south shore of Poole Harbour (Hutchins, Hist, 
of Dorset, 1861, i, 462, cf. 652). The Gothorne of the map (now Goat- 
horne), a mile east of Newton, may be the Gotowre of 1286. 

Pembroke. Henry Ill's confirmation of his grandfather's charter in 
1256 gives only the first clause of a long and remarkable document 
preserved in an exemplification of 1368 by Adam bishop of St Davids 
{C.P.R. 1377-81, p. 106), the text of which was followed by Mr Ballard 
in vol. I. The "Dei gratia" in the address is inconsistent with a date 
earher than 1173. Unfortunately, the witnesses are not recorded. 


Rathmore. The charter of Maurice fitz Gerald, baron of OflFaly, is 
printed in vol. i, where it is assigned, following Miss Bateson, to 1195- 
1257, but Maurice did not obtain seisin of his heritage until 1215, and 
the probabilities are against the charter having been granted in his 
first year of possession. 

" Ravenserod." Ravenserod(d) or (later) New Ravenser, in Easing- 
ton, Holderness, like its near neighbour to the south, (Old) Ravenser, 
in Kilnsea, has long been a lost port. Frost, the historian of Hull, 
misled by a pipe roll spelling assigned the charter of 1299 to the latter, 
but admitted inconsistently that the inspeximus of 13 12 {C.Ch.k. ill, 187) 
was obtained by Ravenserod {Notices relative to the history of Hull, 54). 
It was a borough as early as 1240 and came into the possession of 
Edward I as part of the honour of Albemarle. 

Richmond. Gale attributes a confirmation of the charter of 1268 
to Edward I in the third year of his reign, 1275 {Reg. Honoris de Rich- 
mond, App. 209). He has confused that king with his grandson, the 
real date of the inspeximus being 30 June 1329 {C.P.R. 1327-30, p. 402). 

Rochester. In the appendix to the eighth report of the Hist. MSS. 
Comm. p. 286, the charter of 1266 is said not to be a confirmation of 
that of 1227, on the ground that the latter fixes the fee farm at £2^ while 
the charter confirmed had ^^20. But a mistake at the former date is 
more likely than a lost charter otherwise identical with the two that 
are known. 

Rosbercon. The date of Gilbert of Gloucester's charter lies between 
September 1289 when one of its witnesses Michael de Exeter became 
bishop of Ossory (Cotton, Fasti Eccl. Hib. 11, 272) and December 1295, 
w'hen Gilbert died. 

Saltash. Mr Ballard dated this charter 1246, but as Reginald de 
Vautort or Valletort II died 1245-6 (Dugd. Baronage, i, 522) and there 
seems nothing in the document to fix its date to the last year of his life, 
I have substituted "before 1246." 

"Skynburgh." The charter granted to the abbot and convent of 
Holme Cultram on 12 February 1301, making their vill of Skynburgh 
a free borough, etc., cancelled one of the previous year, identical in its 
terms except that it contained no stipulation for the free access of mer- 
chants and the vill was described as Wavermouth {C.Ch.R. 11, 488). 
Mr W. G. Collingwood suggests that this was only an alternative name 
for Skynburgh or Skinburness, the port of which had been made active 
by Edward Fs Scottish wars. In that case, it was a loose description if, 
as some have thought, the port was on the Solway Firth not on the 
Waver estuary (Ferguson, Hist, of Cumberland, 72), and even if this 
was not so, it may have been thought insufficiently precise. 


The name Skynburgh is not recorded earlier than 1301, but Mr Col- 
lingwood thinks it may be old and refers to the Roman fort which has 
been strongly suspected to have formerly stood in that vicinity {ih.). 
In bishop Halton's license of August 1301 for the erection of a church 
or chapel, it is called "villam sive burgum vestrum juxta portum de 
Skinburnese" {Halton Reg. (Canterbury and York Society), i, 161). In 
the parHament of February 1304 the abbot presented a petition, reciting 
that his vill of Skinburnese with the road leading to it had been washed 
away by the sea and asking for the removal of the market and fair, 
for which he had paid 100 marks, to Kirkby Johan (now Newton 
Arlosh) on the eastern side of the Waver estuary {Rot. Pari, i, 161 6). 
In response to this curiously limited request, he received a new grant of 
free borough, etc., in the same terms as for Skynburgh "including the 
market and fair" {C.Ch.R. in, 55). 

Tenby. The charter of William de Valence is printed by Miss Bate- 
son from a royal inspeximus in 1375 of successive inspeximus by William's 
son Aymer on 24 April 1323 and Lawrence de Hastings 27 February 
1342 (C.P.R. 1374-7, p. 114). It is undated. Mr Ballard's limits of 
date for this charter are 1265-94. The attestation clause points to a date 
in the early part of Edward I's reign. The first witness, Roger de 
Waldeshef, master of the Hospitallers' commandery of Slebech, occurs 
in that capacity 1276-82 and was succeeded before 1294 by William de 
Tothale {C.P.R. 1272-81, p. 139; 1281-92, p. 14; 1292-1301, p. 116). 
Sir Stephen de Edworth, steward of Pembroke, attested before 1282 
along with Llewelyn Goch, constable of Kemeys, who appears in a 
charter dated 1281 {C.Ch.R. 11, 373; Baronia de Kemeys (Arch. Cam- 
brensis), 55). If Edmund Gacelyn, another witness of the Tenby charter, 
is he who held land in Wiltshire of the grantor, the date is probably 
after July 1282 when he succeeded his father Geoffrey {Cal.Inq.P.M. 
II, 243, 382). 

Tintagel. Bossiney formed one manor and one borough with its 
neighbour Tintagel and gave its name to the parliamentary borough 
created in 1551-2 (Maclean, Trigg Minor, in, 191, 205, 211). 

Uttoxeter. Neither the original charter nor a full transcript seems 
to have survived, but several clauses are given in an abbreviated form 
in Harl. MS. 2060, f. 16 (old 24). There are printed translations in 
(Mosley's) History of Ashbourne, pp. 302 ff., and Redfern's History of 
Uttoxeter, 2nd ed., pp. 98-100 (a seventeenth century version by Peter 
Lightfoot). These writers date the charter in 125 1, but it was granted 
on 15 August 36 Hen. Ill, i.e. 1252. 

Warenmouth. Warenmouth, the port of Bamburgh, was created 
a borough shortly before the royal charter of 1247 by William de Herun 


constable of Bamburgh Castle. The only surviving trace of it is the farm 
of Newton in Budle {Hist, of Northumberland, i, 177 «., 194). By a 
confusion of the name with Wearmouth, Summers printed the charter 
in English in his History of Sunderland (p. 231) as a grant to "the new 
borough of Wearmouth " or Sunderland, and thus led Gross into one 
of his few mistakes {Gild Merchafit, i, 15; 11, 388). The confusion was 
as old as the seventeenth century (cf. Summers, loc. cit.). 

Welshpool. Edward I, fearing the competition of the market and 
fairs of Welshpool with those of Montgomery, insisted in 1279 on their 
removal to Trefnant, but three years later was induced to rescind his 
decision {C.Ch.R. 11, 211, 263). There is no mention of a borough in 
these documents. May we conclude that it was founded after 1282? 
The charter of the founder's son to Llanfyllin is wholly, and that of 
Edmund earl of Arundel to Ruyton in Shropshire {E.H.R. xv, 317) 
nearly, identical with that of Welshpool. 

Westche[a]p. Mr Richard Holmes dated earl Edmund's charter 
"about Easter 1258" {Pontefract (1878), 129) on the ground that "the 
seal is evidently the same as that used for a grant to Roche Abbey 
dated Easter 1258 {Mon. Angl. v, 503), and three out of the six witnesses 
also occur in the Roche charter." This is not very convincing and I have 
preferred the wider limits 1255-8 {Yorks. Arch. Soc. jfourn. i, 170). 
The name Westcheap has long been obsolete, but Mr Holmes suggests 
that this charter practically incorporated the west end of the town with 
the east. 

The grantor received a grant of a Wednesday market and three 
days' fair at Holy Trinity for Tanshelf in August 1257 {C.Ch.R. i, 472). 

Worcester. For the possibility of a lost charter or charters between 
1256 and 1264, see E.H.R. xxxv (1920), 560. 

Wotton-under-Edge. I have not come across the Latin form of the 
short charter given in English by Smyth in his Lives of the Berkeleys 
(i, 118). He uses the phrase that Joan de Berkeley, the grantor, "agreed 
with the inhabitants by the name of her free burgesses of W. that...." 

Yeovil. The document, which is (or was) at Montacute House, is 
an agreement on points in dispute between the rector as lord of the 
town and the burgesses, sealed with his seal and those of twelve bur- 
gesses. Only an English abstract has been published. 


The borough charters of the thirteenth century are to so large an 
extent confirmations of older privileges, or extensions of such privileges 
to new recipients, that so detailed a commentary as that with which 
Mr Ballard prefaced those of the twelfth century does not seem to be 


called for. The less so because Maitland has left us a vivid picture of the 
salient aspects of municipal life and growth in the later period^. It 
will be enough to note the more important novelties it presents and to 
furnish any supplement to Maitland's chapter which a wider survey of 
the charter material may suggest. A glance through the asterisked 
titles in the table of contents will give a rough general idea of the progress 
of the towns in this age, so far as it made itself visible in this class of 

What we have to say may be conveniently arranged under three 
heads: (i) the meaning (or meanings) attached to the term borough in 
the period covered; (2) the royal boroughs; (3) the seignorial boroughs. 

(i) What was a borough ? If we hope to find a definition which will 
apply to the whole number of towns represented in this volume, 188 
in England and Wales alone, ranging from the cathedral city and county 
town down to the petty community whose charter from some obscure 
lord fixed rents and amercements and a very restricted use of his pasture, 
perhaps only for " one sowe with her farrowe of pigs and one cowe with 
her calfe," it must needs be somewhat attenuated. Writing of the towns ^ 
of the twelfth century, Mr Ballard came to the conclusion that "two 
features and two features only can be predicated of every borough, the 
application of burgage tenure to all tenements within its borders, and /' 
the possession of a law court with jurisdiction over all the inhabitants 
of these tenements"^. It may be doubted whether either or both of these 
tests will give us a perfectly clear-cut distinction between a vill which 
was also a borough, and a vill which remained a mere rural township. 

Every borough had, indeed, a court and the court of the old royal 
boroughs was of pre-conquest origin, parallel with the hundred court 
and not infrequently so-called especially in the west and in Ireland, 
though with jurisdiction enlarged by custom and charter. But if the 
borough had a court, so had the manor, and the court of the seignorial 
borough, even when called a portmoot, was nothing but an adapted 
manorial tribunal. The mesne lord who granted a charter to his vill- 
manor, or founded a new urban community on part of it, could not 
concede greater rights than he possessed. If he was liberal, he might 
part with the whole or a portion of the control and profits of a manor 
court to the burgesses or even annex to the fortnightly or tri-weekly 
court with purely civil jurisdiction the higher criminal and police fran- 
chises which he usually enjoyed under the title of view of frankpledge 
and infangenthef or thief- taking. In the legal phraseology of a later age, 
the jurisdictional privileges of such a borough could not go beyond 

1 H.E.L. I, 634-88. 

- The English Borough in the Twelfth Century (1914), p. 3°- 


a court baron and a court leet. These, however, were common in mere 
rural manors. The real distinction in this sphere lay in the greater freedom 
of the urban community and in special legal privileges, such as a low 
scale of amercements, which it was within the power of its lord to bestow 
upon it. 

Burgage tenure was more distinctive than the possession of a court. 
Dr Hemmeon, indeed, regards it as an infallible test of a borough. 
"Burgage tenure," he says, "was a distinguishing mark of a borough, 
for every borough must have it, and it could not exist outside a borough " ^, 
This latter assertion was questioned long ago by Maitland who instanced 
as exceptions the abbot of Malmesbury's burgages at Pilton in Devon 
and those of the abbot of Bee at Atherstone in Warwickshire 2. These 
cases are less convincing than he thought. He had forgotten for the 
moment that Pilton was not only a suburb of Barnstaple but originally 
its senior in urban standing, appearing in the "Burghal Hidage" of the 
tenth century as Pilton with Barnstaple. Atherstone was a market town 
and may have had a charter now lost. A more pertinent objection may 
perhaps be taken on the status of some market towns on ancient demesne. 
In the case of chartered towns like Basingstoke and Kingston-on-Thames, 
there is no real difficulty, though they were not formally called boroughs 
and their charters were granted to " liberi homines " not to " burgenses." 
They were treated as boroughs and must have had burgage tenure or 
something equivalent to it in the urban part of their area. But what was 
the position of such a small market town as Kingsthorpe in Northampton- 
shire?^ It never apparently received a charter, nor does it seem to have 
had any pretensions to be a borough^, yet it had burgage tenure, in- 
cluding that most characteristic peculiarity of borough land-law, the 
privilege of bequeathing tenements by will. " Dr Hemmeon is inclined 
to ascribe such burghal traits to imitation, but in that case one would 
have expected Kingsthorpe to borrow from its near neighbour North- 
ampton and this it can hardly have done in the matter of devise, since 
it allowed free bequests of all tenements not inherited without a first 
offer to the next of kin. This could not have been the rule at Northampton 
which was unique in forbidding the sale even of purchased tenements. 
On the whole, it seems more likely that at Kingsthorpe as elsewhere 
this peculiarity is traceable to custom older than the common law. 
Greater certainty may be attainable if documents such as were found in 

^ M. de W. Hemmeon, Burgage Tenure in England (1914), p. 157. 

2 H.E.L. I, 640. 

^ J. H. Glover, Kings thorpiana (1883). For Kingston, etc. see above p. xx. 

* Since writing the above, a study of the small Lancashire towns in whose case no 
charter is forthcoming, but which had burgages and were seemingly called boroughs 
inclines me to lay rather less stress on negative evidence. 


the church chest at Kingsthorpe become available for other small towns 
on ancient demesne. Another point which requires elucidation concerns 
the numerous royal grants of markets and fairs to the lords of ordinary 
manors which never rose to be boroughs or even important market 
towns. Did such grants ever lead to the introduction of features of 
burgage tenure, without a formal charter? 

Even if burgage tenure and especially devise of land could be accepted 
as originally a certain test of a borough, we should have to admit that 
there were chartered towns possessing this tenure which ultimately 
failed to retain the status of boroughs. Manchester, for instance, though 
it had devise of land where there was no heir was definitely adjudged 
after an official enquiry in 1359 to be no borough. But by that time 
the crown had drawn a distinction between borough and market town 
which did not exist in the early part of the thirteenth century. It was 
not until national duties had to be imposed in fair proportion on the 
communities of the land that discrimination became necessary. 

The writ which gathered the county before the justices in eyre in 
the middle of the thirteenth century required the sheriff to summon 
four men and the reeve from each vill and twelve burgesses from each 
borough. King John's grant in 1200 to the burgesses of Dunwich that 
they might send twelve men to the eyre to represent them all^ does not 
suggest that the precise arrangement of the writ was of very long standing, 
while the permission given to Colchester (1189), and perhaps to other 
boroughs, to be represented by six men only^ and the representation 
of a good many "manors" especially on ancient demesne by twelve^ 
must have gone far to obscure the line which was doubtless drawn 
between the greater and the lesser borough. The line was more sharply 
drawn by the writs which enforced the old obligations of watch and 
ward and the assize of arms. In 1233 the king had been content to 
require that the night watch in each small vill should be kept by four 
men at least and by a proportionately greater number in larger vills*. 
This was dangerously vague and in 1252 the much more precise alloca- 
tion of the duty was introduced which was afterwards incorporated in 
Edward I's Statute of Winchester. Cities were to be watched by 
twenty-four men, six at each gate, boroughs by twelve, and each com- 
plete township {villa Integra) by six or four according to size^. This 
seems definite enough. Many of the smaller seignorial boroughs would 
have found it an intolerable burden to set a watch of twelve all the year 
round. Moreover, the writ of 1252 drew the same line for a different 

* Vol. I, p. 124. * Ibid. 

^ H.E.L. I, 640. But Maitland was unaware that Bakewell had a borough charter. 

* Stubbs, Select Charters (4th ed.), p. 362. * Ibid. p. 371. 


but related purpose, the muster of the jurati ad arma, which in boroughs 
was entrusted to the mayor or to the bailiffs, where there was no mayor, 
and in all other vills to a new officer, called constable, or two, if the 
number of inhabitants and provisions of arms required it. When a 
royal commissioner was sent down in the following year to see these 
measures carried out, the reeve and four men from each vill and twelve 
burgesses from each borough were among those summoned to meet him^ 

From the instruction as regards the jurati ad arma we seem entitled 
to infer that seignorial boroughs which, like Manchester, appear after- 
wards with only one or two (petty) constables fell into the class of 
ordinary vills. When, therefore, Edward I summoned representatives 
of boroughs and ville mercatorie, i.e. merchant or trading towns ^ to his 
first general parliament in 1275, it is natural to suppose that the line of 
division was the same. We look then with interest at the returns of the 
sheriffs. Unluckily these only survive for ten counties and they are 
imperfect. Most of the ville (villate) whose names appear are towns 
which are not known to have received charters, such as Biggleswade, 
Birmingham, Tamworth and Uxbridge, but in the same category are 
placed Cricklade, Malmesbury, Shaftesbury and Coventry, the first 
three of which were Domesday boroughs and all of which had had 
charters. All four became regular parliamentary boroughs from 1295. 
On what grounds were they denied the rank of boroughs in 1275? ^^ 
can hardly be because they were in the hands of mesne lords, for so was 
Downton (Wilts.) which appears as a borough. Were the sheriffs applying 
the criterion apparently implicit in the watch and ward regulations 
which would reserve the title of borough for those considerable towns 
which ranked as hundreds? Downton can never have been populous 
but it seems to have been originally a hundred hide manor^. 

The distinction between boroughs and ville mercatorie was again 
made in the writs summoning the two provincial assemblies of January 
1283, but the writs for all subsequent parliaments mentioned boroughs 
only. That this did not mean the total exclusion of such towns as 
had been represented as ville mercatorie in 1275 ^^^^ ^283 is in itself 
probable in view of the fact that boroughs, whether royal or seignorial, 
were now taxed, along with the crown demesnes, at a higher rate than 

^ Stubbs, Select Charters (4th ed.), p. 374. 

^ The usual translation is " market-towns," but this is false etymology and imperfect 
fact. Villa mercatoria is a "town of merchants" as gilda mercatoria is a "guild of 
merchants" and lex mercatoria the "law of merchants." Mr Jenkinson has pointed 
out that villa mercatorum is sometimes written (E.H.R. xxv, 233, see also below p. liii). 
Fleta describes ville mercatorie as those "que habent jus nundinarum" and jus feriar urn 
was almost a synonym for the law merchant. It is true that markets too had courts in 
which merchant law was, or might be, administered, but large trade was chiefly con- 
ducted in fairs (cf. Gross, Law Merchant (Seld. Soc), i, Introd.). 

3 D.B.i,65b. 


the rest of the country. The king had a strong financial inducement 
not to draw the fine of inclusion too high, and the large numbers sum- 
moned to the parliament of 1295 and some of its successors show that 
his wishes were conveyed to the sheriffs. Fortunately we are not left 
to conjecture alone on this point. The Pipe Roll of 1306 contains the 
clearance of the arrears of the i/ii and 1/7 granted by the "Model 
Parliament" and under Hampshire after accounting for ^^1469. 8^. iid. 
received "de xi^ totius com. Suth' eodem anno xxiiii^" proceeds: "Et 
de ccc.yilt. vs. viid. receptis de vii'^ burgi Wynton' et quorundam 
aliorum dominicorum regis et villarum mercatorum eiusdem comitatus 
eodem anno"^. The towns, in addition to Winchester, which were 
represented in 1295 were Southampton, Portsmouth, Alresford, Andover, 
Basingstoke, Overton and Alton. Here even the three unquestionable 
boroughs seem to be reckoned as on the royal demesne, Andover and 
Basingstoke might come under the same head, but Alresford and Overton, 
of which the bishop of Winchester was lord, and Alton which belonged 
to Hyde Abbey must fall in the category of ville mercatorum. It is 
noteworthy too that the sheriff of Cornwall's returns in 1295 described 
the four chief towns of his county as ville mercatorte^, though the title 
of borough was never afterwards denied to them. They were seignorial 
towns, but in other counties these were returned as boroughs. It would 
seem that by dropping villa mercatoria from the writs, Edward practi- 
cally put a new and wider meaning on "borough" than that to which 
the sheriffs were accustomed, and some of them did not easily adapt 
themselves to the change. The discordance became less acute when they 
discovered that many of these smaller towns could not bear the burden 
of the increased tax and the wages of representatives and gradually 
ceased to send them a summons. Historians have been somewhat 
shocked to find sheriffs denying the existence of boroughs which they 
or their predecessors had recognised, but to the other excuses that have 
been offered for them, we may add that they were only working back 
to the narrower interpretation of "borough" which the crown had 
fixed in its watch and ward regulations, an interpretation which had 
the great merit of adjustment to size and population. For some time 
uncertainty and dissatisfaction prevailed and in the hope of fixing the 
list of towns liable to the higher rate of tax the sheriffs were called upon 
in 13 16 to make a special return of the cities, boroughs and vills in their 
respective shires^. In the debateable sphere, however, it was on the 
whole a failure. The sheriff of Devon, for instance, returned no less 

1 Pipe Roll 34 Edw. I Hants, (end). 2 parl. Writs, i, 35. 

' The return, known as "Nomina Villarum," is printed (so far as it is extant) in 
Feudal Aids. 



than nineteen boroughs (mostly seignorial) in addition to Exeter, only 
four of which remained parliamentary boroughs continuously, while 
the sheriff of Bucks, specified five, of which only one continued to be 
represented. Some places that were omitted afterwards received 

The sheriff of Devon's comprehensive list carries us back to the 
general and popular sense of "borough" with which we started, the 
nearest approach to a definition of which is "a vill in which the tene- 
ments were held by burgage tenure," if the term is stretched to cover 
the freehold tenure of the towns on ancient demesne and of some 
seignorial towns with charters and account is taken of the rent payments 
of the censarii and other non-burgesses. Not all boroughs in this wide 
sense had charters, but, subject to this deduction, this is the meaning 
attached to "borough" in the present volume. 

Our experience of the varying senses of the term may approve the 
wisdom of M. Petit-Dutaillis in rejecting it as untechnical and am- 
biguous in favour of "town"^, which, if vague and in the middle ages 
still more ambiguous, is now, except in America, free from this latter 
fault. However, that course is not open to us and we proceed to deal 
with the more salient features of the grants made to boroughs in the 
thirteenth century, and first to boroughs of which the king was lord. 

(2) Royal Boroughs. The early charters of Henry HI were, it will 
be remembered, mostly confirmations by regrant or inspeximus of the 
liberties bestowed by his predecessors, especially by John. Some of 
them contain a few additional clauses, but these are not usually novel. 
Shrewsbury, along with a unique exemption from carrying writs of 
summons or the like for the sheriff^, was granted four of the privileges 
bestowed upon Hereford in 121 5: {a) a. non-intromittat clause excluding 
the sheriff from town pleas^; {h) a merchant guild with monopoly of 
trade*; {c) the protection of the villein from recovery by his lord after 
residence as a burgess for a year and a day^ ; {d) a general quittance from 
tolls^. The same clauses were given to Worcester, along with the 
extinction of a prise of ale in return for an increase of its farm'. Clauses 
{a) and {c) were also received by Gloucester. The burgesses of Lincoln 
were allowed to revert to the old practice of retaliation on the fellow- 
townsmen of those who took illegal toll from them, for which a fine had 
been substituted in 1200 and had seemingly not worked well^. All these 
grants were made in 1227, Two years later, Norwich obtained new 
clauses compelling all residents sharing in their liberties to pay tallages 

^ Studies Supplementary to Stubbs, i, 68. 

^ IIB12. ^ IVA5. * VBi. 

* ni4. « VA7. ' VI4. 

8 VAIO. 


and aids with them^ Nottingham was licensed in 1230 to take tronage 
on goods which were measured by weight^. 

The extension of the privileges of Hereford to western boroughs 
was simultaneously proceeding in charters which contained no confirma- 
tion of older grants. Bridgenorth in 1227 received the same four clauses 
as Shrewsbury with the addition of a gift of sac and soc and infangenthef 
from the same source. The new borough of Montgomery (1227) was 
given an identical charter except for the omission of the non-intromittat 
clause, which was perhaps covered by the general concession of the 
liberties of Hereford which follows. These Hereford clauses form a 
recurrent feature in the many crown charters to Welsh boroughs down to 
the end of the century. It is noteworthy that the clauses of the Rochester 
charter of the same year granting a guild merchant and excluding the 
sheriff are in the Hereford form, though the rest of the charter concedes 
the liberties of London as they had been given to Canterbury as long 
ago as 1 155-8, omitting the hunting rights^. If Rochester had really 
had no previous grant of these privileges, one wonders how far the city 
had been at a disadvantage in consequence. Like Rochester, Liverpool 
received part of its charter from Henry (1229) in the Hereford form and 
from Liverpool they passed to Wigan in 1246. 

The frequency with which the liberties of one town were granted, 
in whole or in part, to other towns in identical, or almost identical, terms 
has enabled much space to be saved in the ensuing pages. So mechani- 
cally was the thing done that the charters of towns which received the 
liberties of London sometimes contain references to the Portsoken which 
was a feature peculiar to their model. Among the boroughs which were 
granted London liberties at a later date than we are now dealing with, 
were Edward I's new foundations in Dorset, Melcombe Regis, Lyme 
Regis and Newton {Nova villa) to which the London charter of 1268 
was given en bloc. High privileges, however, could not exalt weak 
communities. Lyme and Melcombe remained small local towns, while 
as early as 1585 Newton was represented by a single farm. Equally 
complete is the oblivion that has fallen on Warenmouth, the little royal 
borough in Northumberland which, in 1247, was granted the privileges 
of Winchester after the precedent of its great neighbour Newcastle*. 

In Ireland, Cork, Waterford and Limerick received the liberties of 
Bristol or her daughter city Dublin, and in their turn influenced the 
charters of some seignorial boroughs. 

In Scotland, where town charters were rarer and more meagre, they 
did not become so highly standardised, but the process may be studied 

1 III 6. 2 VA4. 

3 C.Ch.R. II, 472. « See Critical Notes. 

B.ii e 


in the relations of the charters of Dingwall and Dumbarton to the Ayr 
charter of 1202-7, and elsewhere. 

The emancipation of boroughs from the financial control of the 
sheriffs by grants of them (i.e. of the royal revenue therefrom) to the 
burgesses at fee farm or perpetual lease was resumed as soon as 
Henry HI began to grant charters. But his father, "the great charter- 
monger " had granted the firma burgi to most of the greater towns and 
left little for his successors to glean. The new grants in this period were 
to Rochester (1227), Bedford (1227), Grimsby (1227), Portsmouth (1229), 
Canterbury (1234), Newcastle-under-Lyme (1251), Bridport (1253), 
Scarborough (1253), Bamburgh (1255), Oxford (1256), Retford (1259) 
and Chester (1300). That to Nottingham (1230) was perhaps only a 
regrant. Of these twelve towns^, only two, Grimsby and Chester paid 
^100 and upwards, as compared with eight before 121 6. Moreover, 
the Grimsby rent of j^i 1 1 had to be reduced to ^^o in 1256. The others 
paid amounts varying from ,^10 (Retford) up to ^66 (Scarborough) 2. 

The farm tended to be a rack rent. It was often in arrear and any 
considerable decrease in a borough's resources made its payment 
impossible. Grimsby was not the only borough to obtain a reduction. 
The continued misfortunes of Dunwich compelled a further cutting 
down of its farm in 1265. In her palmy days it had been ;^i20 and 
24,000 lasts of herrings, but henceforth it stood at £()$, with an allowance 
too for ancient alms paid by the town on the king's behalf. Rochester 
had its farm reduced in 1266 from j^20 to .^12. The rents of Worcester, 
Huntingdon and Nottingham, on the other hand, were slightly raised, 
but the increment in the first case was a commutation for an ale prise 
and in the second for the tolls of the fair of St Ives. Newcastle-under- 
Lyme which obtained a grant at fee farm in 1251 was afterwards media- 
tised in favour of the king's younger son Edmund of Lancaster and 
obliged to renounce the grant in 1292-7. Even before the enfeoffment 
of Edmund the farm had been paid to the royal bailiff at Newcastle, 
not directly to the exchequer. This was perhaps the case also at Win- 

In Ireland, Drogheda (Louth) and Drogheda (Meath) were granted 
at fee farm to the burgesses for a payment of 60 and 40 marks respectively. 
Some towns in England were farmed only during the king's pleasure 
(Carlisle, 1221) or for short terms of years (Liverpool, 1229, etc.). 

Direct payment to the crown of the farm of the borough would seem 
to imply the right to choose their own reeve or bailiff, who collected the 

^ As the farm of Basingstoke (1228) was one of the manor and hundred, I have 
not included it in the above list. But for Basingstoke's claim to be a borough, see 
above, p. xxi. ^ VI i. 


money and was held personally responsible for any deficit. It is, there- 
fore, rather surprising to find that in not more than a third of the cases 
is the grant at fee farm accompanied by a formal license to elect their 
financial official, with or without the approval of the crown i. Are we to 
conclude that the greater number of such towns had already secured 
the right of electing their head, which is certainly possible, or, with 
Mr Ballard, that "the grant of the 'firma burgi' always carried with it 
the right to appoint the reeves, whether this right had been mentioned 
in the charter or no." Only a close study of borough records other than 
charters will supply the answer to this question. 

Another unexpected omission from the charters is that of power to 
elect a mayor. Apart from two Irish cases in 1229 and 1253, no sur- 
viving royal charter gives this power between 121 5 and 1284^. In 1230 
Bishop Poore of Durham granted to his burgesses of Hartlepool the 
liberty of having a mayor and a merchant guild, "as other burgesses 
best and most honourably have in the boroughs of our lord the king in 
England." If this flourish refers to both features of the grant, mayors 
can hardly have been rare even at that early date. The assize of arms 
writ of 1252, which is perhaps better evidence, implies that all cities 
and some boroughs had one^. As early as 1249, indeed, the burgesses 
of Southampton obtained a grant that they should never have a mayor. 
Their motive is not stated, but was probably the determination of the 
gild to have no town officer above their alderman. From 1270 " mayor" 
was an alternative title of the "alderman"*. Norwich, however, had no 
mayor until 1403 and Colchester down to 1635 continued to be governed 
by bailiff^s only. 

Nottingham received the right of appointing a mayor in 1284, and, 
excluding the Welsh boroughs created by Edward I in that year, in 
which the office was reserved for the constables of the royal castles, the 
next towns to receive it by charter were Northampton in 1299 and 
Berwick-on-Tweed in 1302. 

It is singular that while Berwick was allowed to elect its chief officer, 
though he had to be presented to the king or his representatives in 
Scotland, and swear fidelity, Kingston-on-Hull, whose charter largely 
served as a model for that of Berwick was placed under a warden 
appointed by the crown. In this case the oath was taken to the burgesses, 
the warden swearing to maintain their privileges and to discharge all 
his duties faithfully. Edward I had bought the manor of Wyke and 
other possessions of the abbey of Meaux in Holderness some con- 
siderable time before he founded Kingston in 1299. He had placed them 

1 VII I (c). 2 Yjj J (g) 

' Stubbs, Select Charters, ed. Davis, p. 364. * See Addenda. 



in charge of a custos or warden and on the creation of the town this 
officer acted as its mayor while retaining the office of baiHff of Holder- 
ness and the management of the king's other lands in the vicinity^. 
There is a certain resemblance here to the position of the constable- 
mayor in Welsh castle-towns who, however, first swore to conserve the 
royal rights before he took an oath to the burgesses in the same form 
as that taken by the warden at Hull'^. A rather closer parallel was that 
of Newborough (Anglesey) where the bailiff of the hundred of Menai 
acted as mayor^. 

Admission to office by the king in person was often impossible, or 
highly inconvenient, and in the London charter of 12 15 the justiciar 
had been named as his deputy during absence from the city. It is a 
sign of the disappearance of the justiciarship as a political office that 
the barons of the exchequer were substituted as the royal deputies for 
this purpose in 1253 for London, and four years later for Oxford. By 
the end of the century it was found that the barons were not always 
at hand when wanted and in the London charter of 1299 the constable 
of the Tower was authorised to act in the absence of the king and 
barons^. In the next year the mayors of Bristol were exempted from the 
troublesome duty of appearing at the exchequer for admission and were 
allowed to be presented to the constables of Bristol Castle. The mayors 
of Berwick, in the absence of the king, were admitted by his chancellor 
or treasurer and barons of the exchequer for Scotland. 

In the matter of licenses to elect coroners Ireland was again ahead 
(in this century), and as most of the English ones appear in the charters 
of 1256, they will best be dealt with in that connexion^. 

The comparative scarcity of clauses regulating the choice of those 
officials who represented the towns in their relations with the king is 
more remarkable than the absence as yet of any similar regulation of the 
other organs of municipal life, since the crown did not concern itself 
with the way in which the mayors and bailiffs took the opinion or 
secured the assistance of their communities, provided it was done 
peaceably and in order^. It is only incidentally that the charters ever 
refer to those select bodies of burgesses, appearing under such names 
as portmen and jurats, who, beginning as the spokesmen and agents of 
their fellow-townsmen, were to end in most cases by stifling their voice 
and reducing them to municipal impotence. 

^ Frost, Hist. of Hull, pp.25, 40, 143. The warden was replaced about 1331 by a mayor 
and four bailiffs chosen annually. 

^ In 1570 the burgesses of Conway seem to have asserted a right not to receive the 
oath and elected their alderman as chief magistrate (Lewis, Med. Boroughs of Snow- 
donia, p. 155). ^ jf^^^ ^ ^^y 

* VII I (e). 5 p ix^ see VII i (d). 

• For king John's intervention in London, see p. Ixxiv below. 


If we did not know from the unique and invaluable record of the 
reorganisation of Ipswich in 1200, when it was granted at fee farm to 
the burgesses, that twelve capital portmen were a general feature in free 
boroughs at that date^, we should never have discovered the fact from 
the charters. Perhaps the assertion contained some exaggeration. For, 
as late as 1272, in a document entered in the Charter Roll, though not 
a charter, an inspeximus by Edward I of letters patent of the burgesses 
and community of Great Yarmouth publishing their ordinances to 
enforce the system of gage and pledge, the prohibition of going armed, 
etc., there is a passage which may suggest that even at that date the 
select body was not so universal in free boroughs, at least as a regular 
organisation, as the men of Ipswich thought. "To afforce our bailiffs," 
it runs, "and to uphold and perform the aforesaid things, we have 
provided four and twenty prodes hommes of the town, for that purpose 
elected and sworn." Was this merely an ad hoc body or the first in- 
stitution at Yarmouth of the germ of a town council ? ^ 

No royal charter of this age authorised or regulated normal municipal 
legislation, but the enrolment of the Yarmouth ordinances, and the 
earlier despatch of a judge to bring about a settlement of local trade 
disputes at Grimsby, were signs that this attitude of general detachment 
in regard to the inner life of the town, so long as it duly performed its 
obligations to the crown, was not one which could last. 

There was one field of municipal activity, that of the administration 
of justice, in which this attitude of indifference was in the nature of the 
case impracticable, and which therefore occupies much space in the 
charters. The privilege of not pleading without the walls of the borough 
was general and much-prized and an interesting grant of 1285 tells us 
that " pleading" was mitr^Yettd passive as well as active, for a defendant 
as well as a plaintiff^, but this, of course, refers only to civil causes, 
and was subject to some exceptions. With the rarest exceptions, e.g. 
Chester^, not even the most highly-privileged borough was allowed to 
try pleas of the crown, or pleas of life and limb, as it is sometimes 
expressed, or the higher civil pleas, or to take the profits arising there- 
from. The utmost that the crown would concede was that its justices 
in eyre should hold sessions in a borough that was not a shire-town^ 
for cases arising within it. Unless we accept a rather dubious statement 

^ Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 117. 

2 VII I Qi) and C.Ch.R. 11, 185. For foreign influence on the development of 
elected bodies, see below, p. Ixxv. 

' IV A 4 (Yarmouth) . * IV a 2 (1300). 

^ A Guildford charter of 1 257 removed the county court and sessions of the itinerant 
justices for common pleas from Leatherhead to that town (IV f i). Twenty years 
later the county gaol of Berks, and the sessions of the justices in eyre for common and 
forest pleas were fixed at Windsor {ib.). 


of the custom at Dunstable in Henry I's ciay^ this privilege is first 
known to have been granted in this century and only four towns have 
it in their charters, Shaftesbury (1252) (for royal burgesses only), 
Scarborough (1253), Worcester (1264) and Hull (1300)2. In the first 
two cases these visits were for common pleas only, at Hull for gaol 
delivery and at Worcester for all pleas of the city and Uberty. 

The borough court had normally jurisdiction in civil actions touching 
lands and tenements within the borough and debts and trespasses 
therein, unless the matter touched the king's rights or person or his 
household (familiar es). The York charter of 1256 prescribed that the 
plaintiff should bring his action before the mayor and bailiffs, and if 
the suit could not be terminated before them, it was to be determined 
by the next justices in eyre visiting the city or by justices sent ad hoc. 

In the charters of a few towns, such as Oxford, the important plea 
" de vetito namio " (vee de nam) or replevin is mentioned as within the 
cognizance of the local court. 

In 1256 the burgesses of Gloucester obtained a grant that for no 
matter touching the liberty of their community should they be impleaded 
before any but the king or his justices^. 

For pleas of the crown, burgesses of boroughs that were not shire- 
towns or specially privileged would have to go outside their walls for 
judgement. Attendance before the justices in eyre was also exacted from 
many who had no business of their own before them and it was a valued 
privilege of the barons of the Cinque Ports, granted to them in 1260 for 
their services in the king's recent crossing to France, that exempted 
them from any summons before the justices, unless they were parties to 
a suit. 

Among the clauses of the Hereford charter of 121 5 which were 
handed down to a score of other boroughs was one which allowed the 
citizens to attach the pleas of the crown, i.e. make the necessary arrests 
and take sureties, etc., until the arrival of the king's justices. Yet only 
two of these towns, Gloucester and Shrewsbury, received by charter 
power to elect coroners for this purpose. Presumably, the ordinary 
officers of the town acted where there were no coroners. Coroners were 
not very common, if the charters are a safe guide. The privilege which 
was enjoyed by five towns only before 1216, was extended by 1307 to 
fifteen in England and Wales and two in Ireland*. At Shaftesbury it was 
only the demesne burgesses and at York the tenants of the archbishop 
and the dean and chapter who received the grant. 

^ Vol. I, 124. 2 IV A 8. 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 124 (Portsmouth, 11 94). 
* VII I {d). 


Cases tried in fair courts by the law merchant were necessarily another 
exception to the burgess right of pleading within the walls, but the men 
of London and of its daughter towns in Dorset had the right to have 
their cause tried by four or five of their fellow citizens. Cases in which 
the whole community was at fault or interested were also naturally 
withheld from the borough court. 

Down to the middle of the century, no new privileges of any moment 
had been bestowed upon the royal boroughs, but in its dire need before 
the baronial revolt the crown became more liberal. Most important of 
the new grants was that of return of writs, the right to execute the pre- 
cepts of royal writs, which would before have been done by the sheriff. 
A clause expressly excluding him or any other royal officer from entering 
the borough for this purpose (except on default of the burgesses) usually 
accompanied the grant ^. 

Return of writs had been granted sparingly to lords of franchises at 
an earlier date, but the first urban liberties to receive it were Canterbury 
and Colchester in 1252. In July 1255 i^ was given to Nottingham. 
Between 23 February 1256 and 18 January 1257 it was bestowed with 
other new grants, upon no less than seventeen towns ^, seven more than 
were enumerated by Miss Eva Penson in the valuable article which first 
drew attention to the wide extension of this class of charter in 1256, 
though primarily devoted to those of five boroughs on the Welsh border^. 

Between the grant of return of writs and the non-intromittat clause 
there is usually interposed a clause giving the burgesses direct access 
to the exchequer in regard to all debts (owed to the king) and summonses 
of the exchequer touching the town (IV a 14(6)). We may number 
these, with Miss Penson (i), (2), (3). Another trio of clauses occasionally 
granted together and more rarely along with (i)-(3) are: (4) exemption 
from arrest or distraint for the debt of a fellow-townsman, a restatement 
of the privilege sometimes granted in the twelfth century* ; (5) exemption 
of chattels or goods in the hands of servants from forfeiture by their 
delinquency^ ; (6) renunciation by the crown of any confiscation of the 
goods of burgesses, wherever in its dominions they died, with a will or 
without, and assurance of succession to their heirs^. 

^ This did not, of course, exclude him from a shire-town for purely shire business. 
See IV F. For the reverse attitude to those who assessed tallages, see II b 1 1 (Worcester, 
1264). From a case of 1292-3 printed by Madox (Firma Burgi, 154) it appears that 
the return to a writ directing the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk to replevy certain 
chattels in Dunwich was made out under the seal of the sheriffdom and taken to the 
bailiffs who imprisoned the messengers for a week. The town lost its liberties for a 

^ Including a regrant to Canterbury. It is significant that in the next fifty years 
only three boroughs, Hull, "Ravenserod" and Berwick-on-Tweed received it, 

^ E.H.R. XXXV, 558 ff. 4 Vol. I, p. 16s and IV e 2. 

* IV B 5(6). « II A 15. 


The first grant of these three clauses which is found on the Charter 
Rolls is to the burgesses of St Omer in Flanders in February 1255, and 
they possibly originated as a favour to foreign merchants in England. 
Clause 4 was granted separately to five English boroughs in that year, 
and separate grant is the rule among the seventeen cases in 1256-7, 
though the single-clause charter was generally of even or near date to 
a charter containing some or all of the clauses numbered 1-3, 5-6. 
Leicester was the last English borough to receive clause 4 (in 1269) 
before the Statute of Westminster I in 1275 substituted statutory for 
charter protection. 

Hereford, Shrewsbury, Monmouth and Carmarthen seem to have 
been the only boroughs which received clauses 4-6 in one charter, in 
1256 in the first three cases, and possibly in the last. 

A seventh clause granting that the burgesses should not be convicted 
upon any appeals, indictments, etc., by any but their fellow-burgesses, 
unless the case touched the community of the borough, was included 
in seven of the charters of 1256-7^. Edward I granted this clause to 
Ipswich and Lynn in 1305 and, along with clauses 4-6, to his boroughs 
in North Wales. Clauses 4-6 without 7 were given to Chester in 1300. 
The inclusion of clause 4 in the Welsh and Chester charters after the 
statute of 1275 is probably to be explained as a mechanical copying of 
the Hereford charter of 1256. 

The seven clauses are ever^'where granted in practically the same 
terms, with the exception of clause i in which three variant forms occur. 

Miss Penson suggests the existence of an organic connexion between 
the charters granted in 1256 to Hereford, Shrewsbury, Gloucester, 
Bridgenorth and (in some measure) Worcester. As regards the seven 
clauses in question, the charters of Hereford (8 August) and Shrewsbury 
(10 August) are strikingly similar, the first including all but clause 2 
and the second all seven, while Gloucester (10 August) has clauses 1-3 
and Bridgenorth (16 August) clauses 1-4 and 7. Miss Penson has not 
observed, however, that a variation in clause i places Hereford, as 
regards that clause, in a group headed by Worcester (23 February) and 
the rest in one headed by Yarmouth (23 March). On the other hand all 
four (excluding Worcester) have a common variation in a clause con- 
firming their liberties which was first granted to Bath, Bristol and 
Southampton in July. A tendency to treat these four boroughs as a 
Hereford group, despite other affiliations recalled by the reference to 
London in the Gloucester confirmation clause of 1256, has been noticed 
already in 1227. 

Examination of the variants in the return of writs clause (i) suggests 

1 IVb4(6). 


that it was not so much the judicial writ, in the wider sense ^, that the 
burgesses were anxious to execute themselves as those which affected 
them as farmers of the borough, writs of summons of the exchequer. 
The grant to Nottingham in 1255 was limited to these, and although in 
the charters of the following year other royal writs affecting the town 
were first added and the reference to the exchequer writs afterwards 
omitted altogether, the main interest of the townsmen had probably 
not shifted. This conjecture seems to be confirmed by clause 2 which 
follows the grant of return of writs in twelve of these charters. The 
citizens or burgesses were to answer "by their own hand(s)" at the 
exchequer for all debts and summonses of the exchequer touching their 
town, or, as the Scarborough charter puts it, for all farms, debts and 
aids. They were to be treated, says the York charter, in their accounts 
and returns at the exchequer "as our sheriffs are there treated in their 

In view of this aspect of the two closely related clauses, it might have 
been more logical to place them under the head of Borough Finance, 
but we have preferred not to alter an allocation for which Mr Ballard 
had the authority of Maitland. 

Two only of the charters of 1255-7 give any definition of the royal 
writs which originated actions in the borough court. At Gloucester 
they are merely described as those which were wont to run in the borough, 
but the Southampton charter expressly limits them to writs of right, 
of novel disseisin and of dower unde nihil habet^. As is well known, 
borough law and custom differed in some important respects from the 
common law. The peculiarity of urban conditions and the conservative 
force of charters tended to stereotype in the towns the law which the 
royal courts were elsewhere moulding into new forms. Thus the writ 
of mort d" ancestor did not always run in boroughs^ and was occasionally 
excluded by charter* because burgage tenements could often be be- 
queathed by will. The Droghedas had all writs but that of right debarred 
by charter in tenement cases, "saving (at Drogheda in Louth) the pro- 
visions made in place of the writs which run without the borough." The 
salvo refers to such substitutes for common law actions as the assize 
of "fresh force" for the assize of novel disseisin^. 

There was, we have noted, one occasion on which the sheriff could 

still enter a borough to execute a writ, although it possessed return of 

^ The sheriff was already excluded for judicial purposes in a certain number of 
towns by an earlier non-intromittat clause. See vol. i, p. 121 and IV a 5 below. 

* IV B 7. For the rather longer list at Winchester, see Bateson, Borough Customs, 
I, 253- 

* Ibid. I, 243, II, cxxiii. This could not, of course, be a Bretollian feature as stated 
by Mr Ballard {E.H.R. xxx, 654). 

* Vol. I, p. 137. «fi.C. 1,231 ff. 


writs by charter. This was when the town failed to do its duty. Even 
then the sheriff seems to have needed a special royal mandate. In 1242 
and 1269 the sheriff of Cambridgeshire received precepts ordering him 
on the demand of the chancellor of the university to arrest clerks in 
Cambridge " preferring mischief to study," and other disorderly charac- 
ters whom the burgesses neglected or were impotent to repress^. 

Emancipation from the sheriff, though it had gone far, was not 
complete until a borough w^as constituted a county of itself with its own 
sheriffs receiving writs direct from the crown, and its mayor acting as 
royal escheator. The only towns in this position before 1373, when 
Bristol attained it, were Chester (in part) and London^. 

From the above review of Henry Hi's great spurt of charter-giving 
in 1255-7, it will appear that his son's preference of inspeximiis to new 
grants in the case of the greater towns may not have been due so much 
to reluctance to increase their independence as to the fact that they had 
already obtained practically all they wanted. 

The exceptional conditions of a university town, one instance of 
which has been given in another connexion^, had a noteworthy legal 
result at Oxford. The writ of prohibition which forbad ecclesiastical 
judges to meddle with chattels or debts except in testamentary or 
matrimonial causes was relaxed in 1244 in favour of the chancellor's 
court and in 1268 he was given cognizance of personal actions and 
contracts between the masters and scholars, or any of them, and "our 
Jews there "*. 

Other charters, to both Oxford and Cambridge, provided that if 
a layman inflicted bodily injury on a clerk, or a clerk on a layman, the 
offender was to be imprisoned in the castle, if the injury was serious, 
in the town gaol, if it was light. 

That boroughs had sometimes difficulty in enforcing their right of 
court over their burgesses, when arrested in "the foreign," seems to 
appear from the clauses on this subject in the Drogheda (Louth) charter 
of 1253 and the York charter of 1262, the latter prescribing that the 
demand should be made by one or two citizens armed with letters 
patent of their community^. 

An appeal to the king on the ground of default of justice in the 
borough court was, of course, always possible. In 1278 the Warden of 
the Cinque Ports was specially empowered to enter the ports and liberties 
to remedy such injustice^. 

By a charter of 1256 the citizens of York were not bound to appear 

1 IV A 5 {h). "- Stubbs, C.H. ni, sect. 488. 

^ Above, p. xxiii. * IV a 15. Cf. H.E.L. 11, 199. 

* IVa:7. * IV A 18. 


before the justices in eyre there anywhere but in their Guildhall^, while 
the citizens of Lincoln in 1272 obtained the right to have all their pleas 
(except pleas of foreign tenements and royal moneyers, etc.) tried in 
"the hall of pleas of the said city which is called Gildehalle"^. 

The newer and smaller royal boroughs approximated to the seignorial 
type in their courts as in some other respects. Thus Liverpool had two 
great courts and a lesser tri- weekly court. 

The presidents of the borough court were either the mayor and 
bailiffs (at Leicester the mayor and jurats) or, where there was no mayor, 
the bailiffs alone^. 

Much the fullest account of the procedure of a municipal court at 
this date is found in a mediatised borough, in the remarkable ordinance 
of earl Edmund of Lancaster which reformed those ancient customs of 
the Leicester Portmamoot which had not been found to work well. But 
_ this interesting document has been fully interpreted by Miss Bateson*. 
The strong traces of Scandinavian influence which it shows warn us not 
to take it as wholly typical of procedure in borough courts outside the 
area of the old Danelaw. 

Distraint, which was among the subjects dealt with by earl Edmund, 
has already been referred to in connexion with the royal charters and 
parliamentary statute prohibiting its most oppressive manifestation^. 
The Scottish kings granted the same protection to the burgesses of 
Inverness and Aberdeen and Alexander III forbad that the burgesses of 
Lanark should be distrained on the highroad to that town^. The 
Grimsby charter of 1258 and the Yarmouth ordinances of 1272, give 
the procedure by which a burgess who was distrained for a fellow-burgess, 
for whom he had no responsibiUty, recovered the distress. At Grimsby 
the bailiffs obliged the fellow-burgess to deliver it from the distrainor'. 
As Yarmouth got the protecting clause in 1256, it was evidently not 
always easy to enforce, 

A curious bit of archaic borough procedure is disclosed by a clause 
of the London charter of 1268. It appears that when a man who had 
been chosen as a compurgator^ died before his function was performed, 
it was the custom for some one to aver on oath over his grave what he 

^ IV c 2. In 1326 the citizens of Norwich complained of inconvenience and loss 
caused by the royal justices sitting in the places where their bailiffs tried the city pleas 
and the justices were ordered to sit henceforth at the Shirehouse in the Castle (Hudson, 
Norwich, i, 21). 

2 IVC2. 3 IV eg. 

* Hist, of Leicester, i, 150 and Introd.; B.C. passim. 

^ P. Ixii. « IVE2. ' IVE3. 

^ The word is not used, but the context clearly refers to the wager of law. This 
antique system of disproof was especially prominent in London, but the oath-helpers 
were chosen not by the party but by the mayor and aldermen or the mayor and citizens 
in the folkmoot (H.E.L. n, 635). See E.H.R. xvii, 488 f. 


would have said. It" was now ordered that another free and lawful man 
should be chosen in his place to do what was needful. 

One of the identical clauses in Edward I's charters to the new boroughs 
of North Wales in 1284 is difficult to reconcile with the regulation of the 
Statute of Westminster (1275) as to bailable offences, for it seems to 
allow bail even for crimes punishable by death or mutilation^. The fact 
that the wording of the clause in the Overton charter (1292) was so 
altered as to exclude this interpretation would suggest mere bad drafting 
as the obvious explanation, did not the original clause reappear unaltered 
in the Beaumaris charter of 1296. This may, however, have been a 
careless oversight. 

Turning to the mercantile privileges of the thirteenth century 
borough, we note in the first place the greater freedom of trade which 
prevailed in England as compared with Scotland. In one of the last 
articles which he wrote 2, Mr Ballard developed at some length the 
difference in the practice of the English and Scottish kings in regard to 
markets. In England the right to have markets and fairs was granted 
freely to rural manors which never became boroughs or had to wait 
years before they received charters. Provided such a grant did not 
obviously injure existing markets and fairs of the vicinity, no objection 
seems to have been raised nor apparently did the crown always insist 
on its license being sought for the conversion of villages with markets 
into boroughs, in the sense of chartered towns. The Scottish kings, on 
the other hand, seem to have restricted their grants of markets to a 
limited number of boroughs, some of which received by charter the 
monopoly of trade and cloth manufacture in a county or some smaller 
district, and others are supposed to have enjoyed the same privilege on 
the strength of later evidence. *' It would not be difficult," says Mr Bal- 
lard, "to draw a map of Scotland showing that the country was divided 
into a number of districts within each of which some specified royal 
borough had the monopoly of trade." No seignorial borough (borough 
of regality or borough of barony) could be created in any such district 
without royal license and, with the single exception of Brechin, no place 
not a borough is recorded to have received a grant of a market until 
late in the sixteenth century^. "Foreign" merchants could trade only 
at boroughs and no shop could be opened outside them without the 
king's permission. The charters seem to carry back the policy to the 

1 IVB5(a). 

^ "The Theory of the Scottish Burgh" in Scottish Historical Review, xiii (1916), 
16-29. Cf. ibid. pp. 168 ff. W. Cunningham on "Differences of Economic Develop- 
ment between England and Scotland." 

' It is curious that the charters of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries contain only 
two grants of a fair to boroughs (Aberdeen and Dumbarton, 1226). 


reign of David I. The simpler conditions of a poor and thinly populated 
country no doubt made such a policy more possible and to some degree 
more defensible than it would have been in England, but even in Scotland 
it was not always carried out logically. The charter of Stirling saves 
pre-existing chartered rights ^ William the Lion had authorised the 
opening of shops at Kelso except on market days at Roxburgh 2, and 
sometimes more than one borough shared the monopoly of trade in the 
same district^. The creation of new boroughs gave rise to some awkward 
problems. Glasgow had trouble both with its older neighbour Ruther- 
glen, which had to be forbidden to levy tolls within its precincts^, and 
with its newer one Dumbarton (1226) which contested, but in vain, the 
right of the Glasgow burgesses to trade in Argyle and the Lennox (1243)^. 
Their right to trade "per totum regnum nostrum" was also affirmed, 
but this may only mean a right to trade at the boroughs which enjoyed 
monopoly in the various districts. 

It is not quite correct to say that this system of trade districts each 
centring in a borough was only found north of the Tweed. In North 
Wales Edward I would not allow any markets to be held outside his 
new boroughs. Thus, for instance, the men of the three commotes of 
Tindaethwy, Turcelyn and Talybolion in Anglesey were compelled to 
do all their buying and selling at Beaumaris^. The nearest approach to 
such a royal restriction of trade in England is the provision of 1265 in 
favour of Shrewsbury that no merchant of wools should buy them 
anywhere within the county save in the merchant towns there, but these 
were much more numerous than in Wales or Scotland. Seignorial 
charters occasionally banned the trade or industry of the grantor's fief, 
or of a portion of it, to the new borough'. Similar in spirit was the 
undertaking given to Scarborough in 1256 that no new port or quay 
should ever be made between that borough and Ravenser on the Humber* 
and the restriction of the waterborne trade of New Ross in Ireland to 
local bottoms at the instance of its neighbour Waterford^. 

The rarity of grants by the Scottish kings to boroughs of freedom 
from tolls throughout their kingdom is remarkable, compared with the 
lavishness with which this privilege was bestowed in England. Only 
three cases appear in the first volume and two (Lanark, Rutherglen) in 1 

thisi«. ~~^ 

The chief novelty in tolls in the thirteenth century was due to the 
requirement of defensive walls and of paved streets within them. The 

^ Vai. ^ See Appendix A. 

^ Ballard, op. cit. 17. * Vaq. 

^ V B 5. « Va I. 

' See p. Ixxxvii. ' Vb 17. 

* Vai. 10 Va7. 


only order relating to town-walls on the patent rolls of John is one of 
121 5 for Limoges^. The order of 6 October 1218 to the probi homines 
of Shrewsbury to apply themselves "ad firmandum et claudendum 
villam nostram de S.," (the same wording as in the Limoges writ) seems 
to be the first of its kind recorded in England^. Owing to the unsettled 
conditions of the time, such orders became fairly frequent. The burden 
was a heavy one and the next step was to license the town called upon 
to bear it to collect murage tolls and the cost of paving towns was met 
in the same way. Murage and pavage licenses were granted for short 
terms of years. From an inquisition of 1281, it would appear that there 
was a strong tendency to collect these tolls from stranger merchants 
only and so to shift the burden entirely from the shoulders of the 
citizens^. The absence of "murage" and "pavage" from the list of 
tolls from which the charter of the stranger merchant's borough generally 
exempted him left him helpless, unless his community got them included 
in a new charter. But this privilege was sparingly granted. 

The royal concession in 1252 of the tolls of the great fair of St Ives 
to the burgesses of Huntingdon in return for an increase of their farm 
brought them into conflict with the bailiffs of the abbot of Ramsey who 
from 1258 farmed the royal rights in the fair in addition to his own*. 

Tronage, the charge made for weighing goods on a public beam, 
was allowed to be taken by the burgesses of Nottingham^, but, as the 
grant implies, was not a new payment, though it does not occur in any 
charter included in the first volume. 

The royal charters of the thirteenth century contain many grants 
of a merchant guild^, though it is not always possible to distinguish 
a new grant from a confirmation. We have found only one (Brecon) 
which escaped the wide net of Dr Gross, but he was misled by his 
authorities into attributing to Sunderland (Wearmouth) a guild which 
was really granted to Warenmouth in Northumberland'. The most 
noteworthy feature is the extensive use of the formula of grant contained 
in the Hereford charter of 121 5. Most of the towns which received it 
were new boroughs in Wales, but it appears also in the charters of five 
English and two Irish boroughs. In Scotland a merchant guild was 

1 Rot. Litt. Pat. p. 134. 

^ C.P.R. 1216-25, p. 169. The grant of "custumam vocatam le muragium de 
omnibus rebus venalibus et mercimoniis" in John's alleged charter to Waterford, 
made "as held by the burgesses of Bristol" is more than suspect (vol. i, p. 255). The 
exemption from murage in the Dublin charter of 1172 (vol. i, p. 184) is interpolated. 

^ See VI 17,18 

* V A4; Gross, Law Merchant (Selden Soc), i, xxix. 

^ VA4. 6 Vb I. 

' See Critical Notes above under Warenmouth. The sources he quotes (vol. i, 
p. 14) for a guild at Orford as early as 1229 do not bear him out. It seems to have 
been first granted in 1256. 


granted to Elgin in 1234 ^^^ it was the merchant guild of Stirling which, 
in 1226, was given the sole right to make cloth in that county. It is 
clearly stated that the guild did not include all the burgesses^. 

As in the previous century, craft guilds are poorly illustrated by the 
material 2. Norwich obtained a grant in 1256 that no guild should be 
held in the city which was to its detriment. The Oxford weavers were 
excused the greater part of the annual payment which king John had 
imposed for his charter, on the ground that their number had decreased 
from sixty to about fifteen. The London weavers and the Oxford cord- 
wainers obtained confirmations of their earlier charters^. 

The growth of trade and of trade regulation in the period covered 
is marked by the appearance of several new titles in section Vb. The 
most important is that which records the efl^orts made to suppress 
forestallers, regraters and brokers. Mention has already been made of 
the Grimsby and Great Yarmouth ordinances which illustrate very fully 
these attempts to eHminate the middleman, under the special conditions 
of those ports. Miss Bateson had already called attention to the elaborate 
Grimsby clause on the burgess lot in bargains*. The necessity of speedy 
payment of foreign merchants was recognised as so vital that the com- 
munity of Grimsby undertook to pay the debt of a recalcitrant debtor, 
recovering twice the amount from him afterwards^. 

Other noteworthy features may be briefly referred to. An identical 
clause in the charters granted to Shrewsbury and Bridgenorth in 1256 
reveals the king as a wine-merchant even in this remote county. The 
burgesses were exempted from compulsory purchase of the royal wines, 
provided they did not sell their own while the king's were on the market^. 
A royal edict fixed the rate of interest on loans made by Jews to scholars 
of Oxford at 2d. in the pound per week''. This works out at the very 
satisfactory rate (to the lender) of 43 1 per cent, per annum, but pre- 
sumably the loans were normally made for quite a short period. The 
prejudice against the Jews which culminated in their expulsion in 1290 
had long before made itself felt in town charters. As early as 1228 Jews 
begin to be included in seignorial charters with religious houses (except 
the grantor's, if he were an abbot), churches, and (occasionally) chief 
lords, as persons to whom burgage tenements must not be given, sold 
or bequeathed^. Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1234 and Derby in 1 260-1 
bought the "Uberty" of excluding Jews from residence within their 

^ vai. 2 vb2. 

'112(6). " 5.C. n, 168-9. 5 VB7. 

* Vb 12. 7 Vb i6. 

* II A 9-1 1. Ministers of the king are added at Altrincham. The charters of royal 
boroughs do not as a rule touch upon alienation, but at Scarborough in 1253 transference 
to religious houses was forbidden, unless with the assent of the community. 


bounds, Derby being careful to particularise Jewesses^ as well. Six years 
before they left England, the charters of the new boroughs of North 
Wales of 1284 excluded them from those towns, and the prohibition 
was repeated in the charters of Overton (1292) and Beaumaris (1296), 
though the race had by then disappeared from England. 

The importance of a study of the business side of town life in the 
thirteenth century for a right understanding of the development of 
the fully grown municipality has been emphasised by Maitland. Such 
a study must in the main be made in documents other than charters, 
but these throw some little light upon the problems which are involved. 
The grant of a town at farm to its burgesses was a necessary starting 
point for financial control, but the rents exacted were usually so stiff 
that any considerable profit on the arrangement was out of the question, 
and indeed, loss seems to have been more common than gain. One of 
the advantages of a merchant guild to a town was that it supplied an 
extra revenue in fees and amercements which directly or indirectly 
was treated as part of the borough stock. The income and expenditure 
of such a borough is most fully illustrated in the case of Leicester, which, 
however, as a mediatised town formally belongs to the class of seignorial 
boroughs which is dealt with in the next section. For the town without 
a merchant guild we have the chamberlain's rolls of Norwich between 
1293 and 1305 (with a gap of two years) ^. The Norwich farm was, as 
usual, paid by the chief officers of the borough, the bailiffs, who, not 
being able to meet it fully from the old royal revenue^, were given a 
first call upon other municipal revenue. Any balance which remained 
from this was handed over to the chamberlain, who also received certain 
rents of assize and customs together with the fees for admission to the 
liberties, which was their most lucrative source of revenue. The total 
varied greatly and even in the more prosperous years never touched ,^40. 
On the other hand, the expenditure on salaries and the upkeep of town 
buildings was small and the largest item of expense in these years was 
the presents to royal judges and others. The custom on woad which was 
commuted in 1286 was paid half to the bailiffs (i.e. towards the farm) 
and half to the community (represented by the chamberlain)*. At a 
later date the admission fees were similarly divided, but not within our 

The king occasionally made gifts to towns, some of which are 

^ III II. In 1273 the king ordered the expulsion of the Jews from Winchelsea 
(Foedera (R), i, 503) and ten years later from Windsor (ib. l, 634). 

* Hudson and Tingey, Records of Norwich, 11, 30 ff. 

' In 1272 these were landgable rent (£10), farms paid by the fullers, bakers and 
other traders, tronage, quay and market tolls, and pleas and perquisites of courts 
(ibid, n, 404). * Op. cit. n, 211. 


described as intended to make up their farm {ad perficiendum firmam 
suamy. Bristol in 1230 was excused an extra prise on ale imposed in 
the previous reign^. The Waterford charter of 1232 granted to the city 
half of the royal prise of wine, and ten years later Cork apparently 
received a grant of the whole prise ^. This was really a grant of the 
difference between the actual market value of the two tuns, one before 
and one behind the mast (where the best wine was carried), which the 
king was entitled to take and the price which he had to pay per tun 
which was fixed in the previous century when wine was cheaper^. In 
the Cork case it was stipulated that the ordinary custom must first have 
been paid on the wine and its payment recorded by the cocket seal. The 
Cinque Ports received the same privilege " for their own wines in which 
they dealt" in 1278. 

More valuable was the right of imposing tallages for local purposes 
which was the subject of an interesting regulation at Leicester in 1277, 
and was granted by Edward I to Norwich and Lynn in 1305^. Here the 
crown needed only to consider the possible effect on the payment of the 
farm. Murage and pavage grants could be made more freely because 
they did not fall wholly upon the inhabitants of the towns who received 

The English kings were not very liberal with gifts of land. Henry, 
in 1256, gave the royal manor of Falsgrave to Scarborough for the 
enlargement of the borough, but he reserved a substantial rent'. The 
gift of a Jew's house to Oxford in 1229 hardly counts as it was to serve 
as a court-house for royal pleas^. More really generous was the grant of 
one of the Norwich leet courts to the citizens in 1305^. 

Alexander H of Scotland gave all his fisheries in Ayr and Doon to 
the borough of Ayr for the improvement of its port, etc., and bestowed 
upon Inverness the lands of Markinch. 

Waterford, Cork, Scarborough, Orford and Chester were empowered 
by charter to build upon vacant places within the borough limits^*'. 
These grants seem fully to bear out Maitland's statement that the 
intramural "waste" (like the waste without) was not conveyed to the 
burgesses by a grant at fee farm. Yet in 1330 the crown supported the 
opposite doctrine in the case of Norwich^^. 

The conception of the borough as a juristic person distinct from the 
individuals who composed it was not yet fully grasped in the thirteenth 

1 VI 5, 7-13. 2 VI 4. 3 jf,jj 

* Gras, The Early English Customs System, pp. 35, 42. 

^ VI 14. « VI 17, 18 and above, p. Ixviii. 

^ I 17. This was also the case in the grant of Pendestan mill to Bridgenorth in 
1227 (VI 8). 

* VI 12. " VI 13. 10 VI 7. 
^^ Hudson and Tingey, Records, n, 226. 

B.II / 


century, though the growing self-government of the towns was forcing 
it on the attention of lawyers like Bracton. Practically, the personality 
of the borough must have been impressed, slowly but surely, on the 
local mind by the growth of a municipal revenue and expenditure and 
by such incidents as that, already recorded, of the payment of a private 
debt to a stranger merchant out of the public purse at Grimsby^. 

Legally, the burgesses were still responsible severally as well as 
jointly for the payment of the king's farm. Madox gives several in- 
stances in this period when six or twelve burgesses with the mayor or 
bailiffs were held responsible for the town debts to the king^. The more 
common and effective guarantee for the due payment of the rent was 
the practice of taking the liberties of the town into the king's hand, 
and it is strong evidence of the burden which the farm involved that this 
extreme step was not infrequently adopted^. In such cases the borough 
was for the time being governed by a warden (custos) or wardens. The 
risk of incurring this fate explains the method of the Norwich accounts 
by which the farm was treated as a chief rent and made a first charge 
on all municipal revenue. 

Attempts have been made to distinguish in the style "burgenses et 
communitas," which is not uncommon in charters and other documents, 
a governing class and a comparatively unprivileged one, or a corporate 
body and the immemorial vill community which underlay it, but Mait- 
land rightly saw in it, in early documents, no more than an indication 
that the burgesses "are not to be taken ut singuli but are, as we should 
say, 'acting in their corporate capacity'"*. A selection of styles of 
address in the Leicester charters, etc., of this century fully bears this 
out: "maior et burgenses et commune" (125 1-5), "communitas bur- 
gensium de L." (1256), "maior et burgenses" (1269), maior et burgenses 
de communitate L." {an. incert.), "maior et communitas" {c. 1273), 
"Meyre e jurees et tote la commune" (1277), "communitas L." (seal). 
It is only in the ordinance of 1277 that a distinction is expressed between 
a smaller and a larger class, and the smaller, the sworn assistants of the 
mayor, is cornprised in the larger. 

As Maitland points out, the "communitas" style brings out the 
corporate conception better than the "mayor, aldermen and burgesses" 
of modern legal documents. Grants were never made in England, as they 
were early in Germany, to " the city " or " the town," but in one or two of 
the seignorial boroughs we find alienation fees reserved to " the borough "^. 

^ P. Ixix. ^ Firma Burgi, p. 154. 

' Madox, Firma Burgi, pp. 16 1-3. For such seizure of the liberties on other grounds 
see ibid. p. 154, Brand, Newcastle, ii, 144-5, and VI 16 below. * H.E.L. i, 678. 

* Vol. I, p. 67. At Scarborough alienation of tenements to the religious was not 
allowed without the assent of the community. For Scotland, see Addenda. 


The corporate character of the borough was not as yet much em- 
phasised by the provision of public utihties. Paving was becoming 
recognised as a municipal duty, but as late as 1301 the king had to call 
the attention of the mayor and bailiffs of Oxford to the dangerous state 
of the pavements^. This action was taken in the interest of the scholars 
who flocked there, and it was only the influence of the universities which 
brought down royal injunctions to the authorities of Oxford and Cam- 
bridge ordering the removal of nuisances which fouled their streets, 
poisoned their air and contaminated their water — and beer^. The con- 
ditions in other great towns were no doubt similar, though less acute 
because they had no such large floating population, but no royal interest 
was shown in their case. 

Besides eight or nine new boroughs in North Wales, the crown 
created three in England, Warenmouth in Northumberland (1247), 
Newton in Dorset (1286) and Kingston-on-Hull in Yorkshire (1299). 
One old royal borough, Salisbury, was depleted in favour of a new 
episcopal city on a lower site (1225), and another, Winchelsea, attacked 
by the sea, was removed to a safer position (1288). Two royal boroughs 
enlarged their bounds, Scarborough taking in Palsgrave and Newcastle- 
on-Tyne, Pandon^. Bristol was gradually annexing Redcliffe, despite 
the resistance of its manorial lords*. 

Magna Carta is several times referred to for the limitation of amerce- 
ments and once in a more specific and interesting way. In 1253 the 
king granted that the burgesses of Scarborough and persons coming to 
the borough should not be molested or injured there by any one contrary 
to the Hberties contained "in Magna Carta nostra magnatibus et aliis 
liberis dominibus Anglie confecta"^. The reference is probably to the 
general confirmation of the liberties and free customs of the cities, 
boroughs, etc., which follows that of the privileges of London in the 
great charter^. 

Our brief survey of the constitutional history of the royal boroughs 
in the thirteenth century is sufficient to show that though the greater 
towns of this class secured new and important privileges, these new 
liberties were merely a development of the old and made no change of 
principle in the relation of the towns to the crown. Favoured by the 
necessities of Henry HI, many boroughs obtained substantial inde- 
pendence of the administration of the counties in which they lay, in 
matters of finance and justice, but they were far indeed from attaining 
the independence of the communes of France and the free cities of 

^ VIII 2. 

^ Ibid. Henry III also took steps to improve the morals of Oxford (VIII i). 

M 17. * Cf. IVa 8. 5 I 20. 

* Magna Carta (1215) c. 13, (1225) c. 10. 



Germany. The king promised in the Great Charter to respect their 
liberties and free customs, but this was interpreted as conditional on 
their proper use of them. They derived their liberties from the crown 
and the crown could, and not infrequently did, resume them when 
dissatisfied with their behaviour, and the restoration of the civic privi- 
leges became a matter of grace. Even if the king did not go so far as to 
take the town liberties into his hands and appoint his own officer to 
govern it, he could, and did, on sufficient occasion ignore the privilege 
of return of writs and send the local sheriff into the town to execute his 
orders^. The crown in fact had ample power to keep the greatest and 
most turbulent borough in order, and even after the introduction of 
parliamentary taxation it did not, for half a century, abandon its old 
right to tallage the towns on the royal demesne at its discretion. 

Though the liberties even of London were liable at any moment to 
be taken into the hands of the king, the larger English towns had not 
escaped the influence of the communal movement on the continent. 
The commune of London was, indeed, exceptional and in the full 
continental sense short-lived, but there seems reason to believe that 
both in London and in other towns this foreign influence may be traced 
not only in heightened communal feeling and action but in new con- 
stitutional structure. Mr Round's claim that the oath of the twenty-four 
in 1206-7, preserved in a contemporary London manuscript, reveals 
the existence in London in the middle of John's reign of an elected and 
sworn council with judicial functions, modelled on the "Vingt Quatre" 
of Rouen, in which he sees the germ of the later Common Council^, 
was disputed by Miss Bateson who preferred to identify the London 
twenty-four with the twenty-four aldermen and emphasised the absence 
of any evidence of the election of the former^. This view is, however, 
invalidated by Professor Unwin's discovery on the printed Close Roll 
of the year in question* of the king's order to the barons of London to 
elect twenty-four of their more lawful, wise and discreet fellow citizens 
to remedy the misgovernment of those who had hitherto been in power 
{superior es) in the administration of justice and in the assessment and 
collection of tallages and other royal revenue. The only doubt remaining 
is whether this was a temporary expedient or not. Miss Bateson insists 
on the fact that the later oath of the London common councillor con- 
tained no reference to judicial functions "for the common councillor 
as such had none." However this may be, the judicial aspect was cer- 

^ As at Norwich in 1286 when the citizens were behindhand in their payments to 
the king (Madox, Firma Burgi, p. 184). 

" Commune of London, p. 237. ^ E.H.R. xvii, 507. 

* Rot. Litt. Claus. (Rec. Comm.), I, 64. Professor Unwin, however, regards it as 
a commission of enquiry only {Finance and Trade under Edward III, p. 13). 


tainly stressed in the oath taken individually by the twenty-four /Mm 
of Leicester and the twelve portmen of Ipswich, both elected bodies^, 
and a strong impression is left that these and similar bodies show the 
effect of foreign influence, not necessarily always French. It does not 
seem likely that the jury of a borough court would have developed 
independently on these lines. 

The class of royal boroughs, of course, included many smaller towns 
than those with which we have just been dealing. Even county towns 
such as Warwick, Hertford and Dorchester are not known to have 
received a charter of any kind from the king up to the end of the thir- 
teenth century. This renders less startling than it would otherwise be 
the return which a sheriff of Warwickshire made on one occasion that 
his county contained neither city nor borough. The lesser royal boroughs 
chartered or unchartered, approximated in some respects and in varying 
degrees to the more favoured members of the class of seignorial boroughs 
which now in its turn comes up for consideration. 

(3) Seignorial Boroughs. Of over 180 boroughs, the charters of 
which are included in this collection, roughly one half were mesne towns, 
that is, under the immediate lordship of some subject, not of the king. 
This common tenurial status covers the widest variety of importance 
and privilege from royal boroughs which had been mediatised in favour 
of a great lay or ecclesiastical lord, either at an earlier date as Chester 
(down to 1237), Bath (to the bishop c. 1090), Leicester and Reading, 
or in this period as Exeter (to the earls of Cornwall, 1231-1300), 
and Newcastle-under-Lyme (to the earl of Lancaster, 1265), together 
with the new episcopal borough of Salisbury (1225), to the pettiest 
manorial borough which had little but burgage tenure to mark it off 
from the ordinary rural manor with a market. The mediatised towns 
(except Reading and Newcastle) belong essentially to the highest class 
of the royal boroughs, and though mesne tenure gave rise to some 
pecuHarities in a long subjected town hke Leicester, its municipal 
growth was generally on the same lines. It is true that it never got the 
farm of the town until 1375 and then only for a term of years, but as 
the earl excluded the sheriff, there was not the same motive to seek it. 
Much less important boroughs, indeed, such as Farnham and Plympton 
had already secured the right of farming their lord's revenue^, but whether 
their position was in fact more independent than that of Leicester may 
perhaps be doubtful. Evidence has, however, been discovered recently 
that, in the twelfth century at all events, the earls were taking customs 

I ^ Bateson, Hist, of Leicester, i, xlvi; Gross, Gild Merchant, II, 117-8. I hope to 

I go more fully into the question elsewhere. 

2 VI I. 


from the Leicester merchant guild, which had not been suspected 

A majority of the seignorial boroughs represented are not known to 
have received earlier charters, but unless their first charter in this period 
is clearly one of foundation, as e.g. are those of Salford and Agardsley, 
they may often be boroughs by prescription. Thus Manchester appears 
as a borough in 1282, though it did not get a charter until 1301. 

In Scotland, apparently, no new mesne borough could be set up 
without a royal grant as in the case of Newburgh founded by Lindores 
Abbey in 1266. In England, if we may judge from the silence of charters, 
this was not essential, but the license of the crown or other superior 
lord to have or make a borough or free borough in a manor or vill is 
recited in the charters of Abbots Bromley (borough), Kirkham, Orms- 
kirk, and Stockport (from the earl of Chester), and the boroughs of 
Clifton, Lydham and "Skynburgh" (removed to Kirkby Johannis in 
1305) were created by royal grants of free boroughs, markets and fairs, 
etc., to their lords who seemingly issued no charters themselves 2. A 
crown grant of free borough^ was sometimes given ex post facto as to 
Richard earl of Cornwall for Camelford. In the case of other Cornish 
boroughs Richard appears to have granted liber burgus without crown 
confirmation not only to his own towns but to a vassal's borough at 
West Looe. Other lords ranging in importance from the earl of Chester 
and the bishop of Salisbury down to a petty Cheshire baron, Hamon de 
Massey, exercised the same power. Some new boroughs were started 
less formally with a grant of free burgages, which, however, amounted 
to the same thing. This was the case at Knutsford and probably at 
Kinver. Where the site was new, or an addition to an old one, the grant 
was sometimes expressed as made to those who were willing to take up 
burgages. The charters to Agardsley and Sherborne afford examples^. 

It is remarkable that in a charter omitted in the first volume and 
printed in the appendix to this, the date of which (if genuine) must be 
between 1141 and 1167, earl Reginald of Cornwall confirms an alleged 
recognition by the count of Mortain before 1086 that the borough of 
Launceston possessed " omnes libertates ad libenim burgum pertinentes," 
a formula which Mr Ballard could not elsewhere trace back beyond the 
reign of John. The charter lies under some suspicion in consequence of 

A royal confirmation of a seignorial charter was rarely sought in 
this period and then usually in no haste. The charters of Chard (1235) 

^ F. A. Stenton, Danelaw Charters, cxix. ^ I i. ' I 3- 

* II A 1 . The creation of new burgages at Sherborne had parallels at Bridgetown 

Pomeroy, Morpeth and perhaps Burton-on-Trent. Two Cornish boroughs, Lostwithiel 

and Penknight (Penknek) were thrown into one (I 3). 


and Plympton (1242), for instance, did not receive the royal approval 
until 1286 and 1285 respectively^. 

Mesne boroughs, like those which had the king for lord, were some- 
times granted the privileges of other boroughs on the same fief. Thus the 
bishop of Winchester's new borough of Francheville (Newtown) in the 
Isle of Wight received the liberties of Taunton, Witney, Alresford and 
Farnham, Tintagel those of Dunheved, Kinver those of Kidderminster, 
and Aberavon those of Kenfig^. A similar filiation might exist without 
being expressly mentioned. 

The charters of earl William de Ferrers to Bolton (1253), Robert 
de Stockport to Stockport {c. 1260) and Thomas de Grelley to Man- 
chester (1301) are all more or less close copies of earl Ranulf of Chester's 
charter to Salford {c. 1230). Ferrers was his brother-in-law and one 
of his heirs, Robert de Stockport a Cheshire feudatory, and Grelley's 
borough adjacent to Salford. A more general likeness pervades the three 
charters of Macclesfield (1261), Congleton (c. 1272) and Knutsford 
(c. 1292) all in Cheshire. 

The grant to Aberavon, mentioned above, was made "to all my 
English burgesses and also my tensers (chenceribus) in my town of 
Avene." The class of tensers, censers {censarii) or stallagers is found in 
other boroughs as an imperfectly privileged element, but nowhere else 
as joint recipients of the liberties. With this conjunction may be com- 
pared the grant at Bake well to "the burgesses and free tenants," where 
there was doubtless substantial equality^. 

Many charters exhibit the features which Miss Bateson traced, less 
convincingly in some cases than in others, to the "laws of Breteuil"*, 
but the only addition to her list of boroughs thus influenced is Abbots 
Bromley which received from Burton Abbey the liberties of Lichfield, 
an unquestionably BretoUian borough. The best attested of the Bretollian 
privileges, the low fixed amercement of a shilling for all but serious 
oflPences^ appears in the charters of the Salford group of boroughs 
(qualified at Manchester by a heavy Sunday mulct), the Macclesfield 
group (Macclesfield, Congleton, Knutsford), Chipping Sodbury and 
Gainsborough. All but the last may be due originally to that notable 
founder of boroughs, Ranulf III of Chester. Although decisive of 
Norman influence, the izd. amercement was not necessarily derived 
from Breteuil, as it may have come from other Norman boroughs. 
A sixpenny amercement occurs in three south-western boroughs, Dun- 

1 112(6). 2 18. '17- 

* EH.R. XV, XVI ; cf. Hemmeon, Burgage Tenure, 166 ff. and Ballard, E.H.R. xxx 
(1915), 646. See also Lichfield in Critical Notes. 

* IV D 3. Cases of bloodshed are often excepted, and sometimes offences against 
the lord, his household and officials, at Chesterfield also the assizes of bread and beer. 


ster, Saltash and Penryn, and the very mild one of threepence at the 
neighbour boroughs of Bakewell and Chesterfield. In the Macclesfield 
group the shilling fine was only a preliminary amercement which 
admitted the accused to plead in the lord's court; if he was convicted 
there, a further amercement proportionate to the offence was enacted. 
The double amercement is also found at Gainsborough, but both were 
fixed {6d. and i2d.). 

The measurement of the Knutsford burgages in selions or ridges 
in the fields calls up a picture of a town arising on what was until then 
arable land. A peculiarity at Sherborne was the division of the town 
into three districts with burgages of various sizes and rents^. The arable 
appurtenance of the burgage ranged up to a full oxgang at Denbigh, 
where the burgess had to find a man for defence against the Welsh^. 

These boroughs were often small and the number of burgages 
limited. Warton had only 42 or 43, at least in 1400^, Bolton in 1288 
had 70, Chorley qC*, six years earlier Manchester had nearly 150, at 
Frodsham there were no and at Tutbury 180. At Cardiff in 1303 there 
were as many as 423^. Boroughs must have been, in some cases, very 
minute in Ireland, if we are entitled to make the obvious deduction from 
the grant of Cashel in fee farm by the archbishop in 1230 to " the provost 
and twelve burgesses of the said town or whatever less number they may 
be who are burgesses now or shall be for the time being "^. 

Dr Hemmeon has dealt so fully with the subject of burgage rents 
and what he calls the mobility of the burghal tenement, the comparative 
ease with which it could be given, sold, mortgaged and even bequeathed 
by will, subject in many cases to the lingering rights of the kin, that it 
would be superfluous to analyse the evidence of the charters on these 
heads. A few points, however, may be noted. The alienation fee which 
was often required to be paid to the lord, and occasionally to his bailiff, 
was usually quite small, but at Sherborne a full year's rent was exacted, 
under the name of a relief, if the burgage was given in inheritance'^. 
Mention has already been made incidentally (p. Ixix) of the classes of 
persons who were commonly barred by charter from acquiring burgages, 
especially Jews and religious houses. It is amusing to find the abbots of 
Dieulacres and Burton specially excepting gifts to their own houses by 
their burgesses at Leek and Burton from the general prohibition. 

In the charters nothing more is heard of the lord's right of pre- 
emption, and the right of pre-emption by the kin is only found in the 

^ nA2. 2 iJjrf.jIlBQ. 

^ V.C.H. Lanes, viii, 165. 

* Farrer, Lanes. Inquests, i, 268, 271. 

® Tait, Mediaeval Manchester, p. 55. Salford had 130 in 1346 (V.C.H. iv, 206). 

* VI I. ' II A 17. 


custumal-charters of the Salford group ^. At Manchester their right 
was limited to inherited property and even this could be disposed of to 
others with the consent of the heir, or, in case of need, without it. 

Alienation by sale or gift was not peculiar to boroughs, but in the 
thirteenth century devise of land was not found outside them, except 
perhaps in some parts of ancient demesne. The presence of this peculiarly 
burghal privilege in small towns which were ultimately refused the title 
of boroughs, when judged by other criteria, explains the wider applica- 
tion of that title in the thirteenth century. 

The succession of the youngest son, often though rather mis- 
leadingly called Borough-English, was abolished in favour of primo- 
geniture by Simon de Montfort at Leicester in 1255, on the complaint 
of the burgesses that, owing to the weakness and youthfulness of heirs, 
the town had almost fallen into decay. In the next year the king con- 
firmed the change, and adopted it at Shrewsbury^. 

It is noteworthy that at Saltash a half burgage paid the same relief 
(and amends) as a full one. In the Irish borough of Rathcool, no relief 
was the custom^. 

The widow's free bench, or right to remain in her husband's house 
so long as she made no further marriage, is reserved in the charters of the 
Salford group ^. 

The freedom of a mesne borough^ was acquired either (I) by birth 
or marriage, or (II) by purchase and settlement. 

(I) The only source here is the interesting Chesterfield charter of 
1294. The actual possession of a burgage was not essential. The following 
categories were made: (i) Eldest sons who had not yet inherited the 
burgages of their fathers or other ancestors ; (2) other sons and daughters 
who wished to trade and were ready to pay 3^. yearly for the liberties ; 
if they acquired burgages, this payment ceased; (3) the husband of the 
heiress of a burgess for her life and presumably, if they had children, 
for his life by the courtesy of England ; if he acquired a burgage during 
her lifetime he and his heirs were burgesses for ever ; (4) the widow of a 
burgess; (5) the second husbands of such widows, but only during the 
lifetime of these, unless they meanwhile acquired burgages for them- 
selves; (6) burgesses who had parted with their burgages, on payment of 
2)d. 3. year for the Hberties. 

(II) (i) Such cases of acquisition of burgages as are incidentally 
noted under (I) ; (2) in the Kilkenny group of boroughs, burgesses could 
secure the liberties for their tenants by granting them a plot with a 


! ^ This, of course, does not mean that it did not exist where shorter charters are 

' silent. 

2 II A 16. sjj^jy Ml A 20. 5 jji j_5 


twenty-feet frontage; (3) any native settling in Bodmin, West Looe, 
Welshpool and Llanfyllin and remaining a year and a day unclaimed by 
his lord, subject in the first case to his having been presented to the 
merchant guild, and in the last two to his holding land and being in 
scot and lot with the burgesses. This was a common clause in the 
charters of royal boroughs on the Hereford model. The lords of Plymp- 
ton and Bridgetown Pomeroy especially barred the privilege to their 
own villeins ; (4) emancipation of serfs as a preliminary to the establish- 
ment of a borough is recorded in three cases, those of Higham Ferrers, 
Weymouth and Denbigh^. 

The Chesterfield evidence leaves some uncertainty as to the exact 
status of those who enjoyed the "freedom" without being possessed 
of a burgage as compared with that of the burgesses strictly so called. 
In the case of the sons and daughters of a burgess, other than the eldest 
son, emphasis is laid on their wish to trade, and we may perhaps doubt 
whether they were called upon to take part in the judicial and adminis- 
trative duties of the burgesses^. In some boroughs, it is true, married 
women could do suit of court for their husbands or eldest sons, but this 
was a case of representation when the men were absent^. At Bakewell 
the tenants of the burgesses had a share in the rights of common in 
moor, pasture and waters proportioned to the size of their tenement*. 

The clauses which are grouped under the head of tenurial franchises 
are interesting because they exhibit the concessions that were needed 
to make a settled trading life possible. In some charters the lord formally 
gave up the right to force the burgesses to serve as reeve or as keeper 
of his mills and ovens or as his agent in other capacities^. The lord's 
right of taxing his tenants under whatever name it was exercised, whether 
purveyance, caption, prise or aids and tallage had to be brought within 
bounds. Forced sales were forbidden at Dunheved and Montgomery®. 
Many charters fix a limit of time to the credit that the lord might take 
for goods supplied or money advanced to him. The limit ranged in 
different boroughs from 15 to 91 days, but 40 was most common'. In 
the Carmarthen group a shilling was fixed as the maximum that a burgess 
could be required to lend to the lord's bailiff against his will. The prise 
or caption of beer, wine, fish or other commodities was usually defined 
in the charters as the right to take a certain quantity at something below 
the market rate^. The burgesses of Morpeth bought out the lord's ale 
prise in 1294. 

1 III 12. 2 Q{ H.E.L. I, 672. * Tait, Mediaeval Manchester, p. 83. 

* II A 7. The burgesses of Totnes claimed to exempt non-resident traders from 
tolls, etc., for a small annual payment to the lord, but were obliged to consent to a 
compromise (Gross, Gild Merchant, 11, 237). 

MIB2I. 6 II B 7, 8. MIb8. 8 IIb8; VI 4. 


Aids and tallages^ are not always distinguished and aids in the strict 
feudal sense were rare, but Saltash and Morpeth have to be added to the 
list of boroughs which paid all or part of these. The right to levy tallages 
was often limited to the case of the king tallaging his free towns and (as 
we learn from the Chesterfield charter) authorising other lords to do the 
same. The chapter of Winchester retained also the right to call upon 
Weymouth for a tallage if any special misfortune happened to their 
church. Bodmin and Berkeley stood alone in securing immunity from 
all such imposts. 

It is significant that the mediatised borough of Leicester did not 
obtain the abolition of a payment in commutation of agricultural 
services on the earl's demesne until nearly the middle of the thirteenth 
century. The charters of Laugharne and Tenby relieved the burgesses 
from much more onerous burdens of this kind^. 

Suit to the mill and oven of the lord was usually retained, though 
often with alleviations, such as the allowance of handmills and of baking 
bread not intended for sale, or all but particular kinds of bread. Only 
three towns, Agardsley, Haverfordwest and Warton were entirely 
exempted from multure^. 

The exceptional conditions of the Welsh March are reflected in the 
clauses which secure the burgesses of towns like Haverfordwest from 
abuse of their duty of military service*. At Denbigh the retention of 
burgages was made conditional on the finding of an armed man to guard 
and defend the town, but the burgesses of Tenby were excused all but 
voluntary castleward and millward, and any army or riding service outside 
the town from which they could not return the same day and by daylight. 

There is nothing in the seignorial charters corresponding to the 
mitigation of the forest law in favour of the burgesses of certain royal 
boroughs, except that the men of Dunster were allowed to kill rabbits 
which were doing damage, if they took the skins to the castle^. 

If the most fortunate mesne borough enjoyed a smaller measure of 
self-determination and other privilege than one which had direct 
relations with the crown, the defect must be traced to want of will as 
well as want of power on the part of its lord. It is true that he could 
not secure for his burgesses general exemption from tolls throughout 
the kingdom or the whole of the king's dominions without such a 
special royal charter as was exceptionally granted to Salisbury, Reading 
and some smaller boroughs^. Unless he had the rare franchise of return 
of writs himself, he could not guarantee his men against the frequent 
intervention of the sheriff and his officers. 

1 iiB II. 2 iiB 15. ' iiB 17. 

* IIB9. * IIB5. « Va7. 


But the seignorial boroughs were mostly small, with no wide trading 
connexions. Freedom from tolls within Cornwall or Cheshire sufficed 
for the Cornish and Cheshire boroughs, and many lords could not 
bestow even so wide an immunity as this^. The privilege of return of 
writs was prized by the royal boroughs, we have seen, more because it 
completed their financial emancipation from the sheriff than because it 
freed them from his judicial control. 

It was quite competent, of course, for a mesne lord to grant his 
borough at fee farm to the burgesses and so relieve them, in part at all 
events, from that intermeddling of his own officers which answered to 
the intromission of the sheriffs in the royal boroughs. Fee farm grants 
of the same type as those made to the latter were received by eleven 
mesne towns in England and Wales, Brecon, Clitheroe, Dunheved, 
Exeter, Farnham, Helston, Liskeard, Montgomery, Plympton, Rich- 
mond and Wycombe and by two in Ireland, Cashel and Kilmaclenine^. 
In some cases the farm did not include all the lord's profits, such revenue 
as escheats, amercement for certain offences as bloodshed and theft, 
mill rents, etc., being excepted. It is noteworthy that at Montgomery 
the reservations comprised inter alia specified lands and the homage and 
services of five tenants whose names are given, while at Farnham three 
tenants were mentioned "qui nobis in capite respondebunt sicut prius 
consueuerunt." Reservations were one thing; quite another was the 
renunciation which Edmund of Lancaster extracted from the burgesses 
of mediatised Newcastle-under-Lyme, between 1292 and 1297, of the 
fee farm grant obtained from the king forty years before. Leicester, 
the most prosperous of the seignorial boroughs did not obtain the " firma 
burgi" at all until long after this period. 

Two grants in England (Newport, I. W. and Sheffield) and one in 
Ireland (Cloyne) have been placed here which might with equal or greater 
propriety have been put into an earlier section^. But they seem to have 
something in common with the. firma burgi concessions. They are indeed 
grants of the burgages (tofts at Sheffield) of the town not of the town 
itself, but the charters instead of fixing the rent of the individual burgage, 
as was usual, prescribes a collective rent. For this the community was 
evidently responsible*, since it is associated at Newport with a small 
annual payment to a hospital which was stipulated for, and at Sheffield the 
grant was definitely made at fee farm to the free tenants and their heirs^. 

1 Va8. 2 VI I. 

^ Mr Ballard had in fact placed the Cloyne clause in II A i , but assigned the 
Newport grant to VI i . 

* Even under the individual arrangement the community was sometimes held 
responsible for the rent of a vacant burgage. 

^ It may be noted that the grant of an individual burgage at a perpetual fixed 
rent pro omni servicio, etc., is itself a grant in fee farm. 


If additional burgages could be created by subdivision the profit, if any, 
would presumably under this arrangement go to the community not to 
the lord. It was a step therefore which might lead to a more complete 
commutation of the seignorial profits such as we find in the normal grant 
of the firma biirgi. At Newport, indeed, it was accompanied by a fee farm 
grant of the mills, toll, custom and amercements of the borough. 

A grant of a merchant guild was equally within the competence of 
the mesne lord. Twelve such grants are included in this volume, to 
which must be added a royal grant of the guild to the prior and convent 
of Coventry for their men there (1267)^. In boroughs where the lord 
or his steward or bailiff presided in the borough court, the guild under 
its own president afforded the only regular opportunity for free dis- 
cussion of communal affairs. This freedom must not, however, be 
exaggerated, for we find the abbot of Reading insisting on choosing the 
warden of the guild from among its members and taking an oath from 
him. He also exacted fees from the guildsmen, as seems to have been 
done originally at Leicester^. 

In such small boroughs as Altrincham, whatever the value of the 
guild as an outlet for burgess opinion, its trading importance can have 
been but slight. 

The judicature clauses in seignorial charters contain much interesting 
detail and throw light on the extent to which the courts of mesne boroughs 
were allowed to approximate to the large measure of independent 
jurisdiction and substantial freedom from interference enjoyed by the 
courts of royal boroughs which held the fee farm and elected their own 
officers. Exemption from pleading in courts outside the borough the 
lords were usually ready to concede, so far as their immunities extended. 
The courts of the royal justices were, of course, an almost universal 
exception, but occasionally they seem to have been held in a mesne 
borough as at Lostwithiel, the burgesses of which, like those of some 
royal boroughs, had the right of making all necessary attachments before 
their coming, thus excluding the sheriff from entering the town to make 
arrests and take gage and pledges^. In the March of Wales where the 
Marcher lords held the pleas of the crown, Gruffydd son of Gwenwynwyn 
could empower his burgesses at Welshpool not only to attach but to try 
all thieves, homicides and malefactors found in the borough*, a privilege 
which Humphrey de Bohun at Brecon limited to fair-time^, though he 
allowed felonies arising in the borough at other times to be tried there 
by his baiUff^. 

^Vbi. 2 See above, p. Ixxvi. ^ IV \^. MVc8. 

* IV A 2, 5 (a). The trial of felonies in fair courts was rare in England, and in the 
known cases it was in the hands of others than the town authorities, e.g. the abbot 
of St Werburgh's at Chester (Gross, Lazv Merchant (Selden Soc), i, xxiv). * IV a 5. 


Exemption from pleading in the siiire court was less general than 
freedom from the hundred court^. In Cornwall, Truro, Lostwithiel, 
Dunheved and probably Saltash enjoyed both, the Saltash court being 
itself described as the hundred. Helston had the same privilege except 
for cases touching tenements outside the town. Not all great lords were 
so liberal as the earl of Cornwall, or indeed had it in their power. The 
earl of Pembroke's burgesses at Tenby, though quit of ordinary suit to 
the shire court, could be impleaded there by writ, and perhaps no more 
is meant by the quittance of the members of the merchant guild at 
Reading and the burgesses of Newport (I. W.) from shires and hundreds. 
This latter privilege was inserted in the Chesterfield charter of 1294, 
but "shires" was afterwards erased. Did the grantor find that he had 
outrun his powers? 

Founders of boroughs were not quite so liberal in freeing their 
burgesses from suit and pleading in their own higher courts, at all 
events if they were held in or near the town^. Henry de Lacy exempted 
his burgesses of Congleton from attendance at his distant court of Halton 
and Walter de Lindsay more generously allowed borough court to be 
demanded of burgesses of Warton impleaded in his chief court of that 
fee, if proper notice were given. But Thomas Grelley reserved cases of 
theft for his baronial court at Manchester, and the far more liberal 
charter of the bishop of Winchester to Farnham still required the 
attendance of the burgesses tvv'ice a year at the Lawday meetings of his 
private hundred court in the castle, for view of frankpledge, etc. The 
same reservation was made at Chard by the bishop of Salisbury. In 
Ireland, on the other hand, the borough of Cashel was given a hundred 
(court) and a curia haronie by the archbishop^, and hundred was the 
general name for an Irish borough court at all events in towns which 
were influenced by Bristol and her daughter Dublin. 

The borough court in England, in some cases, as in the Salford group 
of towns, called Portmanmoot and at Manchester distinguished as the 
burgess court from the curia domini, i.e. the baronial court, but more 
often referred to simply as the lord's court, was in origin the ordinary 
tri-weekly (occasionally fortnightly) manorial court. The four stated 
meetings of the Manchester portmoot, with intermediate lawdays when 
needed, perhaps point to an original halmoot*. New names and the 
profession that it was the burgesses' own court could not make it really 
other than the lord's court still, so long as his steward or bailiff presided 
in it and he took directly the whole or part of the fines and amercements. 
It was only when the lord relinquished this control, as happened when 

^ IVA4. 2 Ibid. 3 IV A 2. 

* Tait, Mediaeval Manchester, pp. 77-8. 


the town was granted at fee farm to the burgesses that its court became 
in any real sense independent. Thus the burgesses of Farnham on taking 
over the farm received a clause prescribing that they "should do suit 
at their own court before their own bailiffs, as they were wont to do 
before our bailiffs"^. At Richmond it was only on complaint of defect 
of justice in the borough court that the lord's steward was entitled to 
remedy it "according to the custom of the borough laws"^. The same 
rule obtained at Liskeard and probably in the other chief Cornish 
boroughs. At Leicester, though the burgesses did not farm the borough, 
the earl's steward only occasionally appeared in the portmanmoot, and 
rarely interfered in its proceedings^. The importance of the town put 
limits on the exercise of the lord's authority. 

Among the minor seignorial boroughs Kirkham in Lancashire was 
allowed more freedom than most, electing its own bailiff and punishing 
malefactors and breakers of the assizes of bread and beer with gaol, 
pillory and tribleget or ducking stool; "judicial instruments" which the 
lord usually kept in his own hands, even at Farnham*. Kirkham was 
probably fortunate in the fact that its lord, the abbot of Vale Royal 
lived far away in Cheshire. The burgesses of Warrington were forced to 
renounce their borough court when its growing independence alarmed 
the resident lord^. 

There were many degrees of seignorial influence from these more or 
less independent borough courts down to the court of the petty borough 
with a score or two of burgesses. In many cases little was changed in the 
lord's court by the formation of a borough. At Sheffield, not formally 
a borough, however, the only change noticed in the charter was an 
assurance that those amerced in the court of freeholders should have their 
amercements fixed by their peers in proportion to the gravity of the 
offence^. At Bakewell, a mixed borough of burgesses and freeholders, 
there was not even a formal distinction between a court meeting at 
frequent intervals, which in one sense could be called the burgesses' 
court, and the one or two more solemn courts which were in every sense 
the lord's. There was but one court, attendance at which was only en- 
forced at the great Michaelmas session and at other times if they were 
impleaded or when the king's writ of right was in the court or there was 
a prisoner to be judged'^. The same feature is found in the more normal 
boroughs of Congleton and Chesterfield. 

1 IVA2. 2 iva i8. 

' Bateson, Hist, of Leicester, xxiv, xxxviii. 

* IV 04. 

' V.C.H. Lanes, in, 319. For the unsuccessful attempt of the burgesses of Totnes 
to withdraw the cognizance of the assizes of bread, beer and measures from the officers 
and court of their lord, see Gross, Gild Merchant, n, 237-g. 

^ IV D 3. The same clause at Altrincham. '' IV a 19. 


Some fuller definitions are supplied of the business which came 
before the ordinary courts in a borough, normally meeting every three 
weeks. But first we should note the curious survival at places as far 
apart as Chard and Manchester of the archaic hberty to compound or 
arrange minor breaches of the peace without being brought into court 
and amerced ^ The Chard rule seems limited to quarrels arising in 
houses and the Manchester ofl["ender's immunity was dependent on his 
reaching his house without being attached by the reeve. 

From the Knutsford charter we learn that the portmoot dealt with 
all pleas of trespass, attachments, and breach of contracts^. Truro and 
Lostwithiel had grants of sac and soc, toll and team and infangenthef^. 
They tried all pleas of lands, tenements, debts, and contracts and all 
trespasses within the liberty*. Theft, as we have seen, was not always 
cognizable. The assizes of bread and beer are not often mentioned, but 
at Kirkham seem clearly to have been administered by the burgesses^. 
The bishop of Winchester did not go so far as that at Farnham, where the 
burgesses had the assizes and the amercements but the bishop reserved 
to himself the pillory and tumbrel for confirmed offenders. At Agardsley 
in Staffordshire the lord took the third amercement for breach of the 
assize, and all for bloodshed and unjustified hue and cry®. At Bakewell 
amercements for brewing weak beer were suspended in fair-time, and 
from Christmas Eve to St Hilary's Day "out of reverence for the feast 
of Christmas"'^. An interesting experiment was tried at Swansea^ 
amercements and punishments for breach of the assizes with bread-triers 
and ale-tasters being abolished by the charter of 1306, and the aggrieved 
consumer left to seek his remedy at law'^. The barons of Faversham had 
to renounce to their lord the abbot all pleas of infangenthef and outfangen- 
thef, etc.^ On the other hand, the burgesses of Newport (I. W.) were 
allowed to take all amercements from pleas and plaints between them^. 

The charter of William de Braose to Swansea (1306), which is prob- 
ably the longest document of its kind extant, is notable inter alia as 
containing the fullest list of crimes for which bail was not allowed^*', 
entrusting the taxation of amercements to the reeve selected by the 
lord's steward from two persons elected by the burgesses^^, renouncing 
the right to name any of his bailiffs sheriff ^^, providing for the prosecution 
of his peccant officials in the hundred (court) of the town without for- 
malities of pleading {sine solempnitate narracionisy^ , and regulating the 
issue of writs from the lord's chancery especially in cases where he was 

1 IV A I. 2 IV A 4. ^ IVA3. 

* IV A 4. * IVD4. « IV A 19. 

' IVD4, 8 IV A 19. » ivd8. 

*» IV B 5 (a). " VII 2. " II B 21 . 

" VII 5. 


the defendant^. It is interesting as an elaborate attempt to check the 
abuses of the administration of a powerful marcher lord, often an ab- 
sentee, and strengthened by a penalty clause, the grantor engaging in 
case of any breach of the charter to forfeit five hundred pounds to the 
king and five hundred marks to the injured person or persons 2. The 
whole charter is very different in tone from those of other lords marcher 
in this volume^ and a comparative study of their administration would 
be well worth making, if sufficient materials could be found. 

Except in the case of large mediatised boroughs like Leicester, little 
or nothing is known of the administration of the seignorial borough in 
the thirteenth century. It is less surprising than it appears at first sight 
that the only express charter grant of the right to make bye-laws was made 
not to a royal borough, but to the mesne borough of Oswestry in 1263^. 

The charters throw more, but still scanty, light upon the trading 
aspect of these towns. Crafts such as those of shoemakers, skinners 
and fullers were forbidden to be exercised in the wapentake of Salford 
outside the borough^, but the saving of the liberties of the barons, and 
a subsequent grant of the same privilege to Bolton must have much 
restricted the concentration of trades in Salford. 

The charters of certain boroughs such as Chard, Chesterfield, Bake- 
well and Swansea excluded "foreign" traders, or, in some cases, all 
non-burgesses, from pursuing the trades of tanners, dyers, cloth-cutters, 
butchers, fishmongers and the like within the liberties of the town or 
buying or selling therein®. The exclusion was sometimes confined to 
specified commodities and exception is occasionally made of fair-time 
or a failure of the bread supply. William de Braose stipulated that the 
burgesses of Laugharne should not be excluded from Swansea. The prior 
and convent of Winchester, on the other hand, opened the port of 
Weymouth to all comers on payment of the proper dues'^. 

A few boroughs, chiefly in Cornwall, had a clause in their charters 
assuring the burgesses freedom of movement and trade within the range 
of the grantor's influence^. 

The existence of a merchant guild in some of these towns has already 
been mentioned^. Oswestry, Chesterfield and Bakewell had clauses in 
their charters directed against forestallers and regraters^°. The burgess 
lot or share in bargains is recorded at Chesterfield^^ and the lord's right 
of pre-emption at Dunster and Hartlepool^^. The Dunster clause pro- 
tected the burgesses against anticipation by outside buyers. 

j 1 iva 19. 2 I 21. 

I ' The charter was the result of proceedings taken in the king's court by the bur- 

gesses against Braose (I 6). 

*IVg. ^Vai. « VB4. ' VB5. ^ Toid. 

I 9 Above, p. Ixxxiii. ^"Vbic. i^Vbis. ^-Vbii. 

B.II g 


A grant of a market, with or without a fair or fairs, figures in some 
seignorial charters, but where it is not merely a confirmation of an 
existing privilege, it emanates from a lord who was invested with palatine 
or quasi-palatine powers such as Richard the brother of Henry HI in 
Cornwall, the bishop of Durham at Hartlepool and the lord of Neath in 
the March of Wales ^ As markets and fairs were freely hcensed by the 
crown in ordinary manors, many towns possessed them for some time 
before they received borough charters from their lords ^. Such grants 
in a certain number of cases were, no doubt, obtained in view of the 
creation of a borough which for some reason was deferred, but this 
need not be assumed as the general explanation of the fact. 

The creation of minor boroughs on so extensive a scale as character- 
ised it in England had inevitably a strong element of experiment. The 
local lord was by no means always a good judge of the potentialities of 
his handiwork. His attempt to develop rural into urban communities 
was often futile, or at least premature. Of the nineteen lesser boroughs, 
in addition to the four greater ones (Lancaster, Preston, Wigan and 
Liverpool) which were created in Lancashire during the middle ages, 
and chiefly in the thirteenth century, nearly all relapsed sooner or later 
into the status at best of large villages which, from the sixteenth century 
onwards, were only distinguished from their neighbours by a certain 
survival of burgage tenure, which itself gradually died out^. The few 
which retained a real urban character nevertheless failed to attain a 
municipal government. Lancashire was a poor county and therefore 
perhaps not wholly typical, but the same causes, a stationary or retro- 
grade economic position and the refusal of local lords to give real inde- 
pendence were at work elsewhere to depress not a few of the smaller 
boroughs of the middle ages*. 

^ Mr Ballard gives instances in which the interval varied from one to upwards of 
fifty years (Scott. Hist. Rev. xiii, 25). At Oswestry the grant of burgages between 1 190 
and 1 200 was stated to be " for the improvement of the market ' ' (vol . I , p . 8 1 ) . 

' V.C.H. Lanes, passim. 

* For an excellent account of the later history of the seignorial borough, see Webb, 
English Local Government, vol. 11 (The Manor and the Borough). A full history of a single 
example is R. H. Gretton's The Burford Records (1920). 



















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(i) License to create Borough 

[No royal licenses of this period for English or Welsh boroughs have 
survived, but reference is made to such licenses in the charters of 
Abbots Bromley (II A i), Congleton (V A 8, a doubtful case), Kirkham 
and Ormskirk (I 3)^. The text of a license granted by Richard I in 1189 
to the bishop of Bath and Wells for a borough at " Radeclive " in Somer- 
set, which was omitted in vol. i, will be found in Appendix A below. 
The permission granted by Alexander III of Scotland to Lindores 
abbey in 1266 to have a free burgh and market with the liberties of both 
at their vill by the monastery (section 3 below) has all the appearance 
of a license to create and might have been placed here, were it not that 
the vill is referred to as already called Newburgh {Novus Burgus). This 
perhaps presupposes an earlier step on the part either of king or abbey.] 

(2) Creation of Borough 

[AYR, 1202-7. Willelmus Dei gratia Rex Scottorum....Sciatis me 

ad novum castellum meum super Are burgum fecisse. 

(William by the grace of God King of the Scots. ...Know ye that I have 
established a burgh at my new castle upon Ayr.)] 

DUMBARTON, 1221. For super Are read apud Dunbritan. 
DINGWALL, 1226. For ad... Are read Dingwell in Ros. 

NEW WINCHELSEA, 1281. Edwardus etc....dilectis et fidelibus 
suis Stephano de Pencestria, Iterio Engolisma et Henrico le Waleys 
salutem. Sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad assidendas placias apud 
Ihame et eas per certam arrentationem juxta legalem extentam per vos 

^ In the following pages, any clause which appears in more charters than one is 
usually printed from the earliest charter in which it appears, and the other charters are 
noted with their variations ; but among such variations no notice is taken of 

(i) The interchange between burgus and civitas, or burgensis and civis, or place 

(2) The change from singular to plural in the Royal Style after the accession of 

Richard I. 

(3) Any variation in the order of words, unless such variation produces a change 

of meaning. 

(4) Any change in conjunctions, e.g. etiam for insuper, and the like. 

Where a charter is the grant of a mesne lord, the name of the town to which it was 
granted is printed in italic capitals. 

^ For recital of earlier licenses to create Borough, see vol. i, p. 42 (Burton-on-Trent) ; 
vol. I, p, 23 (Beverley) ; vol. i, p. 21 (Morpeth) ; vol. I, p. 2 (St Andrews). 

B.n I 


inde faciendam baronibus et probis hominibus nostris de Wynchelsee 
edificandas et inhabitandas juxta discretiones vestras committendas. Et 
ideo vobis mandamus quod vos omnes, vel duo vestrum, quos ad hoc 
vacare contigerit, in propriis personis vestris apud Ihame accedatis et 
placias ibidem assideatis, et eas prefatis baronibus edificandas et in- 
habitandas committatis in forma predicta; salva tamen Dominis 
immediatis placiarum predictarum rationabiH extenta cujuslibet acre 
per vos assesse et ad inhabitandam commisse juxta discretiones vestras 
predictas, sicut predictum est. 

(Edward etc. his beloved Ueges Stephen de Penchester, Iterius of 
Angouleme, and Henry le Waleys greeting. Know ye that we have assigned 
you to assess the sites at Iham and to demise them to our barons and good 
men of Winchelsea for building and habitation at a fixed rental according to 
a legal extent to be made by you at your discretion. And therefore we com- 
mand you, that you all, or two of you as you happen to have opportunity, go 
yourselves to Iham and there assess the sites and demise them to the aforesaid 
barons for building and habitation in manner aforesaid; saving nevertheless 
to the immediate Lords of the sites aforesaid a reasonable rent of each acre 
assessed by you and demised for habitation at your discretion as is aforesaid.) 

KIRKHAM, 1296. Cum Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Anglie nobis 

contulisset manerium de Kirkham in liberam, puram et perpetuam 

elemosinam et tandem in charta sua concessisset nobis in eodem manerio 

liberum burgum habere, Nos unanimi consilio et concensu decrevimus 

ibi liberum burgum construere dantes et concedentes burgensibus in 

eodem burgo manentibus eorumque heredibus libertates et liberas con- 

suetudines subscriptas tenendas et habendas de nobis et successoribus 

nostris sibi et heredibus suis et suis assignatis per presentem cartam 

in perpetuum confirmatam in premissis^. . . 

(Whereas Edward by the grace of God King of England conferred on us 
the manor of Kirkham in free, pure and perpetual alms and finally by his 
charter granted us that we might have a free borough in our manor, We^ 
with the unanimous advice and consent (sc. of our chapter) have determined 
to build a free borough there, giving and granting to the burgesses dwelling 
in the same borough and to their heirs the liberties and customs hereunder 
written to hold and to have of us and our successors to them and their heirs 
and assigns by the present charter confirmed to them for ever in the premises.) 

(3) Grant of liber burgus^ 

SALISBURY, 1227. (To Bishop of SaUsbury.) Quod locus ille qui 

dicitur Nova Sarisberia sit libera ci vitas in perpetuum, clausa fossatis 

sicut inferius notatum est. 

(That the place called New Salisbury be a free city for ever, enclosed with 
ramparts as is noted below.) 

^ See p. xlii. ^ Walter, abbot of Vale Royal. 

' See also I 8 (Berwick), III i and II A i (Higham Ferrers). A grant of free borough 
is said to have been made to Burford (Salop) in 1265-6 (Eyton, Salop, iv, 318). 


MONTGOMERY, 1227. Quod villa nostra de Mungumery liber 
burgus sit in perpetuum. 

(That our town of Montgomery be a free borough for ever.) 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line i. For Mungumery read D. versus Uriel. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 

Line i. For Uriel read Midiam. 
LIVERPOOL, 1229 (a). 
WIGAN, 1246. (To John Mansel.) 

Line i. For nostra read sua. 

Liber is supplied from the volumus clause. 

Line 2. Omit in perpetuum. 
DEGANWY, 1252. As Montgomery. 
BRIDPORT, 1253. 

Line i. Omit nostra. 

2. For in perpetuum read de cetero. 
MACCLESFIELD, 1261. As Newcastle-under-Lyme 
CLIFTON (Wore), 1270. (To Roger de Mortimer.) 

Line i. For nostra read ejus. 
LYDHAM, 1270. (To Adam de Montgomery.) As Clifton. 
WINDSOR, 1277. 

Line 2. For in perpetuum read de cetero. 
ABERYSTWYTH, 1277. As Windsor. 

SALFORD^, c. 1230, Quod villa de Salford sit liber burgus. 

(That the town of Salford be a free borough.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

STOCKPORT, c. 1260. Add secundum cartam quam impetravi a domino 

Cestreshirie (according to the charter which I have obtained from the 

lord of Cheshire). 

CHARD, 1235. Quia desideramus emendationem manerii nostri de 

Cerde volumus et concedimus quod villa de Cerde infra metas subscriptas 

sit liber burgus in perpetuum. Hae autem sunt metae burgi illius.... 

(Because we desire the improvement of our manor of Chard we will and 
grant that the town of Chard within the underwritten boundaries be a free 
borough for ever. Now these are the boundaries of that borough....) 

UTTOXETER, 1252. (William de Ferrers, earl of Derby.) Noveritis 
nos concessisse, etc pro nobis et heredibus nostris, omnibus burgensibus 
nostris de Uttokeshater- quod habeant decetero liberum burgum et 
libera burgagia sua cum pertinenciis in villa de Uttok', sicut quidem 
(sic) prius assisa fuerunt^, etc., reddendo^.... 

^ See V.C.H., Lanes, u, 193. 

^ Uttoxeshather in Mosley's translation (Hist, of Ashbourne, p. 302). The text is 
from a brief abstract of the charter in Harl. MS. 2060 (fo. i6 (old 24)). 

* The translation, from which I have corrected "quidem" to "quaedam," con- 
tinues : and others hereafter shall happen to be, with free ingress and egress, to be held 
of us and our heirs, to them and their heirs or assigns and their heirs for ever, as freely 
and as decently they shall and may hold the same as free burgesses, with all liberties, 
free common and easements to a free borough belonging. * See II A 2. 


(Be it known to you that we have granted, etc., for us and our heirs, to all 
our burgesses of Uttoxeter that they shall have henceforth a free borough 
and their free burgages with their appurtenances in the town of Uttoxeter, 
as some of them have formerly been assessed, etc. paying....) 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Et quod villa nostra de Wayemue sit liber 

burgus intra metas et bundas subscriptas, sicut perambulatio facta est 

et assisa per nos et seneschailum nostrum, videlicet... (here follow 


(And that our town of Weymouth be a free borough within the metes and 
bounds underwritten as the perambulation was made and fixed by us and our 
steward, to wit....) 

CAMELFORD, 1260. Sciatis nos ad instantiam Ricardi illustris 
regis Allemannorum de gratia nostra speciali concessimus...quod villa 
sua de Cameleford in Cornubia quam idem rex per cartam suam nuper 
fecit liberum burgum cum mercato singulis septimanis per diem Veneris 
et cum feria singulis annis per tres dies duratura, videlicet in vigilia et 
in die et in crastino translacionis Sancti Swithun, remaneat liber burgus 
cum praedictis mercato et feria et omnibus libertatibus et liberis con- 
suetudinibus ad huiusmodi burgum mercatum et feriam pertinentibus 
in perpetuum. 

(Know ye that we, at the instance of Richard the distinguished King of the 
Germans, of our special favour, have granted... that his town of Camelford 
in Cornwall, which the same king by his charter lately made a free borough 
with a market every week on Friday and with a fair to last for three days every 
year, to wit, on the eve and the day and the morrow of the translation of 
St Swithin, shall remain a borough with the aforesaid market and fair, and 
all liberties and free customs pertaining to such a borough and market and 
fair for ever.) 

NEWBURGH, 1266. Sciatis nos...dedisse...religiosis viris abbati 
et conventui de Lundoris ut ipsi et eorum successores in perpetuum 
habeant villam eorum que dicitur Novus Burgus juxta monasterium de 
Lundoris in liberum burgum et forum in eodem burgo quolibet die 
Martis cum libertatibus burgi et fori, sal vis in omnibus burgorum 
nostrorum libertatibus. 

(Know ye that we... have granted... to the men of religion, the abbot and 
convent of Lindores that they and their successors for ever shall have their 
town which is called the New Burgh near the monastery of Lindores as a 
free burgh, and shall have a market in the same burgh every Tuesday, with 
the liberties of a burgh and market, saving in all things the liberties of our 
burghs.) ^1 

[HELSTON, 1201^. Quod burgus noster de Helleston sit liber 

(That our borough of Helston be a free borough.)] 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 3. 


LISKEARD, 1240. 
DUNHEVED, 1225-56. 
TINTAGEL, 1225-56. As Dunheved. 

LOSTWITHIEL, 1268. Quod burgi nostri predict! de Lostwithiel 

€t Penknegh unus et liber burgus si[n]t. 

(That our aforesaid boroughs of Lostwithiel and Penknight^ be a united 
and free borough.) 

WEST LOOE, ? 1243. Noveritis me concessisse... domino Odoni de 

Treverbyn et heredibus suis quod burgus suus de Porbuan sit liber burgus . 

(Know ye that I (sc. Richard, Earl of Cornwall) have granted... to lord Odo 
de Treverbyn and his heirs that their borough of Porbuan shall be a free 

CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274. Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos 

Henricus de Lascy, comes Lincolnie et constabularius Cestrie, dedimus. . . 

liberis burgensibus de Congulton quod predicta villa sit liber burgus. 

(Know all men present and future that we Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln and 
constable of Chester, have given... to the free burgesses of Congleton that the 
aforesaid town be a free borough.) 

CONWAY, 1284. Quod villa nostra de Aberconeweye de cetero 
liber burgus sit. 

(That our vill of Conway henceforth be a free borough.) 



BERK, 1284. 

HARLECH, 1284. 

FLINT, 1284. 

RHUDDLAN, 1284. 

LYME [REGIS], 1284. 

CAERWYS, 1290. 

Line i . For nostra read ilia. 
OVERTON, 1292. 
NEWBOROUGH (Anglesey), 1303. As Caerwys. 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Omnibus sancte matris ecclesie filiis ad quos 

presens scriptum peruenerit, Frater Warinus, prior de Burscogh, et 

eiusdem loci canonici salutem in Domino sempiternam. Nouerit uni- 

uersitas uestra nos dedisse, concessisse et hac presenti carta nostra 

confirmasse pro nobis et successoribus nostris burgensibus de Ormes- 

kirk et eorum heredibus et assignatis quod habeant liberum burgum 

apud Ormeskirk imperpetuum, eciam omnes rectas consuetudines et 

libertates, prout in carta domini regis plenius continetur. 

(To all sons of holy mother church to whom the present writing shall 
come, brother Warin, prior of Burscough, and the canons of the said place 
eternal salvation in the Lord. Know ye all that we have given, granted and 

^ In Lanlivery. 


by this our present charter confirmed for us and our successors to our bur- 
gesses of Ormskirk and their heirs and assigns that they shall have a free 
borough at Ormskirk for ever, also all right customs and liberties, as is more 
fully contained in the lord king's charter ^) 

WELSHPOOL, 124.1-C. 1286. Noverit universitas vestra me con- 
cessisse et...confirmasse dilectis et fidelibus burgensibus nostris de la 
Pole et heredibus suis ut habeant liberum burgum in villa de Pole, ita 
quod prefati burgenses et eorum heredes fuerint liberi de omnibus 
consuetudinibus et serviciis mihi et heredibus meis in omnibus terris 
ubicunque fuerint pertinentibus. 

(Be it known to you all that I have given and... confirmed to my beloved 
and faithful burgesses of the Pool, that they shall have a free borough in the 
town of Pool, so that the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs shall be free of 
all customs and services pertaining to me and my heirs in all my lands where- 
soever they may be.) 

LLANFYLLIN, after 1286. 

KIRKHAM, 1296. Quod antedictus burgus de Kyrkeham sit liber 

(That the aforesaid borough of Kirkham be a free borough.) 

HULL, 1299. Sciatis quod ad meliorationem ville nostre de Kynges- 
ton super Hull et utilitatem et commodum hominum nostrorum eiusdem 
ville Volumus et concedimus...quod predicta villa nostra de cetero liber 
burgus sit. 

(Know ye that for the improvement of our town of Kingston on Hull and 
for the advantage and profit of our men of the said town, We will and grant 
that our town aforesaid shall henceforth be a free borough.) 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 


NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1298. Volumus eciametconcedimus... 
quod predicti burgenses et probi homines eiusdem ville Novi Castri et 
eorum heredes habeant in predictis terris et tenementis de Pampeden^ 
liberum burgum sicut habent in predicta villa Novi Castri cum omnibus 
libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad liberum burgum pertinentibus. 

(We will also and grant... that the aforesaid burgesses and good men of the 
said town of Newcastle and their heirs shall have in the aforesaid lands and 
tenements of Pampeden a free borough as they have in the aforesaid town of 
Newcastle with all the liberties and free customs to a free borough pertaining.) 

"SKYNBURGH," 1301. Sciatis quod per finem quem dilectus 
nobis in Christo abbas de Holmcultram fecit nobiscum coram thesau- 
rario et baronibus nostris de scaccario Concessimus...eidem abbati et 

^ This charter is lost. 

^ Now Pandon. See sect. 17 below. Pandon Dean Ward was formed in 1835 out 
of this south-eastern part of the borough ' 


conventui ejusdem loci quod villa sua de Skynburgh^ que est infra 

metas insule sue de Holmcultram sit liber burgus. 

(Know ye, that in consideration of a fine which our beloved Abbot of 
Holmcultram made with us in the presence of our treasurer and our barons 
of the exchequer, We have granted... to the said abbot and convent of the 
same place that their town of Skynburgh, which is within the bounds of their 
island of Holmcultram, shall be a free borough.) 

KIRKBY JOHANNIS, 1305. (To Abbot of Holmcultram.) After 
recitation of charter of 1301, relating to Skynburgh: 

Ac idem abbas jam nobis dederit intelligi quod major pars dicti 

burgi et chimini ad eundem ducentis per diversas maris intemperies 

est ita profunde asportata quod homines ibidem de cetero accedere vel 

inhabitare nequeunt, ut solebant, et nobis supplicaverit ut nos easdem 

libertates eis ibidem ut predictum est concessas sibi apud villam suam 

de Kirkeby Johannis- que est infra metas insule predicte loco predicti 

burgi de Skynburgh imperpetuum habendas velimus concedere graciose, 

Nos supplicationi ejusdem abbatis annuentes in hac parte concessimus... 

quod villa sua de Kirkeby Johannis loco predicti burgi de Skynburgh 

sit liber burgus. 

(And whereas the said abbot has given us to understand that the greater 
part of the said borough and of the road leading to it is so carried away by divers 
high tides that men cannot approach thither or dwell there in the future as 
they were wont to do. And whereas he has begged us that we would be willing 
graciously to grant that the same liberties there granted to them as aforesaid 
should be held by him at his town of Kirkby Johannis which is within the 
bounds of his aforesaid island in the place of the aforesaid borough of Skyn- 
burgh for ever. We granting the request of the said abbot in this behalf, 
grant... that his town of Kirkby Johannis shall be a free borough in the place 
of the aforesaid borough of Skynburgh.) 

CRAIL, 1306. A charter of Robert I, mislaid by 1835, declared 
inter alia that the burgesses of Crail "should hold and possess the town 
of Crail in one free borough, with all the liberties, advantages and 
freedoms which she justly used or could occupy in the times of former 
kings of Scotland, from the middle of the Water of Leven to the middle 
of the Brook Putiken." 

(4) Ratification of Customs of Domesday Boroughs 

[OXFORD^, 1 156. Sciatis me concessisse et confirmasse civibus 
meis de Oxeneforda omnes libertates et consuetudines et leges et 
quietantias suas quas habuerunt tempore regis Henrici avi mei, nomina- 

^ Now represented by Skinbumness. This grant superseded one of the previous 
year for a free borough at Wavermouth (C.Ch.R. u, 488). See critical note under 

^ Now Newton Arlosh (formerly Kirkby Johan). 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 6. 


tim gildam suam mercatoriam cum omnibus libertatibus et consue- 
tudinibus in terris et in silvis, pasturis et aliis pertinentiis. 

(Know ye that I have granted and confirmed to my citizens of Oxford all 
the liberties and customs and laws and quittances which they had in the time 
of King Henry my grandfather, especially their Merchant Guild with all its 
liberties and customs in lands and in woods and pastures and other appur- 

OXFORD, 1229 (a). 

Line i. For civibus meis de Oxeneforda read burgensibus Oxon pro 
nobis et heredibus nostris quod ipsi et heredes sui in perpetuum 
habeant et teneant. 
3. For quas...mei read subscriptas videlicet quod habeant. 
5. For in silvis read insulis (erroneously). 

LONDON, 1253. Sciatis nos concessisse...quod major et cives 

nostri Londoniarum habeant et teneant omnes libertates et liberas con- 

suetudines suas quas habuerunt tempore regis Henrici avi nostri, et 

quas habent per cartas antecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie sicut eas 

meliores et liberiores habuerunt; et quod eas habeant in perpetuum et 

de cetero libere et plene utantur eisdem. 

(Know ye that we have granted that our mayor and citizens of London 
shall have and hold all their liberties and free customs which they had in the 
time of king Henry the grandfather of king Henry our grandfather, and which 
they have by the charters of our ancestors, kings of England, as they best 
and most freely had them — and that they shall have them for ever and 
shall use them freely and fully.) 

LONDON, 1268. Has autem libertates et liberas consuetudines eis 
concessimus habendas sibi et heredibus suis quamdiu erga nos et heredes 
nostros bene et fideliter se habuerint una cum aliis justis et rationabilibus 
consuetudinibus suis quas temporibus predecessorum nostrorum et 
nostro hactenus habuerunt tam de forma et modo placitandi de tenuris, 
debitis et vadimoniis suis quam de aliis quibuscunque casibus et ipsos 
et civitatem ipsam tangentibus, dum tamen consuetudines ille justicie 
et rectis legibus contrariae non existent. 

(These liberties and free customs we have granted to them to be had and 
holden to them and their heirs so long as they behave themselves well and 
faithfully towards us, along with the other just and reasonable customs which 
the citizens have hitherto enjoyed in the times of our predecessors, both in 
the form and manner of pleading concerning their tenements, debts and 
mortgages as of other cases touching themselves and their said city, pro- 
vided that those customs are not contrary to justice and right laws.) 

Line 4. Omit suis. 

After quas insert cives Londinie. 

LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 

NOVA VILLA, 1286. As Melcombe. 

CHESTER, 1233-7. Preterea concessi et...confirmavi memoratis 
civibus meis Cestrie omnes libertates et omnes liberas consuetudines 


quas illi melius et liberius aut quiecius habuerunt de avunculo meo 

Rannulfo comite Cestrie et Lincolnie secundum tenorem magne carte 

quam eis dedit cum fuit comes Cestrie et Lincolnie: in qua carta ad 

maiorem securitatem eis faciendam sigillum meum simul cum sigillo 

avunculi mei Rannulfi comitis Cestrie et Lincolnie apposui. 

(Moreover, I have granted and confirmed to my said citizens of Chester 
all the liberties and all the free customs which they best and most freely and 
most quietly had of my uncle, Ranulf earl of Chester and Lincoln according 
to the tenor of the great charter which he gave them when he was earl of 
Chester and Lincoln^; to which charter, so as to give them greater security, 
I have affixed my seal together with the seal of my uncle Ranulf, earl of 
Chester and Lincoln.) 

CHESTER, 1233-7. Has vero prenominatas et superscriptas liber- 

tates et liberas consuetudines omnes concessi et...confirmavi dilectis et 

fidelibus meis, scilicet, omnibus civibus meis Cestrie, habendas et 

tenendas illis et heredibus illorum de me et heredibus meis inperpetuum 

libere et quiete, pacifice et honorifice. 

(These beforementioned and abovewritten liberties and free customs 
I have granted and confirmed to my beloved lieges, to wit, to all my citizens 
of Chester, to be had and holden to them and their heirs of me and my heirs 
freely and quietly, peacefully, and honourably.) 

BRISTOL, 1252. Sciatis nos concessisse et...confirmasse...quasdam 
libertates concessas burgensibus nostris de Bristoll' et heredibus suis 
in perpetuum a domino Johanne rege patre nostro dum fuit comes 
Moritoniae per cartam suam eis inde confectam, videlicet.... 

Sunt etiam metae villae inter Sandbrooke et Bewell et Britchenbrigge 
et fontem in itinere juxta Aldbr' et Knoll. 

(Know ye that we have granted and confirmed certain liberties granted to 
our burgesses of Bristol and to their heirs for ever by our lord king John our 
father, while he was count of Mortain, by his charter granted to them to that 
effect, to wit 

Moreover, the boundaries of the town are Sandbrooke and Bewell and 
Brickenbridge, and the spring on the road near Aldbury and Knoll.) 

BRISTOL, 1256. Et quod iidem burgenses per totam terram et 
potestatem nostram habeant et teneant omnes libertates et liberas con- 
suetudines suas hucusque obtentas et usitatas adeo quiete et integre 
sicut cives de London' vel alii de regno et potestate nostra libertates 
suas melius et liberius habent et tenent. 

(And that the same burgesses shall have and hold throughout our kingdom 
and realm all their liberties and free customs hitherto used and enjoyed by 
them as quietly and completely as the citizens of London or others of our 
kingdom and realm best and most freely have and hold their liberties.) 

BATH, 1256 {a). 

Line 4. For et potestate nostra read nostro. 

^ See critical note under Chester. 


[EREFORD, 1256(6). 
Line 3. i<'or hucusque rta^f approbatas et hactenus. 

3-end. For adeo...end read sicut eis usi sunt temporibus pre- 
decessorum nostrorum regum Anglie et nostro. 
SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). As Hereford. 

Line 3. After suas insert approbatas et. 
4. Read cives nostri Londonie. 
For vel... regno et read in. 
SOUTHAMPTON, 1256 {b). 

Line 4. For de London' read Wyntonienses. 

YORK, 1256 {a). Et quod haheant et teneant civitatem predictam 
cum omnibus ad ipsam pertinentibus sicut earn hucusque tenuerunt 
cum omnibus legibus, libertatibus et consuetudinibus de terris aut 
tenementis suis infra civitatem predictam et extra quas hucusque ten- 
uerunt, unacum omnibus aliis libertatibus, legibus, usibus et consue- 
tudinibus quibus in civitate ilia et extra hucusque rationabiliter usi sunt. 

(And that they have and hold the city aforesaid with all things pertaining 
thereto as they have hitherto held it with all the laws, liberties and customs 
relating to their lands and tenements within the city aforesaid or without 
which they have held hitherto, together with all other liberties, laws, uses 
and customs which they have hitherto reasonably held within the city and 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Concedimus etiam cis quod ipsi et 
eorum heredes habeant omnes libertates ipsis prius concessas per 
cartam nostram et per cartas predecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie, 
sicut eis racionabiliter hucusque vsi sunt. 

(We also grant to them that they and their heirs shall have all the liberties 
formerly granted to them by our charter and by the charters of our pre- 
decessors, kings of England, as they have hitherto reasonably made use of 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Et quod habeant libertates et quietancias 
predictas de cetero sicut ipsi et antecessores sui eas unquam melius, 
plenius et honorificentius habuerunt temporibus regum Anglie Edwardi, 
Willclmi primi et secundi, Henrici regis proavi nostri et temporibus 
Ricardi regis et regis Johannis avi nostri et domini Henrici Regis patris 
nostri per cartas eorundem sicut carte ille quas iidem barones nostri inde 
habent et quas inspeximus rationabiliter testantur. 

(And that they have their aforesaid liberties and quittances henceforth as 
they and their ancestors best and most fully and most honourably had them 
in the times of Edward, William the first, William the second, and Henry our 
greatgrandfather, kings of England, and in the times of king Richard and king 
Jolm our grandfather and of our lord, king Henry, our father, in accordance 
widi the charters of the same kings, as those charters, which the said barons 
have and which we have inspected, reasonably testify.) 



(5) Grant of Customs of other Boroughs to 
Domesday Boroughs 

LYDD^ 1290. (Letters patent.) Sciatis quod concessimus baronibus 

nostris de Lyde et Ingemareys, que sunt membrum portus nostri de 

Romenale, quod ipsi et heredes sui ibidem commorantes imperpetuum 

habeant easdem libertates et liberas consuetudines quas barones nostri 

de Romenale et alii barones de Quinque Portubus per cartas progenitorum 

nostrorum regimi Anglie et confirmacionem nostram habent. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our barons of Lydd and Dungemarsh, 
which (places) are a member of our port of Romney, that they and their 
heirs dweUing there shall for ever have the same liberties and free customs 
which our barons of Romney and the other barons of the Cinqvie Ports have 
by virtue of the charters of our progenitors, kings of England, and of our 
confirmation of those charters.) 

(6) Ratification of Customs of Post-Domesday 


HAVERFORDWEST, 12 19. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 

Willelmus Mareschallus (II) comes Pembrochie dedi et concessi et... 

confirmavi burgensibus meis de Hauerford omnes libertates et liberas 

consuetudines verbo ad verbum sicut dominus comes pater meus melius 

et liberius eis carta sua concessit, habendas et possidendas ipsis et heredi- 

bus suis de me et heredibus meis libere, quiete, integre et pacifice in 

omnibus locis sicut predicta carta comitis patris mei testatur. 

(Know all men present and future that I William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, 
have given granted and confirmed to my burgesses of Haverford all the 
liberties and free customs, word for word, as the eail my father, best and most 
freely granted to them by his charter, to be had and possessed to them and 
their heirs of me and my heirs freely, quietly, completely and peacefully 
in all places, as the aforesaid charter of the earl my father testifies.) 

WYCOAIBE, 1226. Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia domini 
regis apud Westmonasterium &c coram Martino de Pateshull &c 
justiciis et aliis domini regis tidelibus tunc ibi presentibus inter burgenses 
de Wycumb querentes et Alanum Basset de vexacionibus et iniuriis 
quas idem Alanus eisdem burgensibus fecit ut dixerunt contra libertates 
quas iidem burgenses dicebant se habere ex dono antecessorum domini 
regis, unde placitum fuit inter eos in eadem curia, scilicet.... 

Et pro hac concessione, fine et concordia predicti burgenses remi- 
serunt et quieta clamaverunt de se et heredibus suis ipsi Alano et 

* Lydd is not entered separately from Romney in Domesday Book and is not marked 
as a Domesday horouph by Mr Ballard in vol. i, but as he seems to have placed this 
grant here, it will be best to leave it with this explanation. 

^ See also V B i (Scarborough, 1253 i.'^))- 


heredibus suis omnia dampna quae dicebant se habere per predictas 
vexationes et iniurias. Et sciendum quod Ada Waldere (and 25 others) 
burgenses de Wycumb venerunt in eadem curia et testati fuerunt quod 
omnes alii burgenses eiusdem ville concordiam illam ratam habuerunt 
et eandem concesserunt. 

(This is the final concord made in the court of our lord the king at West- 
minster before Martin de PateshuU and other justices and other faithful 
subjects of our lord the king there present, between the burgesses of Wy- 
combe complainants and Alan Basset concerning the vexations and injuries 
which the said Alan has done to the said burgesses as they alleged contrary 
to the liberties which the said burgesses allege that they have of the gift of 
the ancestors of our lord the king, On which account there was a suit between 
them in the said court, to wit — 

And for this grant, fine and concord the aforesaid burgesses have remised 
and quitclaimed for them and their heirs to the said Alan and his heirs all 
the damages which they allege that they have suffered on account of the 
aforesaid vexations and injuries. And be it known that Adam Waldere and 
25 others came into the said court and testified that all the other burgesses 
of the said town ratified the said concord and granted it.) 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. Concessimus eciam eis omnes Hber- 

tates suas et omnes Hberas consuetudines suas quas habuerunt vel habere 

consueverunt temporibus predecessorum nostrorum, regum Anglie, 

quando bone fuerunt. 

(We have granted also to them all their liberties and all their free customs 
which they had or were wont to have in the times of our predecessors, kings 
of England, so far as they were good.) 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 

KELLS (Kilkenny), before 1247. Dedi insuper,..eisdem burgensi- 
bus meis et heredibus eorum omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines 
quas Galfridus filius Roberti, pater mens, et Willelmus filius Galfridi, 
frater meus, eis dederunt et concesserunt, et prout melius et liberius 
tenuerunt et libertatibus eorum utebantur de meis antecessoribus. 

(Moreover I have given... to my said burgesses and their heirs all the 
liberties and free customs which Geoflfrey fitz Robert, my father, and William 
fitz Geoffrey, my brother, gave and granted to them, as they best and most 
freely held and made use of their liberties from my predecessors.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (c). Sciatis me concessisse civibus meis de 
Escardeburg omnes libertates et leges et consuetudines suas, et nomina- 
tim Gildam suam mercatoriam et hansas suas in Anglia et Normannia 
et lestagia sua per totam costam maris quieta, et quod praedictas leges 
et consuetudines habeant et teneant cum omnibus libertatibus praedictae 
Gildae suae et hansis suis pertinentibus. 

(Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of Scarborough all their 
liberties and laws and customs and especially their Merchant Guild and 
hanses in England and Normandy and their quittance of lestage throughout 


the coast of the sea, and that they may have and hold the aforesaid laws and 
customs with all the liberties pertaining to their aforesaid Guild and their 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. Noverit universitas vestra nos conces- 

sisse dilectis et fidelibus burgensibus de Kaermardyn omnes bonas leges 

et consuetudines quibus tempore Johannis regis avi^ nostri et prede- 

cessorum suorum regum Anglie hactenus usi sunt et gavisi, et communiam 

suam liberam in planis et boscis, in aquis et in omnibus aliis aisiamentis 

optentis et usitatis.... 

(Know ye all that we have granted to our beloved and faithful burgesses 
of Carmarthen all the good laws and customs which they have hitherto used 
and enjoyed in the time of king John our father and of his predecessors, kings 
of England, and their free common in fields and woods and waters and in 
all other recognised and wonted easements ) 

PORTSMOUTH, 1255. Sciatis quod volumus et concedimus... 

quod omnes libertates contente et expresse in cartis dominorum Ricardi 

regis avunculi nostri, Johannis regis patris nostri, et nostris quas bur- 

genses de Portesmuth habent tarn de tallagiis quam aliis articulis de 

cetero teneantur et firmiter observentur secundum quod iidem burgenses 

hucusque usi sunt predictis libertatibus. 

(Know ye that we will and grant... that all the liberties contained and ex- 
pressed in the charters of king Richard our uncle and king John our father, 
and of ourselves which the burgesses of Portsmouth have both concerning 
tallages and other articles, shall henceforth be held and firmly observed, in 
the manner according to which the said burgesses have hitherto used the 
aforesaid liberties.) 

PORTSMOUTH, 1256. Et quod habeant inter se tam in aquis (et) 

portubus maris quam in terris, pascuis, culturis et rebus aliis omnes 

leges et consuetudines justas et approbatas et quietancias quas habuerunt 

tempore domini Johannis regis patris nostri et domini Ricardi regis 

avunculi nostri et aliorum antecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie. 

(And that they shall have among themselves both in waters and seaports 
and in lands, pastures, cultivated fields and other matters all the just and 
approved laws and customs which they had in the time of king John our 
father and king Richard our uncle and of our other ancestors who were kings 
of England.) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1256(a). Et quod per totam terram et potes- 
tatem nostram habeant et teneant omnes libertates et liberas consue- 
tudines suas approbatas et hactenus usitatas sicut eis usi sunt temporibus 
predecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie et nostris. 

(And that throughout the whole of our land and realm they shall have 
and hold all their liberties and free customs, approved and hitherto enjoyed, 
as they used them in the times of our predecessors, kings of England, and 
in our own times.) 

* This charter was granted by Edward son of Henry III. 


DUNSTER, 1254-7. Et quod plene utantur eisdem consuetudini- 
bus ad hundredum et alibi quibus tempore alicuius predecessorum 
meorum uti consueverunt. 

(And that they may fully use the same customs at the hundred and else- 
where, as they were wont to use in the time of any of my predecessors.) 

BURFORD (Oxon.), 1230-62. Noveritis nos (Richard de Clare) 
concessisse et hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse omnibus burgensibus 
nostris de Bureford eas libertates et liberas consuetudines quas habent a 
predecessoribus nostris, comitibus Gloucestrie, quibus hucusque usi sunt. 

(Know ye that we have granted and by this our present charter confirmed 
to all our burgesses of Burford those liberties and free customs which they 
have from our predecessors, earls of Gloucester, which they have enjoyed 
up till now.) 

BARNARD CASTLE, 1271-8. [Alexander de Balliol confirms the 
charters of Bernard, Hugh and John de Balliol.] 

KENDAL, 1247-72. Omnibus has literas visuris vel audituris 
Petrus de Brus tercius salutem. Noverit universitas vestra me concessisse 
et hac presenti carta mea confirmasse liberis burgensibus meis partis 
mee de Kirkeby in Kendalia omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines 
quas habuerunt de dono Willelmi de Lancastria, advinculi (sic) mei, 
sicut carta ejus testatur, tenendas et habendas, etc. 

(To all who shall see or hear these letters Peter de Brus the third, greeting. 
Know ye all that I have granted and by my present charter confirmed to my 
free burgesses of Kirkby in Kendal all the liberties and free customs which 
they have of the gift of William de Lancaster, my uncle, as his charter attests, 
to have and to hold, etc.) 

PLYMPTON, 1262-85. Noveritis me in ligia viduitate mea con- 
cessisse et confirmasse et pro rato habuisse omnimodam libertatem et 
consuetudinem a Baldewino de Rydiveriis patre meo quondam comite 
Devon, et domino Insule burgensibus de Plympton concessam....Ita 
scilicet quod ego decetero contra hoc scriptum vel factum vel heredes 
mei nee aliquis ratione mei nee contra scriptum vel factum Baldewyni 
patris mei nee in aliquibus consuetudinibus justis ac usitatis venire 

(Know ye that I, in my loyal widowhood, have granted and confirmed 
and ratified every kind of liberty and custom granted by Baldwin de Redvers, 
my father, formerly earl of Devon and lord of the Isle, to the burgesses of 

Plympton So that neither will I presume to contravene this writing or 

deed, nor will any person on my behalf, nor will we presume to contravene 
the writing or deed of Baldwin my father, nor any of their just and wonted 

SWANSEA, 1306. Et preterea concedimus eisdem, heredibus 
eorum, fet assignatis, pro nobis, etc., inperpetuum omnes et singulas 


alias libertates, leges et consuetudines temporibus progenitonim nos- 
trorum habitas vel concessas, quas presenti carta nostra innouamus et 
eisdem burgensibus confirmamus inperpetuum, volentes omnimodas 
occupaciones, extorsiones et exactiones contra statum earundem liber- 
tatum, etc. hactenus introductas irrittari imposterum, cassari, adnuUari 
ac nuUius efficacie decetero haberi. Concedentes etiam volentes omnes 
leges, libertates, etc predictas, specificatas et non specificatas, in omnibus 
€t singulis suis articulis firmiter et inuiolabiliter obseruari inperpetuum. 

(And we further grant to them, their heirs and assigns, for us, etc., for 
ever all and singular the other liberties, laws and customs had or granted 
in the times of our predecessors, which by our present charter we renew and 
confirm to the said burgesses for ever, desiring that every kind of encroach- 
ment, extortion and exaction introduced hitherto contrary to the terms of the 
said liberties be void henceforth, cancelled, annulled and held of none effect 
for the future. Granting also and willing that all the aforesaid laws, liberties, 
etc., whether specified or not, shall be firmly and inviolably observed for 
ever in all and singular their articles.) 

(7) Grant of Specific Customs to Post-Domesday 

Boroughs 1 

BARNARD CASTLE, 1215-29. Has vero libertates et consue- 
tudines dedi et concessi illis et heredibus suis habendas et tenendas de 
me et heredibus meis in feodo et hereditate libere, quiete et honorifice 
in bosco et piano, in pratis et pascuis, in viis in semitis, in moris, in 
mariscis, in aquis etc... in introitibus et exitibus, cum pastura et liber- 
tatibus et aysiamentis pertinentibus. 

(These liberties and customs I have given and granted to them and their 
heirs to be had and holden of me and my heirs in fee and heredity freely 
quietly and honourably in wood and in field, in meadows and in pastures, in 
roads and in paths, in moors and in marshes, in waters and... in entrances 
and exits, with their pasture and liberties and easements pertaining.) 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Sciatis me dedisse...quod villa de Salford sit 
liber burgus et quod burgenses in illo habitantes habeant et teneant 
omnes istas libertates subscriptas : 

(Know ye that I have granted... that the town of Salford be a free borough, 
and that the burgesses dwelling in it have and hold all the underwritten 
liberties :) 

BOLTON, 1253. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line i. For Sciatis read Noveritis. 

2. After burgus add secundum chartam quam impetravi a domino 
After habitantes add et tenentes. 

^ See also I 8 (Limerick, 1292). 


CARLOW, 1223. Sciatis presentes et futuri quod ego...concessi 
burgensibus meis de Catherlagh omnimodas libertates quas decet 
burgenses habere et mihi licet conferre, habendas et tenendas imper- 
petuum de me et heredibus meis sibi et heredibus suis. 

(Know all men present and to come that I... have granted to my burgesses 
of Carlow all manner of liberties which it becomes burgesses to have and is 
lawful for me to confer, to be had and holden for ever of me and my heirs to 
them and their heirs.) 

MOONE, 1223. 

WATERFORD, 1232. Et quod ipsi et heredes sui habeant omnes 
libertates et liberas consuetudines subscriptas scilicet.... 

(And that they and their heirs may have all the underwritten liberties and 

free customs, to wit ) 

CORK, 1242. 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241 . Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 
Nicholaus filius Willelmi filii Martini dominus de Kemes dedi.... bur- 
gensibus meis de Novo Burgo omnes libertates et consuetudines sub- 
scriptas quas Willelmus filius Martini pater meus eisdem concessit et 
dedit per cartam suam, scilicet — 

(Know all men present and future that I Nicholas son of William son of 
Martin, lord of Kemmes, have given... to my burgesses of Newport all the 
liberties and customs underwritten, which William son of Martin my father 
granted and gave to the same burgesses by his charter, to wit ) 

SALT ASH, before 1246. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Regi- 

naldus de Valle Torta dedi et concessi et...confirmavi liberis burgensibus 

meis de Essa omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines hie subscriptas 

quas habuerunt tempore antecessorum meorum videlicet..., 

(Know all men, present and future, that I Reginald de Valletort, have 
given granted and confirmed to my free burgesses of Saltash all their liberties 
and free customs here underwritten, which they had in the time of my an- 
cestors, to wit ) 

FARNHAM, 1247. Volumus etiam concedere^ pro nobis et suc- 

cessoribus nostris in perpetuum quod predicti burgenses et heredes sui 

habeant omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines subterscriptas sicut 

prius habere consueverunt videlicet.... 

(We are willing also to grant for us and our successors for ever that the 
aforesaid burgesses and their heirs shall have all the liberties and free customs 
hereunder written as they were formerly wont to have them, to wit....) 

POOLE, c. 1248. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Willelmus 
Lungespee dedi et concessi... burgensibus meis de Pola et heredibus suis 
omnimodas libertates et Hberas consuetudines et quietancias tam cor- 
porum quam catallorum de telonio et omnibus aliis consuetudinibus et 

^ Corrected from " concedisse." 


sectis faciendis extra burgum meum de Pola ad me vel heredes meos 
pertinentibus sicut liberi cives vel burgenses civitatum vel burgorum 
domini regis in tota Anglia habent quantum ad me sive predecessores 
meos vel heredes aliquo modo per totam terram dinoscitur pertinere in 
terra, mari, portubus et passagiis.... 

(Know all men, present and future, that I William Longespee have given 
and granted... to my burgesses of Poole and their heirs, all manner of liberties 
and free customs and quittances both of their bodies and chattels from toll 
and all other customs and of suits to be done without my borough of Poole 
pertaining to me and my heirs, in like manner as the free citizens and bur- 
gesses of the cities and boroughs of our lord the king have in the whole of 
England, but so far only as is known to pertain to me or my predecessors or 
heirs in any manner on land or sea, in ports and ferries ) 

GAINSBOROUGH, before 1250. Know all men present and to 
come that I John Tawbott, have granted, and by these presents have 
confirmed to my freemen of Gainsborough and their heirs, holding 
burgages of me, the liberties in this present deed subscribed, for the 
seruise w^h {sic) the same deede to me and my heirs. 

BUILTH, 1278. Sciatis nos concessisse et...confirmasse burgensi- 
bus nostros de Buelt in Wallia omnes libertates subscriptas videlicet 

(Know ye that we have granted and... confirmed to our burgesses of Builth 
in Wales all the liberties underwritten, to wit ) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Notum et manifestum sit omnibus et singuUs 
hoc presens scriptum inspecturis quod ego Willelmus Gernun dominus 
de Bauqueir in Pecko pro me et heredibus meis et assignatis quibuscun- 
que sponte concessi et hoc presenti scripto confirmaui dilectis burgensi- 
bus meis et libere tenentibus de Bauquell' et eorum heredibus seu 
assignatis omnes libertates subscriptas seu consuetudines hactenus 
optentas et obseruatas per eosdem. 

(Be it known and manifest to all and singular who shall inspect this present 
writing that I William Gernun lord of Bakewell in the Peak for myself and 
my heirs and assigns have voluntarily granted and by this present writing 
confirmed to my beloved burgesses and freeholders of Bakewell and their 
heirs or assigns all the underwritten liberties or customs hitherto obtained 
and observed by them.) 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego...dedi 
...omnibus burgensibus meis Mamecestrie scilicet 

(Know all men present and future that I. ..have given. all my burgesses 
of Manchester, to wit ) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Omnibus Christi fideUbus presens scriptum 
visuris vel audituris Willelmus de Brews, dominus de Brembr' et de 
Goher', salutem in domino. Noverit universitas vestra nos concessisse 
et hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse, pro nobis ac heredibus nostris 

B.II 2 


et assignatis, omnibus et singulis burgensibus nostris de Sweynes' et 

eorum heredibus ac assignatis, integrum burgagium seu quamcunque 

porcionem burgagii inhabitantibus, omnes et singulas remissiones et 

libertates subscriptas, tenendas et habendas sibi ac heredibus suis 

inperpetuum : 

(To all the faithful of Christ who shall see or hear the present writing 
William de Braose, lord of Bramber and of Gower, greeting in the Lord. Be 
it known to you all that we have granted and by this our present charter 
confirmed for us and our heirs and assigns to all and singular our burgesses 
of Swansea and their heirs and assigns who inhabit a whole burgage or any 
part of a burgage, all and singular the underwritten remissions and liberties, 
to hold and to have to them and their heirs for ever :) 

(8) Grant of Customs of other Boroughs to 
Post-Domesday Boroughs^ 

ABBOTS BROMLEY, 1222. Concedimus etiam ut habeant omnes 

libertates, etc, quas habent liberi burgenses de villa Lichfeldiae. 

(We have granted also that they may have all liberties, etc., which the free 
burgesses of Lichfield have.) 

[AYR, 1202-7^. Et eidem burgo et burgensibus meis in eo manenti- 

bus omnes libertates et omnes liberas consuetudines concessisse quas 

alii burgi mei et mei burgenses in eis manentes per regnum meum habent. 

(And that I have granted to the same burgh and my burgesses dwelling in 
it, all the liberties and free customs which my other burghs and my burgesses 
dwelling in them have throughout my realm.)] 

AYR, 1223. 

Line i. i^orEt eidem burgo reat/Sciant presentes etfuturi me concessisse 
...burgo meo super Are. 
For in eo read in eodem burgo. 
2. Omit concessisse. 

Line 3 . After quas read burgenses mei de Edinburgh et in eo manentes 
DINGWALL, 1226. As Dumbarton, but /or Edinburgh read Inverness. 

HELMSLEY, c. 1 186-1227. Sciatis me (Robertum de Ros) dedisse 

et concessisse et hac presenti carta confirmasse burgensibus meis de 

Helmesley omnes libertates, leges et consuetudines quas civitas Ebor. 

habet in se, in soch et sach et danegeld et tholl, them et infangthef. 

(Know ye that I have given granted and by this present charter confirmed 
to my burgesses of Helmsley all the liberties laws and customs which the city 
of York has therein, in soc and sac and danegeld and toll, team and infangthef.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1226-7^. Hec est concordia facta inter dominum 
Willelmum Briuerr' juniorem et burgenses de Cestrefeld, scilicet : Quod 

^ See also II a 4 (Wotton-under-Edge) and V a 7 (Builth, Rhuddlan, Bath). 
- Vol. I, p. 33. ^ See also p. 54. 


ipsi et heredes sui habebunt et tenebunt de dicto Willelmo Briuerr' et 

de heredibus suis omnes illas libertates et omnes liberas consuetudines 

in villa de Cestrefeld quas burgus de Notingham habet et tenet et habere 


(This is the agreement made between William Brewer the younger and the 
burgesses of Chesterfield, to wit, That they and their heirs shall have and 
hold of the said William Brewer and his heirs, all those liberties and free 
customs in the town of Chesterfield which the borough of Nottingham has 
and holds and ought to have.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1232. Sciatis nos concessisse...hominibus 
Willelmi Briwerr qui de eo tenent et tenebunt in villa de Cestrefeld 
libertatem quam idem Willelmus eis concessit scilicet quod sint liberi 
burgenses et quod ipsi et heredes sui habeant et teneant de eodem 
Willelmo et heredibus suis easdem libertates et liberas consuetudines 
infra villam et extra villam et in omnibus locis quas dominus Johannes 
rex Anglie pater noster eidem Willelmo concessit et carta sua confir- 
mavit in eadem villa, et secundum quod carta ejusdem Johannis regis 
patris nostri quam idem Willelmus de eo habet et sicut carta predicti 
Willelmi quam predicti homines de eo habent racionabiliter testantur. 

(Know ye that we have granted... to the men of William Brewer who hold 
and shall hold of him in the town of Chesterfield the liberty which the same 
William granted to them, to wit, that they should be free burgesses, and that 
they and their heirs should have and hold of the said William and his heirs 
the same liberties and free customs within the town and without and in all 
places which the lord John, king of England, our father, granted to the same 
William and confirmed by his charter in the same town, and according as 
the charter of the same king John our father which the said William has of 
him, and the charter of the aforesaid William which the aforesaid men have 
of him, reasonably testify.) [See p. 27.] 

SALISBURY, 1227. Et concedimus quod predicti cives habeant 
in perpetuum omnes alias libertates et quietantias per totam terram 
nostram quas habent cives nostri Wintonienses. 

(And we grant that the aforesaid citizens shall have for ever all the other 
liberties and quittances throughout the whole of our land which our citizens 
of Winchester have.) 

MONTGOMERY, 1227. Et concedimus quod predicti burgenses 
nostri Montis Gomeri habeant in perpetuum omnes alias libertates 
et quietancias per totam terram nostram quas habent cives nostri de 

(And we grant that our aforesaid burgesses of Montgomery have for ever 
all the liberties and quittances throughout all our land which our citizens of 
Hereford have.) 

DEGANWY, 1252. 

Line 3 . For cives nostri de Hereford read burgenses nostri Mungumery . 
ABERYSTWYTH, 1277. As Deganwy. 

2 — 2 


BARNARD CASTLE, 1215-27^ Item, eisdem burgensibus con- 
cede omnes liberas consuetudines Richmundie. 

(Item I grant to the same burgesses all the free customs of Richmond.) 

BARNARD CASTLE, 1 271-8. Sciatis me concessisse et present! 
carta mea confirmasse burgensibus meis de Castro Bernard! omnes 
libertates et liberas consuetudines Richmundie sicut in cartis Ber- 
nardi et Hugonis de Balliolo antecessorum meorum quas habent 

(Know ye that I have granted and by this my charter confirmed to my 
burgesses of Barnard Castle all the liberties and free customs of Richmond 
as is contained in the charters of Bernard of Balliol and Hugh of Balliol my 
ancestors which they have.) 

ELLESMERE, 1216-37. Johanna, Lady of Wales, granted to the 
borough the free customs pertaining ad legem Bretwllie {i.e. to the law 
of Breteuil). 

LISKEARD, 1240. Et quod habeant omnes libertates et liberas 
consuetudines quas per cartam nostram concessimus burgensibus nos- 
tris de Layst' et de Helleston ut dicti burgenses nostri de Liskereth 
illis sine omni contradiccione plene et pacifice possint gaudere. 

(And that they may have all the liberties and free customs which by our 
charter we have granted to our burgesses of Launceston and of Helston so 
that our burgesses of Liskeard may enjoy them fully and freely without any 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item cum predictis libertatibus 
concessi eis omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines de Penbrooke. 

(Item, with the liberties aforesaid, I have granted them the liberties and 
free customs of Pembroke.) 

PLYMPTON, 1242. (Customs of Exeter.) See VI i. 

CHIPPING SODBURY, c. 1245-60. Willelmus Crassus primo- 
genitus filius Willelmi Crassi junioris salutem {sic) Noveras {sic for 
noveritis) nos concessisse et hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse bur- 
gensibus nostris de Sobbur' et heredibus suis totum quod Willelmus 
Crassus primogenitus avunculus noster eisdem fecit et per cartam suam 
confirmavit, viz. Quod habeant et teneant omnes libertates que spectant 
ad leges de BritoilL... j 

(William le Gras eldest son of William le Gras junior salutes {sic). Know 
that we have granted and confirmed... to our burgesses of Sodbury and their 
heirs all that William le Gras the eldest our uncle made to them and confirmed 
by his charter, viz. that they shall have and hold all the liberties which belong 
to the laws of Breteuil. 

* Cf. vol. I, p. 26. 


WARENMOUTH, 1247. Sciatis quod nos concessisse, etc., bur- 

gensibus nostris novi burgi de Warnemuthe quod ipsi et heredes sui in 

perpetuum habeant omnes easdem libertates et liberas consuetudines 

quas burgenses nostri de Novo Castro super Tynam habent per cartam 

domini Johannis patris nostri, videlicet: 

(Be it known to you that we have granted, etc., to our burgesses of the 
new borough of Warenmouth that they and their heirs for ever shall have all 
those liberties and free customs which our burgesses of Newcastle-on-Tyne 
have by the charter of lord John, our father, namely:) 

KILMACLENINE, 1251 («). Et dicti burgenses et eorum heredes 

nobis et successoribus nostris secundum legem Bristolii^ in omnibus 

et per omnia respondebunt, et secundum eandem legem tractabimus 


(And the said burgesses and their heirs shall answer to us and our successors 
in all things according to the law of Breteuil'^, and we will treat them according 
to the same law.) 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis con- 

suetudinibus quas ville de Portesmue et de Suthampton habent et 

tenent vel ex antiquo possidere solebant et debebant. 

(With all the liberties and free customs which the towns of Portsmouth and 
Southampton have and hold or of old were wont and ought to possess.) 

ALNWICK, 1226-532. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Willel- 

mus de Vesci, filius et heres domini Eustachii de Vesci, concessi et... 

confirmavi burgensibus meis de Alnewic omnes libertates et liberas 

consuetudines, de me et de heredibus meis sibi et heredibus suis quiete 

et pacifice in perpetuum tenendas et habendas, quas dominus rex Anglie 

concessit burgensibus suis de Novo Castro et quibus libere utuntur. 

(Know all men, present and future, that I William de Vesci, son and heir 
of lord Eustace de Vesci, have given and confirmed to my burgesses of Aln- 
wick all the liberties and free customs which my lord the king of England has 
granted to his burgesses of Newcastle and which they freely use, to be held 
of me and my heirs to them and their heirs quietly and peacefully for ever.) 

ALNWICK, 1290. Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos Willelmus 
de Vescy frater et heres Johannis de Vescy dedimus et...confirmavimus 
burgensibus nostris de Alnewyke, omnes libertates et liberas consue- 
tudines in omnibus sicut carta Willelmi de Vescy patris nostri quam inde 
habent plenius testatur. 

(Know all men, present and future, that I William de Vesci, brother and 
heir of John de Vesci, have given and confirmed to my burgesses of Alnwick 
all the liberties and free customs in all things as the charter of my father, 
William de Vesci, which they have to that effect, more fully bears witness.) 

^ Bristolii must be a mistake for Britolii as was suggested by Miss Bateson (see 
E.H.R. XV, 514), for the jurors reported in 1481 that the custom in the borough was 
that no amercement should exceed izd. {Rotulus Pipae Clonensis, pp. 15-6). 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 25. 


FRANCHEVILLE (Newtown, Isle of Wight), 1256. Noverit 

universitas vestra nos dedisse... omnibus burgensibus nostris de burgo 

qui dicitur Frauncheville in insula Vectis omnes libertates et liberas 

consuetudines in omnibus et per omnia quas habent burgenses nostri 

de Taunton vel aliqui alii burgenses nostri de Wytten', Alresfordie et 

Farnham qui melius et liberius de nobis tenent, Tenendas et habendas 

sibi et heredibus suis, burgensibus nostris, absque aliqua contradiccione 

nostra et successorum nostrorum episcoporum Wynton' bene et quiete 

et in pace imperpetuum. 

(Know all men that we have given... to all our burgesses of the borough 
which is called Franchville in the Isle of Wight all the liberties and free customs 
in all things which our burgesses of Taunton or any other our burgesses of 
Witney, Alresford and Farnham who hold of us best and most freely, To be 
holden and had to them and their heirs, being our burgesses, without any 
contradiction on the part of ourselves and our successors, bishops of Win- 
chester, well and quietly and peacefully, for ever.) 

RATHCOOL, 1228-56 (b). Noverit universitas vestra nos, inspecta 
carta bone memorie Johannis quondam Dublin, archiepiscopi prede- 
cessoris nostri, concessisse et...confirmasse burgensibus nostris de 
Radcole libertates et consuetudines omnes quas habent burgenses de 
Bristollo cum burgagiis ipsorum videlicet: 

(Know ye that we, having inspected the charter of John formerly archbishop 
of Dublin, our predecessor, of blessed memory, have granted and confirmed 
to our burgesses of Rathcool all the liberties and customs which the burgesses 
of Bristol have with their burgages, to wit:) 

TINTAGEL, 1225-56. Et ceteris libertatibus omnibus gaudeant 
quibus gaudent burgenses nostri de Douneheved. 

(And shall enjoy all the other liberties which are enjoyed by our burgesses 
of Dunheved.) 

INVERKEITHING, 1259. Concessimus vero eisdem burgensibus 
nostris ut omnimodis consuetudinibus, rectitudinibus et libertatibus 
gaudeant quibus gaudent burgi nostri de Perth et de Abirdene ac 

(Moreover, we have granted to our said burgesses that they may enjoy 
the customs, rights and liberties of every kind which are enjoyed and used 
by our burghs of Perth and Aberdeen.) 

YARMOUTH (Isle of Wight), 1240-62. In 1334, Edward HI con- 

Concessionem quam Baldewinus de Redveriis per scriptum suum 
fecit burgensibus suis de Eremue de omnibus libertatibus et liberis 
consuetudinibus quas liber burgus habere debet, necnon de libertate 
et quietancia de teolonio et omni alia consuetudine per totum terram 
suam in feriis et mercatis. 


(The grant which Baldwin de Redvers by his charter made to his burgesses 
of Yarmouth of all the liberties and free customs which a free borough ought 
to have and also of liberty and quittance of toll and every other custom through- 
out all his land in fairs and markets.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Et iterum concessi eisdem quod habeant 

omnes assisas (MS. sisis) quas burgenses Staffordie habent. 

(And again, I have granted them all the assizes which the burgesses of 
Stafford have.) 

CLOYNE, 1249-64. Et ego et successores mei secundum legem 

Bristolii^ melius hactenus usitatam vel deinceps usitandam tractabimus 

honeste: et dicti cives et heredes eorum secundum eandem legem mihi 

et successoribus meis in omnibus respondebunt. 

(And I and my successors will treat them honourably according to the law 
of Bristol, as it has best been hitherto used, or shall be used in the future; 
and the said citizens and their heirs shall answer in all things to us and our 
successors according to the same law.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Quod de aliis levibus usibus habeant et 

teneant secundum usus et consuetudines burgorum de Kyrkeby Kendal 

et Ulueriston. 

(That of other minor customs, they shall have and hold according to the 
uses and customs of the boroughs of Kirkby Kendal and Ulverston.) 

KILMEADAN, 1216-72. [The franchise de Bristowe was given to 
the burgesses of Kilmeadan by Henry HI.] 

BURFORD (Salop), c. 1265-66^. Concessi etiam quod teneant 

burgagia sua secundum libertatem et consuetudines legis Britollii sicut 

predicta libertas usa est in civitate Herefordiae. 

(I have also granted that they shall hold their burgages according to the 
liberty and customs of the law of Breteuil, as the aforesaid liberty is observed 
in the city of Hereford.) 

BRECON, 1270. Noveritis nos concessisse et...confirmasse... 

dilectis et fidelibus hominibus nostris burgensibus ville nostre Brechon 

omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines quas burgenses Hereford' 

habent, exceptis placitis coronam tangentibus et tonnagio cervisie et 

omnium rerum venientium ultra montem et redeuntium. Habendas et 

tenendas predictis hominibus nostris et eorum heredibus libere, quiete 

et integre infra villam Brechon et extra imperpetuum. 

(Know ye that we have granted and confirmed to our beloved and faithful 
men, the burgesses of our town of Brecon and their heirs, all the liberties 
and free customs which the burgesses of Hereford have, excepting pleas 
touching the crown and the tonnage of beer and all things coming from beyond 
the mountain and returning thither, to be had and holden to our aforesaid 
men and their heirs, freely, quietly and completely within the town of Brecon 
and without, for ever.) 

1 Miss Bateson does not seem to claim this as an error for Britolii. 

- Grant of free borough by Henry III, 1265-6. 


WINDSOR, 1277. Et eisdem libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus 

utantur in eodem burgo quibus alii burgenses aliorum burgorum nos- 

trorum in regno nostro rationabiliter usi sunt. 

(And use the same liberties and free customs in the said borough which 
have been reasonably used by the other burgesses of the other boroughs in 
our realm.) 

NETHER WEARE, 1278-9. Et quod habeat legem et consue- 
tudinem Herford prout scriptum est dictis burgensibus de Netherwere 
ex communi assensu omnium burgensium ville predicte Herford sub 
eorum sigillo patente. Item volumus et concessimus quod dicti bur- 
genses ad peticionem dicti Auncelmi habeant legem et consuetudinem 
de Bruttell. 

(And that they have the law and custom of Hereford as that law was written 
for the said burgesses of Nether Weare by the common assent of all the bur- 
gesses of the aforesaid town of Hereford under their open seal. Also, we will 
and have granted, at the petition of the said Anselm, that the said burgesses 
shall have the law and custom of Breteuil.) 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos Rogerus 

Bygot comes Norfolk' et mariscallus Anglie dedimus et concessimus 

burgensibus nostris de Nova Rosse omnes libertates subscriptas haben- 

das et tenendas imperpetuum de nobis et heredibus nostris, videlicet 

quod omnes burgenses sint adeo liberi per totam terram nostram et 

dominium nostrum in Hibernia sicut burgenses de Banna^ vel Kilkenn' 

vel Wex[ford] sive aliqui alii^ burgenses Lagenie sunt liberiores. 

(Know present and future folk that we Roger Bygot earl of Norfolk and 
marshal of England have given and granted to our burgesses of New Ross 
all the underwritten liberties, to have and hold for ever of us and our heirs, 
to wit, that all burgesses shall be as free through all my land and lordship in 
Ireland as the burgesses of Bannow or Kilkenny or Wexford or any other 
burgesses of Leinster are freest.) 

MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. Sciatis nos concessisse pro nobis 
et heredibus nostris burgensibus nostris de Melecumba omnes liber- 
tates concessas ciuibus London[iensibus] videlicet quod: 

(Know ye that we have granted, for us and our heirs to our burgesses of 
Mel combe all the liberties granted to the citizens of London, namely that:) 

LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. Noverit universitas vestra nos con- 
cessisse dilectis et fidelibus burgensibus de Thalacarn... omnes bonas 
leges et consuetudines quibus burgenses de Kaermardyn tempore 
Johannis regis avi domini Edwardi filii Henrici et predecessorum 
suorum regum Anglie hactenus usi sunt et gavisi. Sal vis ponderibus 
et mensuris que fuerunt tempore Gydonis de Brione senioris. 

^ Bannow, a foundation of Geoffrey fitz Robert (Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 
III, 88). 

* Aliquali, Chartae, etc. 


(Know ye that we have granted to our beloved and faithful burgesses of 
Laughame all the good laws and customs which the burgesses of Carmarthen 
used and enjoyed in the time of king John the grandfather of our lord Edward 
son of Henry, saving to us the weights and measures which were in the time 
of Guy de Brian the elder.) 

NEW WINCHELSEA, 1283. Quia pro villa nostra de Winchelsee 

que pro maiore parte per maris inundationes jam submersa est, et de 

cujus submersione totali cotidie veretur, quandam villain novam apud 

Yhame fieri providimus et terras et tenementa ibidem baronibus ville 

et portus de Wynchelsee committere et ipsos inde feoffare, edificandas 

et inhabitandas, Volumus et concedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris 

quod cum iidem barones placias suas apud Yhame ceperunt, et eas 

edificare inceperunt, ipsi cum rebus et bonis suis omnibus adeo liberi 

sint in eadem nova villa et alibi ubique sicut antea fuerunt in predicta 

villa de Wynchelsee et aliis locis quibuscunque ; et easdem libertates et 

consuetudines habeant quas habent per cartas predecessorum nostrorum 

regum Anglie et eisdem libertatibus et consuetudinibus gaudeant et 

utantur quibus rationabiliter usi sunt temporibus retroactis, et cartas 

nostras eis inde de novo fieri faciemus. 

(Whereas instead of our town of Winchelsea which for the greater part 
has already been submerged by the encroachments of the sea, and whose 
total submergence is daily feared, we have provided that a new town shall 
be made at I ham, and that lands and tenements there should be demised to 
the barons of the town and port of Winchelsea, and that they should be en- 
feoffed therewith, for building and habitation, We will and grant for us and 
our heirs, that when the barons have taken their sites at Iham and have begun 
to build thereon, they with all their chattels and goods shall be as free in the 
same new town and elsewhere as they were before in the aforesaid town of 
Winchelsea and in all other places and shall have the same liberties and 
customs which they had by the charters of our predecessors the kings of 
England, and shall use and enjoy the same liberties and free customs which 
they reasonably used in times past, and we will cause our charters to be made 
anew for them to that effect.) 

LYME [REGIS], 1284. Et alias libertates et liberas consuetudines 

per totum regnum et potestatem nostram quas burgensibus nostris de 

Melecumbe per cartam nostram nuper concessimus et quibus cives 

nostri de London' per cartas progenitorum nostrorum quondam regum 

Anglie de rebus et mercandisis suis rationabiliter usi sunt hucusque 

sine occasione vel impedimento justiciariorum, vicecomitum seu minis- 

trorum nostrorum quoruncunque in perpetuum^. 

(And the other liberties and free customs throughout the whole of our 
kingdom and power which we have lately granted by our charter to our 
burgesses of Melcombe and which our citizen^ of London have hitherto 
reasonably made use of by virtue of the charters of our progenitors, kings of 

^ These liberties and customs were set forth at length in the subsequent charter of 
I Jan. 1285. For the grant of the same to Melcombe and Nova Villa, see I 4. 


England, concerning their goods and merchandise, free from any hindrance 
or impediment on the part of our justices, sheriffs, bailiffs or other ministers 
whomsoever for ever.) 

CARDIGAN, 1284. Sciatis quod concessimus.,.burgensibus nostris 
de Cardigan omnes bonas leges et consuetudines quibus burgenses 
nostri de Kermerdyn usi sunt hucusque racionabiliter et gravisi ut in 
communis, planis, boscis, aquis et omnibus aliis aisiamentis ad predic- 
tam villam de Cardigan spectantibus et retroactis temporibus optentis* 
et juste usitatis. 

(Know ye that we have granted... to our burgesses of Cardigan all the good 
laws and customs which our burgesses of Carmarthen have hitherto reasonably 
used and enjoyed in commons, in fields, in woods and waters and all other 
easements to the aforesaid town of Cardigan appertaining and obtained and 
justly used in times past.) 


Line 3. For Kermerdyn read Cardigan. 

LANARK, 1285. Sciatis nos dedissc.burgo nostro de Lanark et 

burgensibus nostris in eodem burgo nostro manentibus omnia jura, 

libertates et privilegia que et quas iidem burgenses nostri temporibus 

nostris sive alicujus antecessorum nostrorum tempore hactenus habue- 

runt et possederunt seu habere debuerunt, unacum omnibus libertatibus 

burgi, adeo libere sicut alii burgi nostri communiter infra regnum 

nostrum de nobis liberius et quietius tenentur et possidentur, 

(Know ye that we have granted... to our burgh of Lanark and our bur- 
gesses dwelling in our said burgh all the rights liberties and privileges which 
our said burgesses in our own times or in the time of any of our ancestors, 
hitherto had and possessed or ought to have, together with all the liberties 
of burgh, as freely as our other burghs are commonly held and possessed 
most freely and quietly of us within our realm.) 

WELSHPOOL, 1241-C. 1286. Et ne aliquis ballivus noster in 
dictis burgensibus meis et eorum heredibus contra libertates et con- 
suetudines legis britannie manum imposuerit, quas eisdem burgensibus 
et eorum heredibus quiete [concessi], concessi quod habeant et teneant 
predictam legem britanniam tam liberam et integram ut cives Herefordie 
tenent in omnibus consuetudinibus ad [dictam legem] spectantibus. 

(And lest any of our bailiffs lay hands on my burgesses and their heirs 
contrary to the customs and liberties of the law of Brittany ( ? Breteuil) which 
I have peacefully granted to the same burgesses and their heirs, I have granted 
that they shall have and hold the aforesaid law of Brittany as freely and 
wholly as the citizens of Hereford hold it in all customs pertaining to the said 

LLANFYLLIN, after 1286. 

NEW WINCHELSEA, 1288. Ita quod ipsi barones sint ibidem 
adeo liberi sicut prius apud Wynchelsee fuerunt et eisdem libertatibus 
^ "Temporibus optentis" supplied from the Haverfordwest charter. 


quibus apud Wynchelsee per cartas antecessorum regis regum Anglie 
et confirmationem regis uti consueverunt, de cetero in omnibus gaudeant 
et utantur ibidem. 

(So that the same barons shall be as free there as they were formerly at 
Winchelsea, and that they shall henceforth enjoy and use there the same 
liberties and customs which they were wont to use at Winchelsea by the 
charters of the predecessors of the king, being kings of England, and by the 
confirmation of the king.) 

LIMERICK, 1292. (The liberties of Dublin having only been 
granted to L. in general terms^.) Nos inspectis transcriptis cartan:m de 
libertate predictorum civium Dublinie per dilectum et fidelem nostrum 
Willelmum Wescy justiciarium nostrum Hibernie per preceptum nos- 
trum nobis ex hac causa missis ad requisitionem eorundem civium de 
Limerico, et ad meliorationem ejusdem civitatis, ut de hiis que libertates 
et liberas consuetudines predictorum civium de Limerico contingunt 
penitus tollatur ambiguitas, libertates et liberas consuetudines in pre- 
dictis cartis Dublinie expressas concessimus et hac carta nostra con- 
firmavimus eisdem civibus de Limerico specificata forma sequenti viz : — 

(We after inspection of transcripts of the charters of liberty of the aforesaid 
citizens of Dublin sent to us for this reason by our beloved and faithful William 
Vescy, our justiciar of Ireland, in accordance with our orders, at the request 
of the same citizens of Limerick and for the betterment of the same city, in 
order that all ambiguity touching what relates to the liberties and free customs 
of the aforesaid citizens of Limerick may be wholly removed, grant and by 
this our charter confirm the liberties and free customs expressed in the 
aforesaid Dublin charters to the same citizens of Limerick in the specified 
form following : — ) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294^. Omnibus Christi fidelibus presens 
scriptum visuris vel audituris Johannes dominus de Liddel et de 
Cestrefeud salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noverit universitas 
vestra me concessissc.imperpetuum hominibus meis de Cestrefeud 
qui de me et heredibus meis vel assignatis tenent et tenebunt burgagia 
in villa de Cestrefeud quod habeant et teneant de me et heredibus meis 
vel assignatis, ipsi et eorum heredes vel assignati, easdem libertates et 
liberas consuetudines infra villam de Cestrefeud et extra et in omnibus 
locis et per omnia quas habuerunt de dono et concessione Willelmi le 
Brewer senioris, predecessoris mei, et per confirmacionem domini regis 
Henrici patris domini regis Edwardi et preterea per quandam finalem 
concordiam sigillo Willelmi le Brewer junioris sigillatam, ita scilicet, 
quod ipsi burgenses et eorum heredes vel assignati habeant omnes easdem 
libertates et liberas consuetudines in omnibus locis et per omnia quas 
burgus Notingham habet. 

^ See vol. I, p. 31. * See also p. 19. 


(Know ye all that I have granted... for ever to my men of Chesterfield who 
do or shall hold burgages of me in the town of Chesterfield that they shall 
have and hold of me and my heirs or assigns, they and their heirs or assigns, 
the same liberties and free customs within and without the town of Chester- 
field and in all places and in all matters which they had of the gifts and grant 
of William Brewer the elder, my predecessor, and by the confirmation of king 
Henry father of king Edward, and also by a certain final concord sealed with 
the seal of William Brewer the younger, to wit, that the same burgesses and 
their heirs or assigns shall have all the same liberties and free customs in all 
places and in all matters which the borough of Nottingham has.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et burgenses habeant et teneant omnes 

alias libertates et liberas consuetudines in omnibus rebus et locis quas 

burgus Notingham habet.^...Et predicti burgenses et eorum heredes 

vel assignati habebunt et tenebunt de me et heredibus meis vel assignatis 

nostris omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines libere, quiete, bene, 

in pace, jure, in feodo et hereditate in perpetuum sine aliquo impedi- 

mento seu retenemento. 

(And the burgesses shall have and hold all other liberties and free customs 

in all things and in all places, which the borough of Nottingham has And 

the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs or assigns shall have and hold of me 
and my heirs or assigns all their liberties and free customs freely... in fee 
and heredity for ever without any hindrance or reserve.) 

ROSBERCON, 1 289-95 . Noveritis universitas vestra nos concessisse 
burgensibus nostris de Rosbargon' omnimodas libertates et liberas con- 
suetudines quas antecessores nostri concesserunt burgensibus nostris 
de burgo nostro Kilkennie. 

(Know ye all that we have granted to our burgesses of Rosbercon the liberties 
of every kind and free customs which our ancestors granted to our burgesses 
of our borough of Kilkenny.) 

HULL, 1299. Et quod habeant omnes libertates et liberas con- 
suetudines ad liberum burgum spectantes imperpetuum. 

(And that they for ever have all the liberties and free customs pertaining 
to a free borough.) 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 

"SKYNBURGH," 1301. Et habeant omnes libertates et liberas 

consuetudines ad hujusmodi liberum burgum pertinentes imperpetuum. 

(And shall have all the liberties and free customs to a free borough of this 
kind pertaining for ever.) 


NEWBOROUGH (Anglesey), 1303. Cum omnibus libertatibus et 
liberis consuetudinibus ad liberum burgum pertinentibus quales vide- 
licet habent burgenses nostri de Rothelan in burgo suo. 

^ Here follows the statement that they shall be free burgesses (see III i). 


(With all liberties and free customs to a free borough pertaining, such, to 
wit, as our burgesses of Rhuddlan have in their borough.) 

c^i CAERWYS, 1290. 

Line 3. For Rothelan in burgo suo read Aberconeway et Rothelan in 
burgis suis vel alii burgenses nostri in Walliis. 

CLITHEROE, 1272-91. Concessimus etiam et confirmavimus 
dictis burgensibus omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines quas 
habuerunt ex dono et concessione quondam Henrici de Lascy ante- 
cessoris nostri, illas scilicet, quas liberi burgenses Cestrie habent et 
quibus liberius utuntur et liberius eas aliquo tempore habuerunt seu 
habent vel eis utuntur. 

(We have also granted and confirmed to the said burgesses all the liberties 
and free customs which they had by the gift and grant of a former Henry de 
Lacy our ancestor, those to wit, which the free burgesses of Chester have, 
and which they most freely use, and those which at any time they have most 
freely had and used^.) 

ABERAVON, 1288-13132. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 
Leysan ap Morgan dominus de Avene, filius et heres Morgani vachan, 
dedi... omnibus Anglicanis burgensibus et etiam chenceribus meis de 
Avene et eorum heredibus et assignatis omnes libertates in villa mea 
de Avene et in toto dominio meo infra limites de Avene quas habent 
burgenses de Kenefig in villa de Kenefig et infra dominium domini 
comitis Gloucestrie et Hertfordie, quantum in me est. 

(Know all men present and future, that I Leysan ap Morgan, Lord of 
Avan, son and heir of Morgan vachan... have granted... to all the English 
burgesses and also to my tensers of Avan and their heirs and assigns all the 
liberties in the town of Avan and in all my demesne within the boundaries of 
Avan which the burgesses of Kenfig have in the town of Kenfig and within 
the lordship of the Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, as far as I can grant 

(9) Preservation of Vested Interests 

SALISBURY, 1227. Haec omnia predicta saepedicto episcopo et 
successoribus suis, canonicis et civibus predictis concessimus, salvis 
libertatibus civitatis nostrae London. 

(All the aforesaid privileges we have granted to the oftmentioned bishop 
and his successors, to the canons and the aforesaid citizens, saving the liberties 
of the city of London.) 

[DUBLIN^, 1 192. Haec omnia eis concessi salvis tenuris et terris 
omnium eorum qui terras et tenuras habent per cartam meam inde 
extra muros usque ad predictas metas, quod non possit ci vitas de terris 
illis sicut de aliis disponere, sed faciant omnes consuetudines civitatis 

^ Mr Ballard seems to assume a corruption in the text here. 
^ See critical notes above. ^ Cf. vol. i, p. 35. 



[I 12 

sicut alii cives : de illis autem haec dico qui cartam meam habuerunt de 

aliquibus terris infra predictas metas extra muros antequam civitati 

predictas libertates et banc cartam concesserim. 

(All these things I have granted to them saving the tenures and lands of all 
those who have lands and tenures by my charter in that behalf without the 
walls as far as the aforesaid bounds, because the city cannot dispose of those 
lands as of others, but they shall perform all the customs of the city as other 
citizens ; I am speaking of those who had my charter in respect of any lands 
within the aforesaid bounds without the walls before I granted the aforesaid 
liberties and this charter to the city.)] 


Line 2. For meam read domini Johannis regis patris nostri. 
For omnes read communes. 
For meam read ipsius patris nostri. 

For antequam... concesserim read sicut continetur in carta ipsius 
patris nostri quam dicti cives inde habent (as is contained in the 
charter of my father aforesaid which the said citizens have 

CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 

Add salvis etiam libertatibus omnium civitatum et burgorum 
nostrorum tarn in Anglia quam in Hibernia a nobis et pre- 
decessoribus nostris eis concessis (saving also the liberties of all 
our cities and towns both in England and in Ireland which 
have been granted them by us and our predecessors). 


(12) Confirmation by Regrant and by Inspeximus^ 

{a) Regrant 2 
England and Wales 

Alnwick, 1226-53 ••• 
Andover, 1228 {a), (b) 
Bedford, 1227(6) 
Beverley, 1237 
Bridgenorth, 1227 (a) 
Bristol, 1252* 
Cambridge, 1227 (a), (b) 
Carmarthen, 1227 ... 
Derby, 1229* 
Dunwich, 1230 
Gloucester, 1227* ••• 
Hartlepool, 1234 (b) 
Helston, 1225-40 

Hereford, 1227 (a) ... 
Lancaster, 1227 

William de Vescy H regrants 1157-85 

Henry HI 











Richard, earl of 

Henry HI 
Richard, earl of 


1205 (May i), 1213 










1 201, 1207 


1 201 










1 20 1 




1 199 


^ This section is numbered thus (12) in order to preserve the subdivisions of the 
code given in vol. i. So far as I know there is no example in this period of clauses 
similar to those there given under the sections I (10) Disallowance of Charter, and 
I (11) Papal Charters (C). 

^ See the Introduction. Charters which contain additional grants are marked with 
an asterisk. These grants will be found in the text. The charters which are confirmed 
may be traced in vol. I by reference to the tables of sources and contents (pp. xxvi ff., 
cxxxviii ff.). 

I 12] 



Richard, abbot of 




Henry III 


1157, 1200 



H96, 1199, 1215 












1154-8, 1191, 1199 



c. 1189 



1255 {a), (b) 






1 194 



1179, 1199 



1 100-35, 1154-89, I20( 



1 205 and uncertain yea 



1189, 1199 






1129-35, 1 154-8, 1204 





Alexander II 





I 175-7 



I 175-7 







Alexander III 



Leek, after 1224 

Lincoln, 1227* 

London, 1227 (a)*, (b), (c), {d)* 

Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1234(a)* 
Northampton, 1227 
Norwich, 1229* 
Nottingham, 1230*... 
1272* ... 
Oxford, 1229 (a) 
Portsmouth, 1229 (i) 
Preston, 1227 
Salisbury (Old), 1229 
Shrewsbury, 1227 {a)*, (b) 
Southampton, 1227 (a), (b) ... 
Swansea, 1234 
Wilton, 1229 
Winchester, 1227 

Ayr, 1223 
Glasgow, 1224-7 

Inverkeithing, 1223 (a) 

1223 (b) 


(b) Inspeximus 

DUBLIN, 1229 (a). Inspeximus cartam Henrici regis avi nostri 
civibus nostris Dubline factam in hec verba : (here follows a copy of the 
charter of 1172-76). Nos igitur banc concessionem ratam et gratam 
habentes earn predictis civibus et eorum heredibus pro nobis et heredibus 
nostris concedimus et confirmamus. 

(We have inspected a charter of King Henry our grandfather, made to the 
citizens of Dublin in these words: (here follows a copy of the charter of 
1172-76^). We therefore considering this grant to be valid and pleasing, for 
us and our heirs, grant and confirm it to the aforesaid citizens and their heirs.) 

There follow similar inspeximus of the charters of 121 5 and 1200 (1229 (b)*, 


For the inspeximus of 1285 see p. 34. 

CARLISLE, 1251 {b). Quia accepimus per inquisicionem quam 
fieri fecimus quod cives nostri Karlioli quieti sunt, per cartam Henrici 
regis avi nostri, que combusta est per incendium ortum in civitate 
nostra Karlioli per infortunium, de theloneo etc. (as vol. i, pp. 55, 185, 
205) et quod omnibus supradictis articulis, libertatibus et consuetudini- 
bus hucusque libere usi sunt, Nos omnes libertates et consuetudines 
prefatis civibus nostris concedimus et hac carta nostra confirmamus, 

^ Vol. I, p. 184. The inspeximus, however, omits the words "et Iestagio...caragio" 
and extends the exemption from tolls to Ireland. 

Mr Ballard inadvertently dated Henry's charter 1164-76. See Eyton, Itinerary 
of Henry II, p. 185. It probably belongs to 1 172-3. (See Addenda.) 


pro nobis et heredibus nostris, volentes quod omnibus predictis liber- 

tatibus et consuetudinibus de cetero gaudeant et utantur libere, quiete, 

bene et in pace et integre imperpetuum cum omnibus aliis libertatibus 

et liberis consuetudinibus ad predictam villam Karleoli pertinentibus. 

(Whereas we have learnt from an inquisition which we have caused to be 
made that our citizens of Carhsle are quit, by virtue of a charter of king Henry 
our grandfather which was burnt in a fire^ which accidentally broke out in 
our city of Carlisle, of toll etc. (as vol. i, pp. 55, 185, 205) and that they have 
hitherto used all the aforesaid articles liberties and customs. We grant and 
by this our charter confirm all those liberties and customs to our aforesaid 
citizens, for us and our heirs, being willing that they shall henceforth enjoy 
and use all the aforesaid liberties and customs, freely quietly well and peace- 
fully and completely for ever, together with all other liberties and free 
customs to the aforesaid city of Carlisle appertaining.) 

CARLISLE, 1293. Inspeximus tenorem carte in rotulis cancellarie 
Celebris memorie domini Henrici quondam regis Anglie patris nostri 
de anno regni sui tricesimo quinto irrotulate quam idem pater noster 
fecit civibus suis de Karliolo in hec verba.... (Here follows the charter 
of i25i.)...Et quia carta ilia nuper in incendio ville predicte per in- 
fortunium combusta fuit, nos de gracia nostra speciali tenorem carte 
predicte de verbo ad verbum sub sigillo nostro duximus testificandum. 

(We have inspected the tenor of a charter inrolled in the rolls of the 
chancery of our lord Henry of famous memory formerly king of England our 
father of the 35th year of his reign, which our said father made to his citizens 
of Carlisle in these words. ...(Here follows the charter of 1251.). ..And whereas 
that charter was lately accidentally burnt in a fire in the aforesaid city, We,, 
of our special grace, have thought fit that the tenor of the aforesaid charter 
should be testified word for word, under our seal.) 

Other confirmations by Inspeximus of previous charters ^ were ob- 
tained in this period. 



... Henry HI 


1 1 64 



... Edward I 


1227, 1252, 1256 



... Henry HI 




Devizes . . . 

... Do. 




... Do. 




... Do. 




Beverley ... 

... Do. 





... Edward I 


1230, 1256 


Appleby ... 

... Henry HI 





... Edward I 


1232, etc. 



... Henry HI 





... Do. 


1204, 1257-66 



... Edward I 


1204, 1268 

1234 (a) 


... Henry HI 





... Do. 



^ A more unusual misfortune befell the Irish charter which was eaten by pigs 

(E.H.i?.xv, 515). 

- For those earlier than 1216 see vol. I, for those later see the present volume. 
Confirmations accompanied by new grants are asterisked. 

' Not in strict inspeximus form. Cf. Pembroke and Worcester, 1264, below. 

I 12] 





. Henry III 


5 1259 (^) 



. Edmund, earl of 






. Edward I 


1 154-8, 1237 



. Henry III 



I 272-1307* 


. Edward I 


1 154-8, 1237 



. Henry III 


1226 (Fine) 



. Edward I 



1237(a), (6) 

Chester ... 

. Henry III 


1200-8 (2 chs.) 



. Do. 





. Edward I 


1237, 1239 


(Weavers' Guild) 

Henry III 





. Do. 


All previous chs. 



. Edward I 





. Henry III 




Chipping Campden 



1247, etc. 

1 25 1 (6) 

Higham Ferrers 

. Do. 



1 25 1 (a) 

Carlisle ... 

. Do. 





. Do. 


1 189 


. Do. 


1189-99, 1200, 

1253 (a) 


. Do. 



1253' (b) 


Maurice de Berkeley Do. 




. Thos. II de Berkeley Do. 




. Henry III 





. Edward I 


1155-8, 1234, 
1256 (a), (b) 



. Henry III 


"73-89, 1201 



. Do. 


1254-5 (?) 






(Cordwainers' Guild) 


Lincoln ... 

. Do. 





. Do. 


1227 (c. l) 



. Edward I 


All previous chs. 



. Henry III Do 

i239-66*(a),(c) Morpeth 

. Roger de Merlay III Do 


Farnham ... 

. Henry III Do 



. Do. Do 


. Robert, earl of Derby Do 


Coventry ... 

. Henry III Do 



. Do. Do 



. Do. Do 


Oxford University .. 

. Do. Do 

1 27 1 


. Do. Do 



. Walter, bp. of Exeter Do 

1278 (a) 


. Henry,earl of Lincoln Do 

I 27 1-8 

Barnard Castle 

. Alexander de Balliol Do 



. Edward I Do 


Do. (University) .. 

. Do. Do 



. Rob. bp. of Salisbury Do 



. Edward I Do 


Bury St Edmunds .. 

. Do. Do 



. Do. Do 

1285 (a) 

Great Yarmouth .. 

. Do. Do 



. Do. Do 

except 1154-79 

and 1200 
1 188-1239 and in 

(c) 1239-66 (a) 

1207, 1229 
1043, etc. 

1 181-8 






Charters of his 

1227 (a), 1256(6) 
1266, 1268, 1269 
1235, 1271-2 
I 102-3 
1242, 1262-93 

1208, 1256, 1261 

Not in strict inspeximus form. 

B. II 




[I 12 







1301 (a) 




Dunwich ... 

... Edward I 

inspects 1256 

Bodmin ... 

... Do. 



Dublin ... 

... Do. 



Frauncheville (New- Do. 



town, I.W.) 




1229, 1256 

Salisbury (New) 

... Do. 




... Do. 


C. 1 166, 1174-86 

Newport (Salop) 

... Do. 


I 163-6 


.. Do. 



Maldon . . . 

.. Do. 



Cinque Ports 

... Do. 


All previous chs. 


... Do. 



Ipswich . . . 

.. Do. 


1200, 1256 


.. Do. 






1266, 1268, 1269, 






1234, 1252 

London . . . 

.. Do. 




.. Do. 


1227, 1257 

Oxford ... 

.. Do. 


1229 («), 1257 (a) 

Limerick ... 

.. Do. 



Drogheda (Louth) . 

.. Do. 


1229, 1253 


.. Edward, prince of 



YORK, 1252. Inspeximus cartam Ricardi quondam regis Anglie, 
avunculi nostri, in qua continetur quod idem rex concessit et confirmavit 
civibus nostris Ebor' quietanciam &c. (see vol. i, pp. 187, 163, 137). 
Inspeximus etiam cartam domini Johannis regis, patris nostri, con- 
tinentem quod idem rex concessit et confirmavit eis villam Ebor' 
(vol. I, p. 230). Confirmavit etiam idem Johannes rex pater noster per 
cartam suam quam inspeximus omnes libertates (vol. i, p. 6). Preterea 
idem Johannes rex pater noster concessit et confirmavit per eandem 
cartam eisdem civibus quietanciam (vol. i, p. 187) Nos autem predictas 
concessiones, leges, usus, consuetudines, libertates et quietanciam ratas 
habentes et gratas, eas pro nobis et heredibus nostris concedimus et 
confirmamus sicut eas hucusque usi sunt infra villam et extra sicut carte 
supradicte rationabiliter testantur. 

(We have inspected a charter of Richard, formerly king of England, our 
uncle, in which is contained that the said king granted and confirmed to his 
citizens of York the quittance, etc. (see vol. i, pp. 187, 163, 167). We have 
also inspected a charter of king John our father containing that the said king 
granted and confirmed to them the town of York (vol. I, p. 230). The same 
king John also confirmed by his charter, which we have inspected, all the 
liberties (vol. i, p. 6). Moreover the same king John, our father, granted and 
confirmed to the same citizens by the same charter the quittance (vol. i, 
p. 187). 

Now we, holding the same grants laws uses and customs to be valid and 
pleasing, do grant and confirm them for us and our heirs, as they have hitherto 
been used within the town and without, as the aforesaid charters reasonably 

^ A portion of the charter of 1268 was repealed (see C.Ch.R. n, 477). 


(13 a) Non-user of Liberties^ 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (a). Volumus eciam et concedimus... 
quod si prefati burgenses nostri libertatibus predictis vel aliqua earum 
hucusque minus plene usi fuerint, iidem burgenses et eorum heredes 
omnibus libertatibus, liberis consuetudinibus et quietanciis predictis de 
cetero plenarie utantur et gaudeantur imperpetuum sine impedimento 
et contradiccione nostri et heredum nostrorum, justiciarum, vicecomitum 
et omnium ballivorum nostrorum una cum omnibus libertatibus, 
quietanciis et liberis consuetudinibus quibus iidem burgenses hucusque 
racionabiliter usi sunt temporibus predecessorum nostrorum regum 
Anglie et nostro. 

(We will also and grant... that if our burgesses aforesaid have not hitherto 
fully used the liberties aforesaid or any of them, the said burgesses and their 
heirs shall fully use and enjoy all the liberties, free customs and quittances 
aforesaid for ever v^^ithout any hindrance and contradiction from us and our 
heirs and our justices and sheriffs and all our bailiffs along with all the liberties, 
quittances and free customs which the said burgesses have hitherto reasonably 
used in the times of our predecessors, kings of England, and in our own time.) 

BRISTOL, 1256. Quod si aliquibus articulis in dicta carta eisdem 
burgensibus de libertatibus prius concessa contentis minus plene usi 
fuere, eisdem de cetero eo non obstante libere et sine impedimento 
alicujus utantur, prout iidem articuli in eadem carta rationabiliter con- 

(That if they have not fully used any clauses contained in the said charter 
of liberties formerly granted to the said burgesses, they may, notwithstanding, 
use the same for the future, freely and without hindrance from any, as the 
same clauses are reasonably contained in the same charter.) 
BATH, 1256 (a). 

Line i. For Quod si read Et si iidem burgenses. 
For dicta read nostra. 
2. Omit burgensibus. 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Et quod vti possint libertatibus supra- 
dictis contentis in hac carta nostra quicumque (sic for quacumque) 
voluerint, licet aliquibus temporibus eis vsi non fuerint. 

(And that they may use all the abovewritten liberties contained in this 
charter wherever they will, although at some time they may not have used 

OXFORD, 1257 (a). Concedimus etiam quod si predicti burgenses 
aliquibus libertatibus sibi a nobis vel progenitoribus nostris regibus 
Anglie preconcessis minus plene usi fuerint, de cetero libere et plene 

^ Similar clauses not here given were included in the charters of Lincoln (1301), etc. 



uti valeant et gaudere, prout in cartis nostris quas inde habent rationa- 

biliter continetur. 

(We grant also that if the aforesaid burgesses have not fully made use of 
any liberties formerly granted to them by us or our progenitors, kings of 
England, they may henceforth freely and fully use and enjoy them, as is 
reasonably contained in our charters which they have to that effect.) 

WALLINGFORD, 1267. (After inspeximus of charter of 1156.) 
Volumus etiam et concedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris quod licet 
burgenses predicti, a principio turbationis dudum post Parliamentum 
habitum apud Oxon in regno nostro suscitate, aliquo articulorum 
libertatum predictarum minus plene hactenus usi fuerint, ipsi tamen et 
eorum successores nihilominus de cetero libere et sine impedimento 
aliquo utantur libertatibus antedictis sicut predictum est. 

(We will also and grant for us and our heirs that if the burgesses aforesaid, 
from the beginning of the disturbance lately excited in our realm after the 
Parliament held at Oxford, have hitherto less fully made use of any article 
of the liberties aforesaid, yet they and their successors shall nevertheless 
make use of the liberties aforesaid freely and without any hindrance, as is 

NORTHAMPTON, 1268 {a). Cum dilecti nobis maior et burgenses 
nostri Norhamptonie habeant quasdam libertates per cartas predeces- 
sorum nostrorum regum Anglie et nostras ac ipsi propter impedimentum 
guerre nuper in regno nostro habite eisdem libertatibus usi sint minus 
plene, Nos, eisdem graciam facere volentes specialem, concedimus eis 
quod, licet propter impedimentum guerre predicte aliquibus articulis 
in dictis cartis contentis hucusque usi non fuerint ad plenum, eisdem 
nichilominus decetero utantur secundum quod in predictis cartis plenius 

(Whereas our beloved mayor and burgesses of Northampton have certain 
liberties by virtue of the charters of our predecessors, kings of England and 
ourselves, and they, on account of the hindrance caused by the late war in 
our realm, have not fully made use of the same. We, willing to do them a 
special favour, grant to them that, although, on account of the hindrance 
caused by the aforesaid war, they have hitherto not made use of certain 
liberties contained in the said charters to the full, they may nevertheless make 
use of the same henceforth according to what is more fully contained in the 
aforesaid charters.) 

EXETER, 1300. Quod licet ipsi libertatibus et consuetudinibus in 
dictis cartis contentis et expressis hactenus ad plenum usi non fuerint, 
nihilominus eisdem libertatibus et consuetudinibus de cetero per totum 
regnum et potestatem nostram plene et pacifice gaudeant et utentur sine 
occasione vel impedimento nostri vel heredum nostrorum, justiciariorum, 
vicecomitum seu aliorum ballivorum et ministeriorum nostrorum quo- 


(That although they may not hitherto have used to the full the liberties 
and customs in the said charters contained and expressed, nevertheless they 
shall henceforth fully and peacefully enjoy and use the said liberties and 
customs throughout the vi^hole of our kingdom and realm without any let 
or hindrance on the part of us or our heirs or our justices, sheriffs, bailiffs 
or other ministers whomsoever.) 

BARNSTAPLE, 1272-1307. 

NORWICH, 1305. Et si fortassis cives illi aliquibus libertatum sibi 

vel antecessoribus suis civibus dicte civitatis per cartas nostras vel 

progenitorum nostrorum quondam regum Anglie prius concessarum 

hactenus plene usi non fuerint, Volumus et concedimus pro nobis et 

heredibus nostris quod ipsi et successores sui predicti libertatibus illis, 

quocunque tempore casus ex nunc contigerit quod eis uti possint, plene 

et absque impedimento nostri vel heredum nostrorum aut ministrorum 

quorumcunque gaudeant racionabiliter et utantur. 

(And if perchance the citizens have hitherto not fully used any of the 
liberties granted to them or their ancestors by our charters or by those of our 
predecessors, formerly kings of England, We will and grant for us and our 
heirs that they and their successors aforesaid, at whatever time in the future 
the occasion for their use may arise, shall reasonably enjoy and use those 
liberties, fully and without impediment on the part of us or our heirs or 
ministers whomsoever.) 

LYNN, 1305. 

BEVERLEY, 1307. Quod licet predicti burgenses aliqua vel 

aliquibus libertatum in dictis cartis contentas, aliquo casu emergente, 

hactenus plene usi non fuerint, ipsi burgenses et eorum heredes ac 

successores, burgenses eiusdem ville, nichilominus libertatibus illis 

plene decetero gaudeant et utantur. 

(That even if the aforesaid burgesses, owing to particular circumstances, 
have not hitherto fully used any one or more of the liberties contained in the 
said charters, they and their heirs and successors, being burgesses of the said 
town, shall nevertheless henceforth fully enjoy and use those liberties.) 

(13 6) Enquiry as to User of Liberties 

LIMERICK, 1292. Cum dominus Johannes avus noster dudum 
dominus Hibernie et comes Moretonie antequam gubernacionem regni 
Anglie cepit, per cartam suam dudum concessit civibus de Limeric 
omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines quibus cives Dublin' per 
quascunque cartas Regum Anglie et dominorum Hibernie ubicunque 
utebantur, Et eidem cives de Limeric, licet libertates et consuetudines 
ille in carta predicta non exprimantur, eisdem tamen libertatibus et 
liberis consuetudinibus a tempore confeccionis ejusdem semper hactenus 
usi fuerunt et gavisi sunt, sicut per quandam inquisicionem inde per 
Galfridum de Gonivile nuper justiciarium nostrum Hibernie per brevem 
nostrum factam, nobis constat evidenter, Nos inspecta transcripta carte 


de libertatibus predictorum civium Dublin' per dilectum et fidelem 
nostrum Willelmum Vost justiciarium nostrum Hibernie per preceptum 
nostrum ex hac missum, ad requisicionem eorum civium de Limeric et 
melioracionem ejusdem civitatis, ut de hiis que libertates et liberas 
consuetudines predictorum civium de Limeric contingant penitus 
tollatur ambiguitas, libertates et liberas consuetudines in predictis cartis 
Dublin' expressas concessimus et hac carta nostra confirmavimus iisdem 
civibus de Limeric specifficat[as] in forma sequente, videlicet: 

(Whereas lord John, our grandfather, formerly lord of Ireland and count 
of Mortain, before he undertook the government of England, formerly 
granted by his charter to the citizens of Limerick all the liberties and free 
customs, which in accordance with certain charters of the kings of England 
and the lords of Ireland, the citizens of Dublin everywhere used, and the 
said citizens of Limerick, although those liberties and free customs were not 
expressed in the charter aforesaid, have nevertheless always hitherto used and 
enjoyed them, as clearly appears from an inquest made thereon by our writ 
by Geoffrey de Goniville lately our justice of Ireland, We having inspected 
the transcript of the charter of the liberties of the aforesaid citizens of Dublin^ 
sent thence by our order by our beloved and faithful William Vost, our justice 
of Ireland, at the request of the same citizens of Limerick and for the bettering 
of the said city, in order that all ambiguity may be removed with regard to the 
things that touch the liberties and free customs of the aforesaid citizens of 
Limerick, grant the liberties and free customs expressed in the aforesaid 
charters of Dublin and by this our charter confirm them to the same citizens 
of Limerick specified as follows, to wit :) 

(14) Sanction of Municipal Legislation 

GRIMSBY, 1258. Sciatis quod cum contentio orta esset inter 

divites homines ville nostre de Grymesby et pauperes homines ejusdem 

ville super mercandisis ibidem faciendis, et nos pro communi utilitate 

dicte ville misissemus ibidem dilectum et fidelem nostrum Gilbertum 

de Preston ad dictam contentionem audiendam et transgressiones hinc 

inde factas emendendas, accepimus per eundem Gilbertum quod de 

communi assensu universitatis dicte ville provisum fuit et concessum 

coram eodem Gilberto quod ad communem (utiUtatem) ejusdem ville 

provisio subscripta teneatur et observetur ibidem, videlicet.... Nos 

autem dictam provisionem in omnibus et singulis articulis predictis 

ratam habentes et gratam ipsam quantum ad nos pertinet ad instantiam 

burgensium dicte ville et de consilio procerum qui sunt de concilio 

nostro concedimus et confirmamus pro nobis et heredibus nostris sicut 

prescript! articuli rationabiliter sunt provisi. 

(Know ye that whereas strife had arisen between the rich men of our town 
of Grimsby and the poor men of the same town on the purchase of merchandise 
there, and whereas We for the common benefit of the said town had sent 
thither our beloved and loyal servant, Gilbert of Preston, to hear the said 
quarrel and amend the wrongs arising therefrom, We have learnt from the 


said Gilbert that by the common consent of the community of the said town 
it has been provided and agreed in the presence of the said Gilbert that the 
underwritten provision shall be held and observed there, to wit.... Now We, 
holding the said provision to be valid and pleasing in all and singular its 
articles, as far as we are concerned at the request of the burgesses of the said 
town, and by the advice of the nobles who are of our council, do grant and 
confirm it for us and our heirs, so far as the aforesaid articles are reasonably 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Noveritis nos inspexisse, recipisse 
et retinuisse quosdam articulos a nostris burgensibus de Gernemuta 
communi sigillo eorundem signatos ac formam subscriptam continentes 
in hec verba : 

A tuz ceus ke cest eskrit orunt u verunt. Les burgeys et tote la 
comunaute de la vile de graunt Gernemute Saluz. Al honur de Deu et 
nostre Seignur le rey meyntenir entre tute gent et a la sauvaciun de le 
avaunt dite vile avom nus purvu et ordine les choses desus escrites : 

(Know ye that we have inspected, received and retained certain articles 
from our burgesses of Yarmouth signed with their common seal, and con- 
taining the underwritten form in these words: 

To all those who shall hear or see this writing, the burgesses and all the 
community of the town of Great Yarmouth, greeting. To maintain the honour 
of God, and of our lord the king among all people, and for the salvation of the 
aforesaid town, we have provided and ordained the things below written:) 

LEICESTER, 1277. Pur ceo ke les delays de la Curt de Portmanne- 
mot Leycestre vnt estre trop lungs et acuns vsages annus a eels ke lor 
dreit dussent suire, Syre Edmund, frere nostre seignor Le Rey, seignor 
de la vile auaunt dite, par son conseil et par assent del meyre e de iurees 
e de tote la commune de mesme la vile, ad ordeyne e purueu les amende- 
menz desus escrits.... 

Les altres fraunchises de la vile auaunt dite e les vsages resnables 
cum auaunt vnt este vse remeinent estables. 

(Whereas the delays of the Portmanmoot of Leicester have been too long, 
and some usages have injured those who had to sue their right, Sir Edmund, 
brother of our lord the king, lord of the aforesaid town, by his council and 
by the assent of the mayor and of the jurats and of the whole community 
of the same town, has ordained and provided the amendments underwritten — 

The other franchises of the town aforesaid, and the reasonable customs 
as aforetime have been used, remain established.) 

(15) Pardon 1 

HEREFORD, 1267. (Edward son of Henry HP.) Perdonavimus 
omnem iram et rancorem quos contra eosdem habuimus pro quibusdam 

^ For the remission to London for 20,000 marks in Jan. 1266 of "great crimes" 
against the crown, see French Chronicle of London (Camd. Soc), p. 8. 

^ More than two years before Henry had exacted a fine of 560 marks from the 
citizens for pardon for their late rebellion (Foedera (R), i, 458). 


transgressionibus nuper factis et illatis per eosdem contra nos, viz. a 
prima turbacione nuper in Anglia mota usque ad festum Omnium 
Sanctorum proximo venturum. 

(We have pardoned all anger and rancour which we have against them for 
certain trespasses lately committed against us by them, viz. from the first 
disturbance lately made in England to the feast of All Saints next coming.) 

NORTHAMPTON, 1268 {by. Volentes maiori et probis hominibus 
nostris Norhamptonie graciam facere specialem remisimus et perdonavi- 
mus eisdem et toti communitati ville eiusdem omnem indignationem 
et animi rancorem quos erga ipsos conceperamus occasione detentionis 
ville nostre Norhamptonie contra nos et captionis eiusdem, et etiam 
occasione transgressionis huiusmodi quantum in nobis est similiter 
perdonavimus et ipsos ad graciam nostram et pacem nostram admisimus, 
nolentes quod ipsi per nos, heredes nostros, justiciarios, balliuos seu 
alios ministros nostros occasione predicta grauentur in aliquo seu 
molestentur. Ita tamen quod stent recto in curia nostra si quis de 
transgressionibus aliquibus versus eos loqui voluerit et erga nos et 
heredes nostros bene et fideliter se habeant in futurum. 

(Wishing to do a special favour to the mayor and good men of Northampton, 
we have remitted and pardoned to them and to the whole community of the 
same town all the indignation and bitterness of mind which we had conceived 
against them by reason of the capture and holding of the same town of North- 
ampton against us, and also by reason of any transgression of this kind, so 
far as in us lies, we have likewise pardoned and admitted them to our favour 
and peace, being unwilling that they shall be troubled or molested in any way 
by us, our heirs, our justices, our bailiffs or any other ministers of ours for 
the reason aforesaid. So nevertheless that they stand to judgment in our court 
if anyone wishes to sue them concerning transgressions of this kind, and that 
they conduct themselves in the future well and faithfully to us and our heirs.) 

SWANSEA, 1306^. In primis, quoniam coherere et conjungi non 

possunt quorum vota et studia fuerint diversa, idcirco ad honorem dei 

pacisque reformacionem omnibus et singulis burgensibus nostris pre- 

dictis qui litem contra nos in curia domini regis nuper moverunt, aut 

eisdem in predicta lite contribucionem aliquam vel auxilium presti- 

terunt, omnem remittimus rancorem et malam voluntatem, graciam eis 

pristinam et dilectionem concedentes, actionesque quascunque personales 

ac querelas nos seu heredes nostros contra eosdem aut eorum quemlibet 

quocunque modo occasione predicta contingentes benigne remittentes. 

(In the first place, since those whose wishes and aims differ cannot unite 
and join forces, for the honour of God and the restoration of peace we remit 
all rancour and ill will against all and singular our aforesaid burgesses who 
lately brought an action against us in the court of the lord king, or against 

^ Letters Patent. 

^ In 1286 Edmund earl of Cornwall pardoned the citizens of Exeter for some 
offence not described and remitted 50 marks from a fine of 250 (Oliver, Exeter, p. 62). 


any who gave them support and aid in the aforesaid suit, granting them (our) 
former favour and affection, and freely remitting any personal actions and 
plaints whatsoever which we or our heirs might bring against them, or any 
of them, in any manner on the aforesaid ground.) 

(16) Rights of Crown saved 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Salva semper in omnibus regia dignitate, 
€t salvis nobis et heredibus nostris placitis corone nostre vite et mem- 

(Saving always in all things the royal dignity, and saving to us and our heirs 
the pleas of our crown of life and limb.) 

(17) Enlargement of Borough ^ 

WESTCHE[A]P, 1 255-8 2. Noveritis universitas vestra me con- 

cessisse hominibus meis manentibus in Westchep juxta Taneself easdem 

libertates et consuetudines quas alii burgenses mei de Pontefracto habent 

de antecessoribus meis. 

(Be it known to you all that I have granted to my men dwelling in West- 
cheap near Tanshelf the same liberties and customs as my other burgesses of 
Pontefract have of the gift of my ancestors.) 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1298. Sciatis quod dedimus et con- 

cessimus...dilectis burgensibus et probis hominibus nostris ville Novi 

Castri super Tynam omnes terras et tenementa cum pertinentiis in 

Pampeden in Byker juxta predictam villam Novi Castri cum redditibus 

et serviciis omnium tenentium nostrorum et heredum suorum cum suis 

pertinentiis que habuimus ex concessione et reddicione Roberti de 

Byker et Ladararie uxoris ejus et que iidem Robertus et Ladararia de 

nobis prius tenuerunt de hereditate ipsius Ladararie, Habenda et te- 

nenda eisdem burgensibus et probis hominibus et heredibus suis de 

nobis et heredibus nostris per eandem firmam quam nobis reddunt de 

villa Novi Castri supradicti imperpetuum cum omnibus ad terras et 

tenementa, redditus et servicia predicta spectantibus ad unienda et 

includenda dicte ville Novi Castri in augmentum emendacionem et 

securitatem eiusdem ville. Et quod predicta villa Novi Castri et terre 

et tenementa predicta in Pampeden unica villa de cetero sint et unus 


(Know ye that we have given and granted... to our beloved burgesses and 
good men of the town of Newcastle-on-Tyne all the lands and tenements with 
their appurtenances in Pandon in Byker adjoining the aforesaid town of 

^ Cf. VI 6 (Scarborough, 1256 (b)). Perhaps the Burton grants of 1273 and 1286 
(II A i) imply enlargements. 
^ See critical note. 


Newcastle, with the rents and services of all our tenants there and their heirs 
which we had of the grant and surrender of Robert of Byker and Ladararia 
his wife, and which the said Robert and Ladararia formerly held of us as the 
inheritance of the said Ladararia, To have and to hold to the said burgesses 
and good men and their heirs of us and our heirs by the same farm as they 
render to us from the aforesaid town of Newcastle with all things pertaining 
to the said lands and tenements rents and services, to be united and included 
in the said town of Newcastle, for the increase improvement and security of 
the said town. And that the aforesaid town of Newcastle and the aforesaid 
lands and tenements in Pandon henceforth be one town and one borough.) 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1298. Et quod predicti burgenses et 
probi homines et eorum heredes et illi et eorum heredes qui terras et 
tenementa predicta in Pampeden modo tenent et imposterum tenebunt 
habeant in omnibus et per omnia libertates et liberas consuetudines quas 
predicti burgenses et probi homines habent in predicta villa Novi Castri 
ex concessione progenitorum nostrorum regum Anglie et nostra ^ 

(And that the aforesaid burgesses and good men and their heirs who now 
hold the lands and tenements aforesaid in Pandon and in future shall hold 
the same, shall have all the liberties and free customs which the aforesaid 
burgesses and good men have in the aforesaid town of Newcastle by the 
grant of our progenitors, kings of England, and by our own grant.) 

(18) Proclamation of Charter 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1234 (b). Et mandatum est eidem 

vicecomiti quod predictam cartam in pleno comitatu suo legi et procla- 

mari faciat et predictam libertatem eis habere permittat sicut predictum 


(And command is given to the said sheriff to cause the aforesaid charter 
to be read and proclaimed in full county court, and to allow them to have the 
aforesaid liberty as is aforesaid.) 

(19) Specification of Liberties 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (c). (After reciting grant of charter of 
Henry H (1155) conferringUbertiesof York and confirmation of 1253 («).) 
Nos, ad majorem evidentiam et securitatem quasdam libertates predictas 
quas in predictis cartis non specificantur secundum tenorem cartarum 
predecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie quas predicti cives de Ebor'^ 
inde habent, specificandas duximus et declarandas. 

(We, for greater evidence and security, have thought fit to specify and 
declare certain of the aforesaid liberties, which are not specified in the afore- 
said charters, according to the tenor of the charters of our predecessors, kings 
of England, which the citizens of York have therefor.) 

^ See also sect. 3 above and II A (i), III 6, IV a 5 (a) and V a 16, below. 




(20) Magna Carta^ 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (c). Et quod dicti burgenses vel aliqui 

venientes ad predictum burgum non vexentur aut graventur ibidem ab 

aliquo contra libertates contentas in Magna Carta nostra magnatibus et 

aliis liberis hominibus Anglie confecta. 

(And that the said burgesses or any persons coming to the aforesaid borough 
shall not be vexed or injured by any person contrary to the liberties contained 
in our Great Charter granted to the magnates and other free men of England.) 

CLONMEL, 1299. Edwardus Dei gratia rex Anglie. . .justiciariis suis 

de banco Dublinie salutem. Monstravit nobis dilectus et fidelis noster 

Oto de Grandisono quod, cum homines et burgenses ville de Clonmele 

teneant terras et tenementa sua in eadem villa de ipso Otone et non de 

alio immediate, Johannes de la Rokele et Walterus filius Mathei le 

Poher versus quasdam homines et burgenses ville predicte de terris et 

tenementis illorum brevia nostra que vocantur precipe in capite tacite 

impetraverunt et ipsos, spreta curia ipsius Otonis, inde implacitant 

coram vobis contra tenorem magne carte de libertatibus Anglie in qua 

continetur^, etc. 

(Mandate to supersede the pleas if the facts are correct.) 

(Edward, etc. to his justices of the bench at Dublin greeting. Our beloved 
and faithful Otto de Grandison has shown to us that whereas the men and 
burgesses of the town of Clonmel hold their lands and tenements in the said 
vill from the said Otto and not from any other immediately, John de la Rokele 
and Walter son of Matthew le Poer have secretly obtained our writs which 
are called Praecipe in capite against certain men and burgesses of the aforesaid 
town touching their lands and tenements and, ignoring the court of the said 
Otto, implead them thereon before you contrary to the tenor of the great 
charter of liberties of England in which is contained, etc.) 

(21) Penalty for Breach of Charter 

SWANSEA, 1306. Volumus insuper et concedimus pro nobis, etc., 
quod quandocunque nos, etc. aliquem articulum premissorum qua- 
cunque arte vel ingenio violauerimus, contra dictas concessiones, etc. 
seu illarum aliquam in quocunque articulo temere veniendo, domino regi 
Anglie in quingentis libris argenti nomine puri debiti, necnon cui vel 
quibus ex burgensibus predictis aut heredibus eorum iniuriatum fuerit 
contra presentis carte tenorem in quingentis marcis argenti nomine 
puri debiti infra dimidium annum a tempore transgressionis commisse 
soluendis quociescunque fecerimus vel attemptauerimus quicquam con- 

^ See also IV d 2. 

^ Magna Carta, 1215, c. 34. Clause 40 against the sale, etc. of justice is quoted in 
part in the Swansea charter of 1305 (IV a 19). For c. 20 see Gloucester, p. 215. 


tra premissa aut eorum aliqua, nos et heredes nostros tenore presentis 
scripti volumus et concedimus obligari et teneri. 

(We will also and grant for us, etc., that whenever we shall have violated 
any article of the aforesaid by whatever art or craft, rashly going against the 
said grants, etc., or any of them in any article whatever, we will and grant that 
we and our heirs by the tenor of the present writing are obliged and bound 
to pay within six months of the commission of the offence, to the lord king 
of England £500 as pure debt, and also to any one or more of the burgesses 
injured contrary to the tenor of the present charter 500 marks as pure debt, 
whenever we shall do or attempt anything against the aforesaid or any of 


(i) Grants of Burgages^ 

ABBOTS BROMLEY, 1222. Omnibus Christi fidelibus, etc. 

R[icardus] dei gratia abbas Burthoniae, etc., salutem. Noverit, etc., 

quod dominus H[enricus] rex Angliae filius regis Johannis concessit 

nobis facere unum burgum in villa de Bromlega et unam feriam per 

tres dies duraturam et omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines ad 

burgum pertinentes, etc., et ideo volumus ut omnes qui propter banc 

regiam concessionem nobis factam de nobis burgagia in eadem villa 

acceperint ea habeant, etc., libere et quiete, reddendo nobis annuatim 

pro quolibet burgagio duodecim denarios, etc. 

(To all the faithful of Christ, etc. Richard by the grace of God abbot of 
Burton, etc. greeting. Be it known to you, etc. that the lord Henry king of 
England, son of king John has granted to us to make a borough in the vill of 
Bromley and a fair to last three days and all liberties and free customs per- 
taining to a borough, etc., and therefore we will that all who in consequence 
of this royal grant made to us shall take burgages from us in the said vill may 
have and hold them freely and quietly, paying us yearly izd. for each burgage, 

SALISBURY, 1225. Scire volumus singulos et universes quod nos 

de assensu et voluntate Willelmi decani et capituli Sar'...dedimus et... 

confirmavimus liberis civibus nostris de nova civitate nostra Sar' quod 

de nobis et successoribus nostris teneat unusquisque suum liberum 

tenementum in civitate predicta. 

(We wish all and singular to know that we, with the assent and free will of 
William the dean and the chapter of Salisbury, have given and confirmed to 
our free citizens of our new city of Salisbury that each one shall hold his 
free tenement in the city aforesaid of us and our successors.) 

SHERBORNE, 1227-8. Scire volumus universis, nos...dedimus et 
...confirmavimus omnibus liberis hominibus nostris qui nova burgagia 
capiunt vel recepturi sunt apud Shirburne, scilicet, inter capellam 
S. Thome et castrum, quod ipsi et heredes sui teneant de nobis et 
successoribus nostris burgagia que habent vel habituri sunt in predicto 
loco libere, pacifice, integre, honorifice et quiete imperpetuum cum 
omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad huiusmodi burgagia 

* For grants of burgages at a collective rent see VI i. (Cloyne, 1238-65, Newport 
(I.W.), 1262-93, Sheffield, 1297.) 

- Confirmed by Bishop Roger, 1315-30. 


(We will that all men shall know... that we have given and confirmed to 
all our free men who take or shall receive new burgages at Sherborne, to wit, 
between the chapel of St Thomas and the Castle, that they and their heirs 
shall hold of us and our successors the burgages which they have or shall have 
in the aforesaid place freely, peacefully, completely, honourably and quietly 
for ever with all the liberties and free customs appurtenant to burgages of 
this kind.) 

PENRYN, 1236. Noveritis nos pro nobis et successoribus nostris 
concessisse et...confirmasse probis hominibus nostris burgensibus de 
Penryn et heredibus suis vel assignatis quod burgagia sua libere de 
nobis teneant^ 

(Know ye that we, for ourselves and our successors, have granted and 
confirmed to the good men our burgesses of Penryn and their heirs or assigns 
that they shall hold their burgages freely of us.) 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230. Et quod omnia tenementa sua in burgo de 
Hertilpole sint libera per iustos et rectos redditus suos per annum 
solutos pro omnibus serviciis, auxiliis, consuetudinibus et exactionibus. 

(And that all their tenements in the borough of Hartlepool shall be free 
in return for their just and right rents to be paid annually for all services, 
aids, customs and exactions.) 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. Concessi etiam eis omnes tenuras suas infra 
muros et extra muros usque ad predictas metas in messuagiis, in vir- 
gultis, in aedificiis super aquam et alibi, ubicunque fuerint in villa, 
tenendas in liberum burgagium, scilicet per servitium landgabuli quod 
reddunt infra muros. 

(I have granted also to them all their tenements within and without the 
walls as far as the boundaries aforesaid, to dispose thereof as they will [with 
the common assent of the city]^, in messuages, in orchards, in buildings over 
the water and elsewhere, wherever they may be in the town, to hold in free 
burgage, that is to say, by the service of landgable, which they render within 
the walls.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. 

Line i. For Concessi etiam read Et quod teneant. 
After omnes insert terras et. 
WATERFORD, 1232. (As Dublin, 1200.) 
Line 2. For predictas read rectas. 

After metas insert ad disponendum inde pro voluntate sua per 
communem assensum civitatis. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

Line i. After tenuras read ad eandem civitatem pertinentes usque ad 

4, 5. Omit quod... muros. 

^ The claim of the Bishop of Exeter to a liberum burgum at Penryn from time 
immemorial was admitted 30 Edw. I. See P.Q.W. p. 108. 
^ Vol. I, p. 40. 
^ Omit the words in brackets. See Waterford. 


CHIPPING CAMPDEN, 1247. (Letters patent of Henry III con- 
firming.) Concessionem quam Hugo de Gundevill fecit burgensibus 
de Campeden de burgagiis in burgo de Campeden, 

(The grant which Hugh of GundevilP made to the burgesses of Campden 
concerning their burgages in the borough of Campden.) 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Et quod habeant burgagia sua et 

acras suas cum pertinenciis suis infra metas suas, sicut eis melius et 

liberius aliquo tempore concessa fuerunt et liberata. 

(And that they shall have their burgages and their acres with their appur- 
tenances within their boundaries, as they were best and most freely granted 
and delivered to them at any time.) 

HIGH AM FERRERS, 1251. Et quod terras et catalla et tenementa 

sua cum pertinenciis infra villam de Hecham et extra que prius tenuerunt 

ad voluntatem nostram habeant et teneant de nobis et heredibus nostris 

in libera burgagia de cetero, sicut continetur in carta nostra quam eisdem 

fieri fecimus de libero burgo in Hecham habendo. 

(And that their lands and chattels and tenements with their appurtenances 
within the town of Higham and without which they formerly held at our will, 
they shall have and hold henceforth of us and our heirs for free burgages, as 
is contained in our charter which we caused to be made to them concerning 
their having a free borough in Higham.) 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Quod omnes burgenses nostri infra metas 

prescriptas in dicta villa manentes...libere teneant burgagia sua per 

metas et divisas, cum omnibus mercandisis suis, 

(That all our burgesses dwelling within the aforesaid bounds in the said 
town... freely hold their burgages throughout the said metes and bounds, 
with all their merchandises.) 

MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et quod burgagia sua et terras suas ad 

burgagia sua pertinentes habeant et teneant libera et quiete per duodecim 

denarios per annum. 

(And that they shall have and hold their burgages and their lands pertaining 
to their burgages freely and quietly for twelve pence a year.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse... 

omnibus qui burgagia in libero burgo meo de Adgaresleg capere 

voluerint quod habeant in quolibet burgagio tres acras terre, scilicet 

duas acras arabiles et unam in burgo ad inedificandum....Habendas et 

tenendas^ de me et heredibus meis sibi et heredibus suis vel assignatis 

libere &c., exceptis viris rehgiosis et Judeis, cum omnibus libertatibus, 

liberisque comunis et asiamentis ad predicta burgagia pertinentibus. 

(Be it known to you all that I have granted to all who wish to take burgages 
in my free borough of Agardsley, that they shall have three acres in every 

^ Hugh de Gonneville, one of the justices of Henry H, died about 1189 (E.H.R. 
XVI, 96). 2 Corrected from habendo et tenendo. 


burgage, to wit, two arable acres and one acre in the borough for building 
upon... to have and to hold of me and my heirs to them and their heirs or 
assigns, except men of religion and Jews, freely etc., with all the liberties 
and free commons and easements to the aforesaid burgages appertaining.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 {b). Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse 

liberis burgensibus meis de Morpath totam culturam meam terre mee 

ex boreali parte ville de Morpath per has divisas scilicet... (here follow 

boundaries).... Et infra dictam culturam dedi predictis burgensibus meis 

quadraginta tria tofta et dimidiam rodam in libero burgagio, habenda et 

tenenda sibi et heredibus suis de me et heredibus meis cum omnibus 

libertatibus et aisiamentis predicte ville de Morpath pertinentibus adeo 

libere et quiete et honorifice sicuti carta mea quam dicti burgenses 

habent de dono meo proportat et testatur. 

(Be it known to you all, that I have given to my free burgesses of Morpeth 
the whole of my furlong of land on the northern side of the town of Morpeth 

with these boundaries And within the said furlong I have given to the 

aforesaid burgesses 43 tofts and half a rood in free burgage, to have and to 
hold to them and their heirs of me and my heirs with all the liberties and 
easements pertaining to the aforesaid town of Morpeth as freely and quietly 
and honourably as my charter, which the said burgesses have of my gift, 
purports and witnesses.) 


MORPETH, 1246-62. Sciatis me dedisse liberis burgensibus meis 

de Morpath in liberum burgagium quadraginta et sex toftos de dominico 

meo in Morpath, scilicet: in cultura que vocatur Berhaluh ad caput 

orientale eiusdem ville sexdecim toftos, et in cultura que vocatur 

Staniflat inter Cottingburn et viam monachorum ex parte orientali 

sexdecim toftos, et inter Cottingburn et eandem viam ex occidentali parte 

quattuordecim toftos Habendos et tenendos (as in preceding charter). 

(Know ye that I have given to my free burgesses of Morpeth in free burgage 
46 tofts of my demesne in Morpeth, to wit, in the furlong called Berhaluh 
at the eastern end of the town, 16 tofts, and 16 tofts in the furlong called 
Staniflat between Cottingburn and the Monks' Way on the eastern side, and 
14 tofts between Cottingburn and the said way on the western side. To have 
and to hold, etc.) 

BURFORD (Salop), c. 1265-6. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 

Hugo de Mortuomari dominus de Castro Ricardi dedi et concessi 

omnibus liberis burgensibus meis de Bureford omnia burgagia eorum 

cum pertinentiis, tenenda de me et heredibus meis eisdem burgensibus 

et heredibus suis libere et quiete pro duodecim denariis pro quolibet 

burgagio annuatim solvendis. 

(Know all men, present and future that I Hugh de Mortimer, lord of 
Richard's Castle, have given and granted to all my free burgesses of Burford 
all their burgages with their appurtenances, to be held of me and my heirs 
to the same burgesses and their heirs freely and quietly for twelve pence toj 
be paid for each burgage annually.) 


BRIDGETOWN POMEROY, 1268. Sciant presentes et futuri 

quod ego Henri cus de la Pomeraye, filius Henri ci de la Pomeraye et 

Margarete de Vernun dedi, concessi et hac presenti carta mea confir- 

maui burgensibus meis de Brigg' quos feofaui de noua terra et nouo 

burgagio tenend' et habend' predictas terras et predicta burgagia pre- 

dictis burgensibus et heredibus suis vel assignatis vel quibuscunque 

dare, vendere vel assignare seu legare voluerint, salua domo religiosa 

et ludaysmo, de me et heredibus meis vel assignatis, adeo libere sicut 

ceteri burgenses mei de Brigg' burgagia sua tenent. 

(Know all, present and to come, that I Henry de la Pomeray...have given... 
to all my burgesses of Brigg', whom I have enfeoffed with new land and new 
burgage, to have and to hold the aforesaid land and the aforesaid burgages 
to the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs or assigns or to whomsoever they 
should wish to give sell or assign or bequeath them (saving to a religious house 
or a Jew) of me and my heirs or assigns, as freely as my other burgesses of 
Brigg' hold their burgages.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Noveritis me dedisse.-.liberis burgensibus 
meis de Warton habere burgagia sua libera quanta sibi de iure adquirere 
poterunt in eadem villa de Warton, habenda et tenenda sibi et heredibus 
suis vel suis assignatis vel eorum heredibus, exceptis viris religiosis, 
clericis et Judeis, de me et heredibus meis Hbere &c., cum omnibus 
pertinenciis suis et libertatibus infra villam de Warton et extra perti- 
nentibus, exceptis separalibus meis boscis, pratis, pasturis et dominicis, 
videlicet (here follow boundaries). 

(Know ye that I have granted to my free burgesses of Warton that they 
shall have their burgages free, which they can rightfully acquire in the same 
town of Warton, to have and to hold to them and their heirs or assigns, or 
the heirs of the latter, except men of religion and Jews, freely etc., with all 
the appurtenances and liberties within and without the town of Warton, 
excepting my separate woods meadows pastures and demesnes to wit (here 
follow boundaries).) 

CONGLETON, izyz-c. 1274. Quod predicti burgenses et heredes 
et assignati eorum burgagia sua et terras ad burgagia sua pertinentes ac 
etiam terras que infra predictum dominium approviari et reddituari 
poterint per sacramentum predictorum burgensium absque lesura 
libertatum suarum et commune sue predicte habeant et teneant pacifice 
et quiete in perpetuum. [See p. 58.] 

(That the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs and assigns may have and 
hold peacefully and quietly for ever their burgages and the lands to their 
burgages appertaining and also the lands which can be approved and let 
at a rent within the lordship aforesaid by the oath of the aforesaid burgesses 
without damage to their liberties and their rights of common aforesaid.) 

KINVER, c. 1 260-1 300. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 
Johannes filius Johannis filii Phihppi dedi... omnibus burgensibus meis 

B.ll A 


de Kynefare quod habeant et teneant burgagia sua prout burgenses de 

Kidderminster liberius et melius tenent in omnibus libertatibus et 

liberis consuetudinibus. 

(Know all men present and future that I John son of John fitz Philip have 
given... to all my burgesses of Kinver that they shall have and hold their 
burgages as the burgesses of Kidderminster most freely and best hold their 
burgages in all liberties and free customs.) 

BURTON-ON-TRENT, 1273. Noverit universitas vestra nos con- 

cessisse pro nobis et successoribus nostris omnia burgagia sita ex utraque 

parte vie que vocatur Bradeweye, a terra Thome Homeledogge et 

Henrici le Bonde versus le Brerecros, ita esse libera et quieta in omnibus 

et per omnia imperpetuum sicut sunt alia burgagia sita in dicta villa 

de Burthon, et quod omnes tenentes dicta burgagia ex utraque parte 

de Bradeweye sita habeant easdem libertates et liberas consuetudines 

quas habent seu habere debent burgenses Burthon ratione burgagiorum 

que habent in villa de Burthon tarn extra burgum quam intra. 

(Be it know^n to you that we have granted for us and our successors that all 
the burgages situate on each side of the way that is called Broadway, from 
the land of Thomas Homeledog and Henry the Bonde towards the Brere- 
cross, shall be as free and quit in all things for ever as the other burgages 
situate in the said town of Burton, and that all persons holding the said bur- 
gages on each side of the Broadway shall have the same liberties and free 
customs as the burgesses of Burton have or ought to have by reason of their 
burgages which they have in the town of Burton, both within the borough 
and without.) 

BURTON-ON-TRENT, 1286. Noverit universitas vestra nos 
unanimi consensu capituli nostri pro nobis et successoribus nostris 
concessisse quod omnia burgagia a domo que fuit Johannis le Norreis 
per medium Sywardesmor usque ad regalem viam que vocatur Ykenil- 
destrete ex utraque parte vie sita adeo sint libera in omnibus et per 
omnia sicut cetera burgagia ville antedicte. Habeantque tenentes eadem 
burgagia omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines infra burgum de 
Burton et extra quas habent ceteri burgenses eiusdem ville nomine 
burgagiorum suorum, teneantque de nobis et successoribus nostris 
sibi et heredibus suis ac assignatis, exceptis religiosis aliis a domo nostra 
et omnibus aliis per quorum ingressum nobis verisimiliter preiudicium 
aut dampnum poterit evenire. 

(Be it known unto you that we, with unanimous consent of our chapter, 
for us and our successors, have granted that all the burgages from the house 
which belonged to John le Norreis through the middle of Sywardsmoor as 
far as the royal way called Icknield Street, situate on each side of the way, 
shall be as free in all things as the other burgages of the beforementioned vill. 
And the tenants of the said burgages shall have all the liberties and free cus- 
toms within the borough of Burton and without, which the other burgesses 
have by reason of their burgages, and that they shall hold them of us and our 


heirs to them and their heirs and assigns, except men of reUgion, other than 
our house, and all others through whose entrance prejudice of damage might 
happen to us.) 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Et quod singuli eorum habeant unam acram 

terre ad burgagium suum cum pertinenciis. 

(And that each of them shall have an acre of land for his burgage with 
appurtenances .) 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Tenendum et habendum de nobis et succes- 

soribus nostris sibi et heredibus suis et assignatis suis libere, quiete, 

honorifice in viis, semitis, turbariis, moris, pratis, pascuis et pasturis 

et cum omnibus aliis asiamentis ad dictam terram pertinentibus im- 


(To have and hold for ever of us and our successors to them and their 
heirs and assigns freely, quietly, honourably in roads, paths, peatmosses, 
moors, meadows and pastures and with all other easements belonging to the 
said land.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90, Sachiez nous avoir done et graunte et par 

ceste notre presente chartre confirme a William du Pountfreit deux 

burgages en la ville de Dynebieghe dedenz les murs et deux curtilages 

en Dynebieghe dehors les murs et deux bovees de terre od les apurte- 

naunces en Lewenny.,..(Here follow 43 similar grants.). ...A avoir et a 

tenir a eaux et a lour heirs et a lour assignez Engleys demorauntz en 

lavauntdite ville de Dynebieghe dedenz les murs, de nous et de nos heirs 

par les condicions soutzescrites. 

(Know ye that we have given, granted and by this our present charter 
confirmed to William of Pontefract two burgages in the town of Denbigh 
within the walls and two curtilages in Denbigh without the walls and two 
bovates of land and the appurtenances in Lewenny....(Here follow 43 similar 
grants.)... To have and to hold to them and their heirs and assigns, being 
Englishmen dwelling in the aforesaid town of Denbigh within the walls, of 
us and our heirs on the conditions below written.) 

CLITHEROE, 1272-91. Noveritis nos concessisse et hoc present! 
scripto nostro confirmasse liberis burgensibus nostris de Clyderhow 
omnia burgagia sua, terras suas, tenementa sua, cum omnibus perti- 
nentiis suis infra villam de Clyderhow et extra, cum omnibus suis 
libertatibus, communis et aisiamentis dictis burgagiis, terris et tene- 
mentis pertinentibus, excepto bosco nostro de Salthul in quo nullam 
communam habebunt nee ingressum^. Ita quod dictus boscus sepe vel 

^ This clause is placed awkwardly at the end of the privileges granted to the bur- 
gesses the last of which is the right to hold a Portmanmoot (IV a 2), but its natural 
position seems after the burgage clause. 

^ By an indenture (in French) dated 8 June 1307 the earl granted Salthill Wood 
with those of Parisounge and Balloclawe to the burgesses and "disapproved some 
common land west of the castle which he had enclosed, reserving his lordship of the 
vill of Clitheroe as well in demesne as in service " (Harland, Ancient Charters of Clitheroe, 
P- 13). 



fossato includatur ita quod averia dictorum burgensium in eo ingredi 
non possint et si pro defectu clausture ingrediantur sine imparcamento 
foris mittantur. 

(Know ye that we have granted and by this present writing confirmed to 
the free burgesses of Clitheroe all their burgages, lands and tenements with 
all their appurtenances within the town of Clitheroe and without, with all 
the liberties, commons and easements to the said burgages, lands and tene- 
ments pertaining, except our wood of Salthill, in which they shall have neither 
common nor entrance. Provided that the said wood shall be enclosed with 
a hedge or ditch, so that the cattle of the said burgesses shall not be able to 
enter it, and if for default of a fence they do enter it, they shall be sent out 
without impounding.) 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Et quod unusquisque burgensis teneat 

singulum burgagium siium duarum perticarum terre in latitudine et 

quinque in longitudine cum una acra terre integra in campis...libere... 

cum omnibus libertatibus prescriptis. 

(And that each burgess hold his burgage of two poles of land in width and 
five in length with one whole acre of land in the fields freely... with all the 
liberties before written.) 

OVERTON, 1292. Et quod ipsi et heredes sui messuagia sua infra 

burgum predictum imperpetuum habeant et teneant de nobis et heredi- 

bus nostris per servicia inde debita et consueta. 

(And that they and their heirs shall have and hold their messuages within 
the aforesaid borough of us and our heirs by the services thence due and 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Willel- 

mus dominus de Tabley dedi... omnibus et singulis burgensibus meis 

de Knotisford burgagia libera, unumquodque continens infra se duos 

seliones et dimidium terre, Habendum et tenendum de me et heredibus 

meis vel assignatis sibi et heredibus suis vel assignatis eorum libere... 

et jure hereditario imperpetuum. 

(Know all men, present and future that I William lord of Tabley have 
given... to all and singular my burgesses of Knutsford free burgages, each 
containing two ridges and a half of land, to be had and holden of me and my 
heirs or assigns to them and their heirs or assigns freely... by hereditary right 
for ever.) 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 12981. Et quod terre et tenementa 

predicta de cetero sint libera burgagia et teneantur in liberum burgagium 

adeo libere et quiete sicut predict! burgenses et probi homines burgagia 

sua in predicta villa Novi Castri melius et liberius tenent. 

(And that the aforesaid lands and tenements shall henceforth be free 
burgages and shall be held in free burgage as freely and quietly as the aforesaid 
burgesses and good men best and most freely hold their burgages in the 
aforesaid town of Newcastle.) 

1 Cf. I 17. 


(2) Gablum, etc.^ 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Preterea concessi eisdem burgensibus 
quod habeant et teneant illi et heredes sui de me et heredibus meis 
libera et quiete imperpetuum burgagia sua cum pertinentiis suis pro 
redditu quem Galfridus filius Robert! primo constituit, burgagium 
scilicet cum pertinentiis pro redditu duodecim denariorum annuatim 
solvendo, medietatem ad Pascham et aliam medietatem ad festum 
Sancti Michaelis. 

(Moreover I have granted to the same burgesses that they and their heirs 
may have and hold of me and my heirs their burgages with their appurtenances 
freely and quietly for ever, for the rent which Geoffrey fitz Robert fixed at first, 
that is to say, a burgage with its appurtenances for the rent of twelve pence to 
be paid annually, one moiety at Easter, and the other at Michaelmas.)] 

CARLOW, 1222- Lines. For scilicet read quodlihet. 

MOONE, 1223. 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

Line 4. For quem... constituit read quem constituimus. 

ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

Lines 3, 4. Omit pro... constituit. 

SALISBURY, 1225. Volumus insuper quod unusquisque honori- 
fice, libere, quiete et pacilice teneat de nobis et successoribus nostris 
suum tenementum scilicet placeam vel placeas sibi et heredibus suis 
(corr, from similiter et heredi sui), reddendo nobis et successoribus 
nostris duodecim denarios ad duos terminos annuatim scilicet ad 
Pascha sex denarios et ad festum Sancti Michaelis sex denarios pro 
omnibus serviciis et demandis. Continet autem placea in longitudine 
septem perticas, in latitudine vero tres perticas. Ita ut unusquisque qui 
teneat plenam placeam reddet annuatim duodecim denarios ad predictos 
terminos, et qui plus vel minus tenuerit secundum eandem quantitatem 
predictam inde nobis et successoribus nostris reddebit. 

(We will moreover that each man shall honourably, freely, quietly and 
peaceably hold his tenement, to wit, his place or places, of us and our suc- 
cessors to him and his heirs, rendering to us and our successors twelve pence 
at the two terms yearly, to wit, 6d. at Easter, and 6d. at Michaelmas for all 
services and demands. A place contains 7 perches in length and 3 perches in 
breadth. So that each man who holds a full place shall pay 1 2d. yearly at the 
aforesaid terms, and he who holds more or less than the same area shall pay 
accordingly to us and our successors.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1226-7. (Fine.) Preterea dictus Willelmus 
Briwerr... concessit quod predicti burgenses et heredes sui habeant et 
teneant omnes acras terre in campis quas habuerunt et tenuerunt die 
quo ista concordia facta fuit, reddendo per annum pro qualibet acra 

1 See also III A i (Macclesfield, Burford). " Vol. I, p. 43. 


quattuor denarios, exceptis decern acris de dominico suo quarum 

qualibet acra reddit per annum octo denarios. 

(Moreover, the said William Brewer... has granted that the aforesaid 
burgesses and their heirs shall have and hold all the acres of land which they 
had and held in the fields on the day on which this agreement was made, 
rendering fourpence for each acre, except ten acres of his demesne of which 
each acre renders 8d.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1226-7. (Fine.) Salvis tamen firmis suis assisis 

in toftis in villa de Cestrefeld eo die quo ista concordia facta fuit, et 

salvis illis toftis quos dictus Willelmus Briwerr et heredes sui postea 


(Saving nevertheless his rents assessed on the tofts in the town of Chester- 
field on the day when this agreement was made, and saving those tofts which 
the said William Brewer and his heirs shall hereafter assess.) 

SHERBORNE, 1227-8. Sunt autem predicta burgagia in tres 
partes distincta; prima pars est in australi parte qua itur a capella 
S. Thome versus castrum in qua parte plenum burgagium continet in 
longitudine viginti perticatas et in latitudine quatuor perticatas. Ita 
videlicet quod quicunque tale burgagium tenuerit dabit nobis et succes- 
soribus nostris duodecim denarios per annum. Secunda pars est in 
boreali parte predicte vie in qua parte plenum burgagium continet in 
longitudine viginti quatuor perticatas et in latitudine quatuor perticatas^ 
et quicunque tale burgagium tenuerit dabit nobis et successoribus nostris 
annuatim decem et octo denarios, et qui plus vel minus tenuerit de 
talibus partibus burgagii secundum predictam quantitatem nobis et 
successoribus respondebit. Tercia pars est que se extendit a capella 
S. Thome versus orreum nostrum in qua parte burgagium continet in 
longitudine duas perticatas et in latitudine duas perticatas et qui tale ] 
burgagium tenuerit dabit nobis et successoribus nostris octo denarios 
per annum. Ipsi vero qui predicta burgagia tenent et tenebunt solvent 
prenominatum redditum ad quatuor anni terminos, scilicet, ad Natale 
Domini, quartam partem, et ad festum Annunciacionis Beate Marie 
quartam partem, et ad festum Nativitatis S. Johannis Baptiste quartam 
partem, et ad festum S. Michaelis quartam partem, pro omni servicio 
et exaccione. 

(Moreover, the aforesaid burgages are distributed into three parts: the 
first part is on the southern side of the way from the Chapel of St Thomas to 
the castle, where a full burgage contains in length 20 perches and in breadth 
4 perches : and he who holds such a burgage shall pay to us and our successors 
twelve pence a year. The second part is on the northern side of the aforesaid 1 
way where a full burgage contains in length 24 perches and in breadth 4 perches, | 
and whoever holds such a burgage shall pay yearly 1 8d. to us and our successors, 
and he who holds more or less of such parts of a burgage shall answer to us 
and our successors according to the aforesaid quantities. The third part is 


that which extends from the chapel of St Thomas to our bam, where a bur- 
gage contains in length 2 perches and in breadth 2 perches, and whoever 
holds such a burgage shall pay Sd. a year to us and our successors. Moreover, 
they who hold and shall hold the aforesaid burgages shall pay the beforenamed 
rent at the four terms of the year, to wit, at Christmas, a fourth part, at the 
Feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Mary a fourth part, at the Nativity 
of St John the Baptist, a fourth part and at Michaelmas a fourth part, for all 
service and exaction.) 

PENRYN, 1236. Et pro qualibet acra Integra et debito modo 
mensurata reddant nobis et successoribus nostris duodecim denarios 
de redditu per annum ad duos terminos, videlicet in festo Omnium 
Sanctorum et in Kalendis Maii, pro equis porcionibus, pro omni servicio. 

(And for every whole acre measured in the wonted manner they shall pay to 
us and our successors izd. rent every year at two terms, to wit, at the Feast of 
All Saints and on the first day of May, in equal portions, for all service.) 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Et reddet de quolibet burgagio suo per annum 

duodecim denarios pro omnibus firmis que ad burgagium illud pertinent. 

...Prefati vero burgenses dabunt firmam meam de burgagiis ad quattuor 

anni terminos, scilicet ad Natale Domini md., ad mediam Quadragesi- 

mam iii^., ad festum beati Johannis Baptistae iii^. ; et ad festum beati 

Michaelis iii^. 

(And he shall pay for every burgage twelve pence a year for all the farms 
that pertain to that burgage.... The aforesaid burgesses shall pay my farm 
for their burgages at the four terms of the year, to wit, at Christmas 2^-, at 
Mid Lent 3c?., at the feast of St John the Baptist 3^., and at Michaelmas ^d- 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i. Omit per annum. 

3. For meam read suam. 

For de burgagiis read de burgo^. 

4. After Domini insert pro quolibet burgagio. 

5. For beati (2) read Sancti. 

6. After Michaelis insert Archangeli. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 3. For meam read suam. 

After burgagiis insert suis. 

Omit quattuor... end and read festum omnium Sanctorum. 

MANCHESTER, 1301 . Quod omnes burgenses reddent de quolibet 
burgagio suo duodecim denarios per annum pro omni servicio. 

(That all burgesses render for every burgage twelve pence a year for all 

CHARD, 1235. Volumus autem et concedimus omnibus infra has 
metas aedificare volentibus acras singulas pro duodecim denariis annuis. 

(Moreover we will and grant to every person wishing to build within these 
boundaries an acre each for izd. an acre yearly.) 

^ But "burgo" is obviously wrong. 


Quicquid autem de burgagiis fecerint semper remanebit nobis integer 
redditura noster, scilicet, de singulis burgagiis i2d. 

(But whatever they do with their burgages, the entire rent shall always 
remain to us, to wit, izd. from every burgage.) 

LEEK, after 1224^ Et quilibet eorum reddet nobis duodecim 
denarios de firma annuatim pro omni servicio et consuetudine ad nos 
pertinente, scilicet, sex denarios ad festum Sancti Eadwardi in estate 
et sex denarios ad festum Sancti Martini. 

(And each of them shall pay us 1 2d. yearly for all service and custom to us 
pertaining, to wit, ()d. at the feast of St Edward in summer, and 6d. at Martin- 

SALTASH, before 1246. De pleno burgagio reddent sex denarios 
ad duos anni terminos, scilicet, in vigilia Natalis Domini tres denarios 
et in vigilia Pasche sequentis tres denarios, et de dimidio burgagio 
reddent tres denarios ad predictos terminos et de forinseca terra reddent 
ad festum S. Michaelis quantum ad forinsecam terram pertinet. 

(For a full burgage they shall render 6d. at the two terms of the year, to 
wit, on Christmas Eve ^d., and on Easter Eve following, 3^., and for a half 
burgage they shall render 3J. at the aforesaid two terms, and for their foreign 
land they shall render at Michaelmas as much as pertains to the foreign land.) 

GAINSBOROUGH, before 1250. As underwritten, to be paid of 
them and their heires, that is to say they and their heires paying to me 
and my heires for every toft^ with the appurteiise {sic) xnd. for all 
manner of seruise, that is to meete^ at Easter a vi^. and at the feast of 
St Michael a vi^. 

UTTOXETER, 1252. Yielding to us yearly and to our heirs for 
every burgage separately twelve pence sterling at two terms of the year, 
viz. ...for all secular service, customs, and exactions, etc. 

WEYMOUTH , 1252. Reddendo inde annuatim nobis et successori- 
bus nostris et ecclesie nostre Wyntonie redditum de quolibet burgagio 
predicte ville debitum et concessum secundum quod predicta burgagia 
et tenementa eis extenta et concessa fuerunt quando predictam liber- 
tatem eis concessimus et nostram banc presentem cartam inde con- 

(Rendering thence to us and our successors and to our church of Win- 
chester the due and accustomed rent from every burgage of the town afore- 
said, according to the rents at which the aforesaid burgages and tenements 
were extended and granted to them when we granted to them the aforesaid 
liberty and when we conferred on them this our present charter to that effect.) 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 50. ^ Called burgages in I 7. 

^ Sic ? weet (wit). 


WEYMOUTH, 1252. Quod predictum redditum suum et que- 

cunque amerciamenta de dicto burgo provenienda ibidem ballivis 

nostris ad hoc ex parte nostra assignatis tribuant et non ulterius deferant, 

ad duos anni terminos principales, videlicet, ad Natale Domini et Pascha. 

(That they pay the aforesaid rent and all amercements accruing from the 
said borough to our bailiffs appointed on this behalf on our part, at the two 
principal terms of the year, to wit, at Christmas and Easter, and that they do 
not delay payment beyond those terms.) 

DEGANWY, 1252. Pro duobus solidis singulis annis reddendis 

ballivo nostro qui pro tempore fuerit ibidem ad opus nostrum, videlicet 

xiid. ad Pascha et xiid. ad festum S. Michaelis, pro omni servicio. 

(For two shillings payable each year for our profit to our bailiff for the time 
being in that place, namely twelve pence at Easter and twelve pence at 
Michaelmas, for all service.) 

WOTTON-UNDER-EDGE, 1253. Paying to her (lady Joan de 
Berkeley) twelve pence yearly for every burgage. 

RATHCOOL, 1228-56 (b). Reddendo inde annuatim nobis et suc- 

cessoribus nostris duodecim denarios pro singulis burgagiis ad duos 

terminos anni, medietatem ad festum Sancti Michaelis et medietatem 

ad Pascha. 

(Rendering thence yearly to us and our successors twelve pence for each 
burgage at the two terms of the year, one moiety at Michaelmas and the other 
moiety at Easter.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et heredibus 

meis, ipsi et heredes sui vel sui assignati, pro quolibet burgagio octo- 

decim denarios ad duos anni terminos, sciHcet, ad festum S. Michaelis 

ixd., et ad festum annunciationis beate Marie ix^'. 

(Rendering thence yearly to me and my heirs, they and their heirs or 
assigns, for each burgage, eighteen pence at the two terms of the year, to 
wit at Michaelmas gd., and at Lady Day gd.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Et si ita contingat aliquod burgagium vacuum 

vel vastum esse ultra unum annum et unum diem, tunc alii burgenses 

de firma dicti burgagii tanquam de aliis respondent, pro omni servicio, 

seculari exaccione et demanda ad liberum burgagium pertinente, 

(And if it shall so happen that any burgage shall be vacant or unoccupied 
for more than a year and a day, then the other burgesses shall answer for the 
rent of the said burgage as of the others, (the same rent being) for all service 
secular exaction and demand pertaining to a free burgage.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (b). Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et heredi- 
bus meis ipsi vel heredes sui pro quolibet plenario tofto sexdecim 
denarios^ et pro dimidia roda duos denarios, scilicet, ad duos terminos, 

^ The same rent was demanded from each of the 46 burgages created by the charter 
of 1246-62. 


ad festum Sancti Cuthberti in quadragesimo dimidiam, et ad festum 
Sancti Cuthberti in Septembre dimidiam. 

(Rendering therefor yearly to me and my heirs, they or their heirs, for each 
full toft, sixteen pence, and for the half rood, zd., to wit, at two terms, at the 
feast of St Cuthbert in Lent, one half, and at the feast of St Cuthbert in 
September, the other half.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (c). 

Line 3. Omit pro dimidia roda. 

BRIDGETOWN POMEROY, 1268. Reddendo annuatim pro 

qualibet acra terre mihi et heredibus meis vel assignatis duodecim 

denarios sterlingorum, videlicet ad Pascha. 

(Rendering yearly for every acre of land to me and my heirs or assigns, 
izd., to wit, at Easter.) 

KINVER, c. 1 260-1 300. Et quod unusquisque eorum pro suo 

burgagio respondeat mihi et heredibus meis annuatim de decem denariis 

annui redditus, videlicet, pro quolibet burgagio ad festum S. Michaelis 

quinque denariis, et ad festum S. Mariae in Martio de quinque denariis ^ 

pro omni servicio exaccione et seculari demanda. 

(And that each of them for his burgage answer to me and my heirs yearly 
in ten pence of yearly rent, to wit, at Michaelmas five pence, and at the feast 
of St Mary in March, five pence, for all service exaction and secular demand.) 

CONGLETON , 1272-c. 1274. Videlicet quodlibet burgagium pro 

sex denariis et quamlibet acram terre pro duodecim denariis ad terminos 

reddituales dicte ville consuetas. 

(To wit, sixpence for each burgage, and izd. for each acre at the usual 
rent terms of the said town.) [See p. 49.] 

BURTON-ON-TRENT, 1273. Reddendo inde annuatim nobis et 

successoribus nostris quicunque dicta burgagia tenuerint pro singulis 

burgagiis singulos duodecim denarios argenti ad duos anni terminos, 

scilicet, ad festum S. Michaelis sex denarios et ad Pascha sex denarios, 

pro omni servicio seculari ratione dictorum burgagiorum exigendo, Ita 

tamen quod qui burgagium et dimidium tenet reddat annuatim octo- 

decim denarios ad predictos terminos et sic quilibet secundum quod 

magis vel minus tenuerit, majus minusve reddat. 

(Rendering thence yearly to us and our successors, whosoever shall hold 
the said burgages, for each burgage twelve silver pennies at the two terms of 
the year, to wit, at Michaelmas six pence, and at Easter six pence, for all 
secular service to be required by reason of the said burgages. So however 
that he who holds a burgage and a half shall pay annually eighteen pence at 
the aforesaid terms, and so that everyone shall pay more or less according as 
he holds more or less.) 

BURTON-ON-TRENT, 1286. Reddendo pro singulis burgagiis 
nobis et successoribus nostris duodecim denarios ad duos anni terminos 


scilicet ad festum S. Michaelis sex denarios et ad Pascha sex denarios. 
Ita tamen quod qui plura habuerit burgagia, plus quam burgagium vel 
minus reddat secundum quantitatem terre. 

(Rendering for each burgage to us and our successors twelve pence at the 
two terms of the year, to wit, at Michaelmas six pence, and at Easter six pence. 
So that he who holds several burgages shall pay more than one burgage or 
less according to the quantity of his land.) 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Et quilibet reddat pro burgagio suo duo- 
decim denarios argenti ad duos anni terminos, scilicet ad festum Nativitatis 
beate Marie sex denarios et ad festum sancti Nicholai sex denarios, 
pro omnibus firmis ad dictum burgum pertinentibus. [Cf. p. 135.] 

(And each shall pay for his burgage twelve pence at two terms of the year, 
namely at the feast of the Nativity of the blessed Mary six pence and at the 
feast of St Nicholas six pence for all rents pertaining to the said borough.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Et rendaunt a nous et a noz heirs par an 

chescun des Burgeys avauntnomez et les heirs de chescun de eaux ou 

les assignez de chescun de eaux Engleis avaunditz un dener a Noel en 

noun de Housgable pur chescun des burgages et curtilages avaunditz. 

Hors pris Sire William de la Mountaigne person qui paera a Noel 

avauntnome pur les Burgages et curtilages avaunditz cesze deners (and 

4 other exceptions). Et ensement rendaunt a nous et a noz heyrs chescun 

de eaux avauntditz qui bovees tienent et les heirs de chescun de eaux 

et les assignez Engleis de chescun de eaux avauntditz pur chescune des 

bovees avauntdites severaument qaraunte deners par an, cest assavoir, 

vint deners a la feste de Pentecouste et vint deners a la feste Seynt 

Michiel, horspris Richard de Shoresworthe (and 7 others) les quieux 

rendront a nous et a noz heirs chescun par sey les deners de Housgable 

avauntnomez par an taunt come il vyvent, et apres lour decesser lour 

heirs ou lour assignez et les heirs de lour heyrs et les heyrs de lour 

assignez Engleis chescun par sei, rendront a nous et a noz heirs par an, 

pur chescun bovee avauntdite qaraunte deners a les termes avauntditz 

et ja du maynz pur les burgages et les curtilages les deners de Housgable 

avauntnomez al terme avauntdit. 

(And paying to us and our heirs yearly, each of the burgesses beforenamed 
and the heirs and assigns of each of them, being English, one penny at Christ- 
mas by way of Housegable for each of the burgages and curtilages aforesaid, 
except Sir William of the Mountain, the parson, who shall pay i6rf. at 
Christmas before named (and 4 other exceptions). And also paying to us 
and our heirs, each of the aforesaid who hold bovates, and the heirs and 
assigns of each of them being Englishmen, for each of the bovates aforesaid 
40if . a year, that is to say, zod. at Michaelmas, and 20c?. at Whitsuntide, except 
Richard de Shoresworth (and 7 others) who shall render to us and our heirs 
each for himself, the pence by way of Housegable beforenamed every year so 
long as they live, and after their decease, their heirs or assigns and the heirs of 


their heirs and assigns, being EngUshmen, each for himself, shall pay to us 
and our heirs every year for each bovate aforesaid 4.od. at the terms aforesaid, 
and also for the burgages and curtilages the pence by way of Housegable 
before mentioned at the term aforesaid.) 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290, Pro duodecim denariis ad tres terminos 

anni mihi et heredibus meis annuatim solvendis per equales porciones, 

videlicet, ad nativitatem S. Johannis Baptistae, ad festum omnium 

Sanctorum et ad annunciationem Beatae Mariae. 

(For twelve pence yearly to be paid to me and my heirs by equal portions 
at the three terms of the year, to wit, at the Nativity of St John the Baptist, 
at the feast of All Saints, and at the Annunciation of the Blessed Mary.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et heredibus 
meis vel assignatis de quolibet burgagio xii denarios ad duos anni ter- 
minos, videlicet, sex denarios ad festum S. Johannis Baptistae et sex 
denarios ad festum S. Martini in yeme. 

(Rendering thence annually to me and my heirs or assigns from each bur- 
gage twelve pence at the two terms of the year, to wit, six pence at the feast 
of St John the Baptist and six pence at Martinmas in the winter.) 

KIRKHAM, 1296. Burgenses vero dicti burgi reditum suum 

[reddant] ad duos anni terminos, videUcet, ad natale Domini medietatem 

et ad festum nativitatis S. Johannis aham medietatem. 

(Moreover, the burgesses of the said borough shall pay their rent to us at 
two terms of the year, to wit, at Christmas one moiety, and at Midsummer, 
the other moiety.) 

(3) Building Burgages^ 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10. Item liceat burgensibus de tenementis 

suis quae tenent in burgagio, sine injusto vicinorum suorum gravamine, 

disponere^, sicut sibi melius viderent expedire, sive edificia sive ortos 

sive virgulta sive aha. 

(It shall be lawful for my burgesses to deal with their tenements which 
they hold in burgage, without any unjust annoyance to their neighbours, as 
may seem most expedient to them, whether these tenements be buildings or 
gardens or orchards or other.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

[BRISTOL^, 1 188. Quod quilibet eorum possit se emendare 

quantum poterit in aedificiis faciendis ubique super ripam et alibi sine 

damno burgi et villatae. 

^ See also II 5 and VI 7. For Kilkenny, see also p. 61. 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 67 and B.C. 11, 92, where alienation of land is understood. The 
correction is Dr Hemmeon's (p. 136 «.). 
' Vol. I, p. so. 


(That each of them may make improvements as much as he can, in making 
buildings everywhere, on the river-bank and elsewhere, so that there be no 
damage to the borough and the township.)] 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 
Line i. Omit quilibet eorum. 

For possit read possint. 

2. For poterit read poterunt. 

After ripam insert usque ad filum aque. 
Omit sine...villatae. 

3. Add infra metas suas et in omnibus aliis que ad commodum 

nostrum et heredum nostrorum et predicti burgi vertentur. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 

Line 2. After aque read de Boyn. 
WATERFORD, 1232. (As Dublin, 1200.) 

Line 2. For ubique read ubicunque voluerint. 
Omit alibi. ■^ 

3. For burgi read civium. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. As Waterford. 
Line 2. Omit quantum poterit. 

3. For villatae read ejusdem civitatis. 

BARNARD CASTLE, 1215-27. Item, concede quod quilibet 

burgensis possit capere viam^ ante ostium suum pro domibus suis 

edificandis et fimam coUigere usque ad mediam viam. 

(Item, I grant that each burgess may take the road in front of his door for 
building his houses, and may collect dung as far as the middle of the road.) 

ORFORD, 1256 {h). Concessimus etiam eisdem hominibus quod 

predictam uillam edificare et appropriare possint prout melius sibi et 

dicte uille uiderint expedire. 

(We have also granted to the said men that they may build upon and 
approve the said vill as they shall see to be most beneficial for themselves 
and the said vill.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 {h). Et quod iidem burgenses et eorum 

heredes dictum manerium infra di visas suas edificare, includere et 

approuare possint, prout melius sibi et dicto burgo viderint expedire. 

(And that the said burgesses and their heirs may build on, inclose and 
approve the said manor within their boundaries as they shall see to be most 
expedient for them and the said borough.) 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10 ^ Et qui tenementa sua habent prope 

aquam, liceat eis extendere ea et edificare super aquam si velint. 

(And those who have houses adjoining the water, may extend them and 
build over the water, if they wish.)] 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

^ I.e. dig clay for wattle and daub construction. 

^ Vol. I, p. 50. This clause immediately follows that allowing free use of burgage 
tenements (see above). 


(4) Area of Burgages 

SALFORD, c. 1230. In primo quod quilibet burgensium habeat 

unam acram ad burgagium suum. 

(First that every burgess have one acre for his burgage.) 

BOLTON, 1253. Add mensuratum per perticam viginti quatuor pedum. 

STOCKPORT, c. 1260. After habeat insert unam perticatam terre ad 

mansuram suam et. 
Line 2. After acram insert in campo. 

Omit ad burgagium suum. 

DEGANWY, 1252. Quod singuli burgensium eiusdem ville habeant 

infra burgum ilium dimidiam acram terre ad edificandum et curtillagium 

faciendum et duas acras terre arabilis extra eundem burgum. 

(That each burgess of the same town have within the town one half acre 
of land for making a house and curtilage and without the town two acres of 
land for ploughing.) 

RATHCOOL, 1228-56 (b). Singulis eorum quatuor acras terre in 

messuagio, prato et terra arabili. 

(To each of them four acres of land in their messuage, meadow and arable 

WARTON, 1246-71. Reddendo annuatim pro quolibet burgagio 

in se continente unam rodam et quatuor f alias duodecim denarios, 

medietatem, scilicet, ad Pentecosten et aliam medietatem ad festum 

S. Michaelis, pro omni servicio et demanda. 

(Rendering for each burgage containing one rood and four falls izd., to 
wit, one moiety at Whitsuntide and the other moiety at Michaelmas for all 
service and demand.) 

WOTTON-UNDER-EDGE, 1253 (a). That their burgages shall 
consist of a third part of an acre, accordinge to the custome and usages 
of Tetbury. 

(5) Appurtenances of Burgages ^ 

SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). Et quod iidem burgenses se possint 
appruare in terra et in aqua infra libertates suas sine impedimento vel 
calumpnia nostri vel heredum vel ballivorum nostrorum, salvis purpres- 
turis si que ad nos vel heredes nostros de jure debeant pertinere^. 

(And that the said burgesses may make enclosures within their liberties 
without hindrance or claim on the part of ourselves or our heirs or bailiffs, 
saving the purprestures, if any there be which ought rightfully to pertain 
to ourselves or our heirs.) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1256 (a)\ 

^ For land in fields see also Bristol, Drogheda, Agardsley, Ormskirk and Altrinc- 
ham, II A I, and sect. 4. 

* Best placed here, though I know no other grants similarly unlimited (C). Cf. 
II 3 and VI 7. 


(6) Rights of Timber, Turf, etc. Rights of Way 

(a) Building Wood and Fuel 

ABBOTS BROMLEY, 1222. Item concedimus eis ut a festo 

sancti Andreae apostoli, etc. anno regni regis Henrici filii regis Johannis 

septimo habeant rationabilem estoverium suum per visum forestarii in 

bosco nostro de Bromlega extra haias nostras de mortuo bosco jacente 

ad husbote, haibote, furbote burgagiorum suorum usque ad vii annos 

completos, etc. 

(We further grant to them that from the feast of St Andrew the Apostle, 
etc., in the seventh year of the reign of king Henry, son of king John, they 
shall have their reasonable allowance, by view of the forester in our wood of 
Bromley, outside our hays, of dead wood that has fallen for housebote, hay- 
bote and firebote of their burgages for a period of seven years.) 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Liceat eisdem burgensibus extra de- 

fensum meum communionem boscorum meorum habere. 

(It shall be lawful for the same burgesses to have common in my woods, 
outside my preserves.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

HELMSLEY, c. 1 186-1227. Concedo etiam eis boscum ad foculum 
et ad edificandum versus moram. 

(I grant also to them wood for their hearth and for building towards the 

SALFORD, c. 1230. lidem burgenses racionabiliter de predicto 
bosco capient omnia necessaria ad edificandum et ardendum. 

(The same burgesses shall reasonably take from the aforesaid wood every- 
thing that is necessary for building and firing.) 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line i. For lidem read Predicti. 
2. After necessaria insert sua. 

BOLTON , 1253. Volumus etiam quod predicti burgenses possint 

capere in quadam grava nostra quod est inter Magnam Loue et terram 

ecclesie de Bolton necessaria ad ardendum et edificandum, ita tamen 

quod liceat [nobis] et heredibus nostris de predictis boscis, planis, 

pascuis, pasturis et turbariis assartare, colere, asce[n]dere, et ad como- 

dum nostrum de illis facere, sal vis predictis burgensibus omnibus ante- 

dictis secundum quod ad eorum tenementa infra villam de Bolton 

pertinet sufficienter. 

(We will also that the aforesaid burgesses may take in a certain grove of 
ours which is between Great Lever and the land of Bolton Church what is 
necessary for firing and building, provided that it shall be lawful for us and 

^ Vol. I, p. 56. 


our heirs to assart, till, and enter with animals the said woods, fields, meadows, 
pastures and turf-mosses and make our profit of them, saving to the aforesaid 
burgesses all the above mentioned according to what sufficiently pertains to 
their tenements within the vill of Bolton.) 

BOLTON , 1253. Concessimus etiam eisdem comunia ad fodendum 

et ardendum in turbaria ville de Bolton. 

(We have also granted to the same common of digging and burning in the 
turf -moss of Bolton.) ' 

BERKELEY y c. 1235-6. Item, concessi eisdem maeremium quod 

levare feci in novo foro de Berclaio, pro duabus marcis argenti, ad edi- 

ficandum vel removendum, sicut illis placuerit. 

(I have also granted to them for two marks of silver the timber which I have 
caused to be piled in the new market (place) of Berkeley, for building or 
carrying away, as it shall please them.) 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Et aesiamentum de bosco ad 

domos et edificia sua et ad ignem per visum, forestarii. 

(And their easement of wood for their houses and buildings, and for their 
fire, under the supervision of my forester.) 

POOLE, c. 1248. Et necessaria ad focum suum in brueriis et tur- 

bariis meis per visum ballivorum meorum. 

(And what is necessary for their hearths in my heaths and turbaries under 
the supervision of my bailiffs.) 

CLOYNE, 1249-64. Insuper idem Daniel pro me et successoribus 
meis dictis civibus et eorum heredibus concessi hesiam in turbario de 
Clone ex parte australi ad ignem suam et proprium focum suum quan- 
tum eis sine dampno ecclesiae sufficere possit, competenter dictis vero 
civibus necnon et eorum heredibus. 

(Moreover I the said Daniel have granted, for myself and my successors 
to the said citizens and their heirs, easement in the turbary of Cloyne on the 
southern side for their own fires and hearths as much as will reasonably 
suffice to the said citizens and their heirs without loss to our church.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (c). Et concessi eisdem et heredibus eorum 

quod quando eis turbam vendere voluero in turbariis meis de Morpath 

et quantum eis vendere voluero singulas cariatas turbarum pro singulis 


(And I have granted them that whenever I wish to sell them turves from 
my turbaries of Morpeth, and however much I wish to sell them, they shall 
pay one penny for each cart-load of turves.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Et capient de bosco in communi de Warton 
estoueria sua per visum forestarii mei ad edificandum. Et de mortuo 
bosco ad ardendum et spinis ad ardendum, salvis mihi corulo, glandia^, 
nucibus et pannagio per totum boscum dicte ville de Warton. 

^ Glandie, MS. The emendation is Miss Bateson's, but the original reading may 
have been glande. 



(And they shall take their estovers from the woods in the common of Warton 
for building under the supervision of my forester. And they shall take of the 
dead wood and of the thorns for burning, saving to me the hazel and the mast 
and the nuts and the pannage throughout the whole of the wood of the said 
town of Warton.) 

KINVER, c. 1 260-1 300. Et quod habeant in brusca nostra et 

felgera extra predictum boscum per totum annum ad ardendum et ad 

comburendum in burgagiis suis propriis sufficienter ad panem coquen- 

dam et cervisiam bruendam, excepta bruera et felgera ad vendendum^. 

(And that they may have in my brushwood and fern outside the aforesaid 
wood for burning in their own burgages sufficient for baking bread and 
brewing beer, excepting brushwood and fern for sale.) 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), 1273-81. Preterea concessi eisdem bur- 

gensibus meis et eorum heredibus et assignatis colligere filicem per 

totum dominium meum, videlicet, apud Birie, apud Ryvgyan et Mak- 

mareis, extra blada mea, in tempore aestatis et in autumpno. 

(Moreover I have granted to my burgesses their heirs and assigns that they 
may collect fern through all my demesne, namely, at Birie, at Ryvgyan and 
at Makmareis, outside my corn, in time of summer and of autumn.) 

LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. Concessimus etiam eisdem liberam 
communam in tota silva nostra boreali videlicet in tota foresta de Coyde- 

Item, concessimus eisdem unam acram more in longitudine et 
latitudine ad fodiendum glebas ubi convenienter eligere voluerint in 
turbariis juxta Passenant his lake. 

(We have also granted them free common in all our northern wood to wit 
in the whole forest of Coydebech.... 

Item, we have also granted to them one acre of moor for digging turves, 
wherever they may choose it most conveniently near Passenant's lake.) 

PLYMPTON, 1262-85. Et communam in turbaria de mora nostra 

versus Dertemore ad omnia necessaria focalis singulis domibus dicti 


(And common in the turbary of our moor towards Dartmoor for all neces- 
saries of fuel for each house in the said borough.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et quod licite valeant fodere turbas et brueram 

euellere infra moras et turbarias ad dictam villam spectantes, ad sus- 

tentacionem familie sue et domuum suarum infra feodum predictum, 

absque aliquo impedimento seu calumpnia aliqua. 

(And that they may lawfully dig turves and pluck up heather within the 
moors and turbaries belonging to the said town, for the needs of their house- 
hold and their houses within the said fee without any hindrance or claim 
(against them).) 

^ The printed text of this clause is very corrupt. I have ventured on several emen- 
dations. (B.) 

B.ll S 


CARMARTHEN, 1285. Cum Walenses de Elued &c. in penultima 
guerra Wallie contra nos et pacem nostram existentes et inimicis et 
rebellibus nostris adherentes, saniori postmodum ducti consilio, ad 
pacem nostram venissent et se et sua voluntati nostre totaliter submisissent 
ac nos tunc ad meliorationem ville nostre de Kermerdyn et ad securi- 
tatem et tuitionem partium adjacentium concessimus burgensibus nos- 
tris et omnibus aliis cujuscunque conditionis fuerint de predicta villa 
nostra de Kermerdyn et Veteri Kermerdyn quod in boscis nostris de 
Mahathan et omnibus aliis boscis dictorum Wallensium tunc tanquam 
nobis forisfactis in manu nostra existentibus in quibus propter eorum 
densitatem depredationes et homicidia frequenter perpetrabantur liberam 
habeant communam. Ita quod in eis subboscum, quercus ad maeremium 
et alias arbores succidere et asportare possent, et ipsos burgenses per 
breve nostrum dilectis et fidelibus nostris Willelmo de Valencia avunculo 
nostro et Pagano de Cadurcis, tempore illo locum nostrum in partibus 
illis tenentibus, directum in seisinam commune predicte poni fecissimus, 
Nos factum nostrum predictum ratum et gratum habentes volumus et 
concedimus...quod predicti burgenses et omnes alii de villis predictis 
et heredes et successores sui participent et habeant predictam com- 
munam in boscis predictis. Ita quod subboscum, quercus ad maeremium 
et alias arbores in eis succidere et asportare possint pro voluntate sua 
absque occasione vel impedimento nostri et heredum nostrorum, justi- 
ciariorum, vicecomitum ballivorum seu ministrorum nostrorum quorum- 
cunque imperpetuum. 

(Whereas the Welshmen of Elvet and other places in the late war in Wales 
were against us and our peace and adhered to our enemies and rebels but 
afterwards, led by wiser counsels, came in to our peace, and submitted them- 
selves and their property entirely to our will, and we then for the improvement 
of our town of Carmarthen and for the security and protection of the neigh- 
bouring country, granted to our burgesses and all others, of whatsoever con- 
dition they were, of our said town of Carmarthen and Old Carmarthen that 
they should have free common in our woods of Mahathan and all other woods 
of the said Welshmen then as having been forfeited to us being in our hands 
in which on account of their thickness there were frequent robberies and 
homicides, so that they could cut and carry away the underwood and oaks for 
timber and other trees,and whereas we caused the said burgesses to be placed in 
seisin of the said common by our writ directed to our beloved and loyal William 
of Valence our uncle and Pain of Sourches (Chaourches) who at that time were 
our lieutenants in those parts. We considering our aforesaid deed to be valid 
and pleasing to us, do will and grant that the aforesaid burgesses and all others 
of the aforesaid towns and their heirs and successors shall share and have the 
aforesaid common in the aforesaid woods. So that they can cut and carry 
away the underwood and the oaks for timber and other trees at their own will 
without let or hindrance on the part of ourselves and our heirs, our justices, 
sheriffs, bailiffs or ministers whomsoever for ever.) 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Concessi etiam predictis burgensibus 


meis household et hayhold in omnibus boscis predictorum locorum, 

exceptis hayis et defensis hoscis meis. 

(I have also granted to my aforesaid burgesses housebote and haybote in 
all woods in the aforesaid places, except in my hays and fenced woods.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Cum housbold et haybold burgensibus de 

Knotisford in nemore de Knotisford et in turbaria, et cum housbold et 

haybold burgensibus de Boys, in nemore de Boys. 

(With housebote and haybote for the burgesses of Knutsford in the wood 
of Knutsford, and in the turbary, and with housebote and haybote for the 
burgesses of Boys {i.e. Knutsford Booths or Over Knutsford) in the wood 
of Boys.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Et estre ceo nous avoms graunte pur nous 
et pour noz heyrs qe noz burgeis avauntditz et lour heirs et lour assignez 
avauntditz eyent housbote et haybote en le boys quest appele Cardele- 
wenny, cest assavoir du chemin qui va de Denebieghe au pount Griffyn 
jusques a Eleway par vewe de noz forestiers.... 

Et nous voloms et grauntoms pur nous et pur noz heirs qe chescun 
Burgeis qui tient burgage en lavauntdite ville de Dynebieghe dedenz 
les murs eyt ses pores fraunks de paunage en lavauntdit boys en temps 
de paunage, cest assavoir de la feste Seynt Michiel usque la feste seint 
Martin, et si pluis de pores eyent, paent come les autres du pays fount. 

Sauve a nous et a noz heirs notre forest, notre garenne et totes les 
choses que a foreste et a garenne apendent, et tote manere de oyseaux 
qui autres oyseaux pernent. 

(And we have also granted for us and our heirs that our burgesses aforesaid 
and their heirs and assigns aforesaid shall have housebote and haybote in 
the wood which is called Coedelewenny, that is to say, from the road which 
goes from Denbigh to Pont Griffyn as far as Eleway, under the supervision 
of our foresters 

And we will and grant for us and our heirs that every burgess who holds 
a burgage in the aforesaid town of Denbigh within the walls shall have his 
pigs quit of pannage in the aforesaid wood, that is to say, from Michaelmas 
to Martinmas, and if they have more pigs they shall pay as do the others of 
the country Saving to us and our heirs our forest and warren and all the things 
which pertain to the forest and warren, and all the birds that prey on other 

CLITHEROE, 1272-91. Dedimus etiam et concessimus dictis 

burgensibus nostris turbariam ad turbam capiendam et ardendam infra 

limites de Bacshelfe sine vasto, dono vel venditione ad usus suos proprios, 

cum libero introitu et exitu sine impedimento nostri vel heredum nos- 

trorum vel alicujus alterius per nos. 

(We have also given and granted to our said burgesses turbary rights for 
taking turf for burning within the limits of Bashall^ without waste, gift or 

^ Exchanged for a turbary on Pendle Hill in 1307 (Harland, Ancient Charters of 
Clitheroe, p. 14). 


sale, for their own proper use, with free entrance and exit, without hindrance 
from us or our heirs or from any other person by our means.) 

ABERAVON, 1288-13 13. Concessi etiam...predictis burgensibus 

et chenceribus meis de Avene et heredibus et assignatis libere, quiete, 

bene et in pace et sine aliqua calumpnia housbote et heybote in omnibus 

nemoribus hominum meorum de me tenencium. 

(I have also granted... to my burgesses and tensers of Avan and their 
heirs and assigns housebote and heybote in all the woods of my men holding 
of me, freely, quietly, peacefully.) 

RHUDDLAN, 1295. Quod ipsi et heredes sui habeant et percipiant 

imperpetuum rationabilia estoueria uidelicet husebote et haibote in 

boscis nostris de Lewenny et Baghegrek per uisum custodis seu cus- 

todum boscorum predictorum. 

(That they and their heirs shall have and take for ever reasonable estovers, 
that is housebote and haybote in our woods of Lleweny and Bach-y-graig by 
view of the keeper or keepers of those woods.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Concedimus etiam eisdem racionabile estouerium 
in omnibus et singulis boscis nostris supra boscum existentibus excepto 
bosco de bosco de Predewen capiendum locis sibi magis expedientibus, 
videlicet boscum emortuum ad ardendum et boscum quercinum ad 
edificia sua infra libertatem burgi nostri de Svv^eyn' edificanda et re- 
paranda et naues ac nauiculas suas fabricandas et reparandas, per visum 
et liberacionem forestarii nostri, ita tamen quod si semel, secundo et 
tercio premunitus officium suum in liberando adimplere neglexerit aut 
noluerit, dum tamen commode inveniri possit, tunc demum ob defec- 
tum ipsius capiat quilibet de predictis que ad premissa sibi viderit 
necessaria. Reliquum vero nemus consimiliter habeant et quo voluerint 
capiant pro suis necessariis in forma memorata. Vendere autem seu 
dare cuilibet extraneo quicquam ex boscis predictis, exceptis hospitibus 
et itinerantibus in burgo nostro predicto superuenientibus pro tempore 
more sue, minime licebit eisdem, set sibi inuicem dando vel vendendo 
communicare possunt. Naues vero majores si voluerint quatuor et infra 
simul continue et per successionem ex boscis predictis faciant et habeant 
set nauiculas, viginti dolia vini et infra portare valentes, quotquot facere 
voluerint libere de boscis prefatis concedimus eisdem, reddendo nobis 
et heredibus nostris pro qualibet naue seu nauicula de nouo fabricata 
duodecim denarios ; dictas autem naues aut nauiculas dare aut vendere 
cuilibet extraneo non debent absque nostra vel senescalli nostri licencia 
et permissione speciali, exceptis casibus necessitatis cum in remotis 
partibus infortunium aliquod incurrerint vel ad inopiam vergerint nee 
aliunde habuerint unde paupertatem suam releuare possint, quo casu, 
si vicini emere recusauerint, vendant cuicumque voluerint. Nee liceat 


eisdem in dictis boscis [quicquid?] capere nisi de die et hoc in forma 


(We grant them also the right to take their reasonable needs in all and 
singular our woods which are above the wood (sic), except wood from the 
wood of Predewen, in the places most convenient for them, to wit dead wood 
to bum and oak wood to build and repair their buildings within the liberty of 
our borough of Swansea and to build and repair their vessels, by the view and 
delivery of our forester, provided that if after three notices he neglects or 
refuses to fulfil his duty in delivering the wood, assuming he can be found 
w ithout difficulty, then each on the ground of his omission may take from the 
aforesaid what shall seem to him needful for the above purposes. The rest 
of the wood too they may have similarly and take where they will for their 
needs in the form described. But they shall not be at liberty to sell or give 
anything from the aforesaid woods to any stranger, saving to guests and 
travellers coming to our aforesaid borough, for the duration of their stay. 
They can, however, share it with one another by sale or gift. Moreover, 
we freely grant that from the aforesaid woods they may, if they wish, build 
and have four or fewer large ships at the same time, continuously and 
in succession, but as many smaller ships, capable of carrying up to twenty 
tuns of wine, as they please, paying to us and our heirs for each larger or 
smaller ship new built twelve pence. They ought not, however, to give or 
sell the said ships, large or small, to any stranger without the license and 
special permission of us or our steward, saving in cases of need when in 
distant parts they shall have sustained some misfortune and be on the verge 
of want nor have any other source from which to relieve their poverty, in 
which case, if their neighbours refuse to buy, they may sell to whomsoever 
they please. No one shall take anything in the said woods except by daylight 
and this in the aforesaid form.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Volumus insuper et concedimus quod predicti 
burgenses nostri licite fodere possint et extrahere atque ad domes suas 
cariare turbas extra prata nostra inuentas ubi libet infra limites et 
bundas in carta eorum originali contentas, videlicet (bounds given), ita 
quod nulli vendant extraneo nisi in forma premissa de boscis. 

(We will further and grant that our aforesaid burgesses may dig and take 
out and carry to their houses peat found outside our meadows wherever they 
please within the limits and bounds contained in their original charter, to 
wit (bounds given) provided they sell to no stranger except in the fashion 
already given for the woods.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Et quod habeant carbonem terreum in Bylly- 
wasta absque impedimento nostri vel heredum nostrorum seu minis- 
trorum nostrorum quocumcunque et hoc ad omnia necessaria sua com- 
plenda, ita quod non vendant nisi in forma de boscis prescripta. 

(And that they may have earth-coal in Byllywaste without hindrance from 
us or our heirs or of our officers; and this to satisfy all their needs, but they 
must not sell it save in the fashion prescribed for the woods.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Concedimus eciam quod singuli in burgo nostro 
prefato manentes qui burgenses non fuerint necessaria sua in turbariis 


nostris eisdem burgensibus concessis habeant, ita tamen quod dona- 

cionem aut vendicionem aut wastum non faciant. 

(We grant also that every inhabitant of our aforesaid borough who is not 
a burgess may have his necessaries in the turbaries granted to our said bur- 
gesses, provided he does not give or sell or waste them.) 

{h) Right of Way 

PLYMPTON, 1262-85. Et communam in semitis in bosco de 

Heawode et extra justis et consiietis, scilicet ad burgagia dicti burgi 

necessariis sine omni contradiccione. 

(And common of the lawful and accustomed footpaths within and without 
the wood of Heawode, to wit, those necessary for the burgages of the said 
borough, without contradiction.) 

(7) Grant of Pasture 

ABBOTS BROMLEY, 1222. Preterea concedimus eis ut habeant 

liberam communam apud Bromlega in bosco et in piano de herbagio 

extra haias nostras, ita tamen quod non fuerit impedimento quin pos- 

simus conditionem nostram meliorare pro voluntate nostro in stagnis, 

vivariis, assartis, parcis, haiis, etc. 

(Further we grant to them that they may have free common at Bromley in 
wood and in field of herbage outside our hays, provided it be no impediment 
to prevent us from improving our condition at our will in pools, fishponds, 
assarts, parks, hays, etc.) 

ABBOTS BROMLEY, 1222. Salvo tamen ^ quod si aliquis 
burgensis porcos villa de Bromle habuerit et eos tempore 
pannagii in bosco nostro habuerit, dabit de illo pannagio secundum 
consuetudinem dictae villae de Bromle, si vero de novo emptos porcos 
aliquos vel aliunde perquisitos habuerit, dabit semper de decem porcis 
unum porcum ; si minus vel magis x habuerit dabit pro quolibet porco 
unius anni unum denarium et pro quolibet porco dimidii anni unum 

(Saving, however, that if any burgess shall have his swine... in the town of 
Bromley and shall have them in our wood at pannage time, he shall pay for 
that pannage according to the custom of the town of Bromley, if, however, 
he shall have any swine newly bought or acquired from elsewhere, he shall 
always give one of ten swine; if he have less or more than ten, he shall give 
id. for each pig one year old and ^d. for each pig six months old.) 

HELMSLEY, c. 1 186-1227. pastura mea tam in 

campis quam in moris [et] in bosco ubique, excepto parco meo. 

(I grant them (rights) in my pasture, both in fields and moors and wood 
everywhere, except my park.) 

^ This salvo follows a grant of the liberties of Lichfield (I 8). 


BARNARD CASTLE^ 1215-29^. Sciatis me dedisse, concessisse 
et hac presenti carta confirmasse omnibus burgensibus meis Castri 
Bernardi et omnibus tenentibus suis manentibus in eadem villa com- 
munem pasturam in bosco meo de Marwood ad omnia averia sua sine 
agistamento vel panagio. Item concedo eisdem et tenentibus suis quod 
possint fugare pecora sua in Hermyre pro voluntate sua. 

(Know ye that I have given granted and by this my present charter con- 
firmed to all my burgesses of Barnard Castle and all their tenants dwelling 
in the same town common pasture in my wood of Marwood for all their 
beasts free from agistment or pannage. Also, I grant to them and their 
tenants that they may drive their herds in Hermyre according to their will.) 

CASHEL, 1230. Necnon etiam dedimus... eisdem preposito et 

burgensibus qui nunc sunt et qui pro tempore fuerint imperpetuum pro 

omnibus et singulis animalibus suis et suorum tenencium quoruncunque 

et omnium in dicta villa et burgageria ejusdem habitancium et moram 

trahencium liberam pasturam in omnibus terris nostris, exceptis pratis, 

segetibus et maneriis. 

(We have also given... to the same provost and burgesses for the time being 
for ever, free pasture in all our lands, except meadows, crops and manors, 
for all and singular their animals and the animals of their tenants whosoever 
and of all dwelling and sojourning in the same town or its burgages.) 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Ipsi autem burgenses habebunt communam 
liberam pasturam in bosco, in piano, in pasturis omnibus pertinentibus 
ville Salfordie. Et quieti erunt de pannagio in ipso bosco ville de 

(Moreover the same burgesses shall have common of free pasture in wood, 
in field and in all pastures, pertaining to the town of Salford. And they shall 
be quit of pannage in the wood of the town of Salford.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. For in bosco, in piano, read in planis et pascuis et. 
Omit pertinentibus. 
3. For in... Salford read de propriis porcis infra metas de Bolton. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Lines i, 2. For communam liberam pasturam read communem pasturam 

et liberam. 
Line 2. After piano insert in turbario, in bruario, in moris. 
After pasturis insert et. 
For pertinentibus read in communibus easiamentis. 

3. Omit ipso. 

4. Add pertinente. 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Burgenses possunt nutrire porcos suos 
prope nutritos in boscis domini, exceptis forestis et parcis domini pre- 
dicti, usque ad terminum pannagii. Et si velint ad predictum terminum 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 63. In another charter the grantor, Hugh de Balliol, gave all common 
pasture and all commons on the north and east of the town (Surtees, Durham, iv, 71). 


decedere, liceat eis absque licentia domini. Et si velint moram facere ad 

terminum pannagii, de pannagio satisfaciant predicto domino. 

(The burgesses may feed their pigs, which are nearly fattened, in the lord's 
woods, except the forests and parks of the aforesaid lord, until the time of 
pannage. And if they wish, they may depart at the aforesaid time without 
the lord's license. And if they wish to stay at the time of pannage, they shall 
satisfy the aforesaid lord for his pannage.) 

LEICESTER, 1239. Notum sit uniuersitati uestre quod, cum 
Robertus comes quondam Leycestrie, predecessor meus, feofauerit per 
cartam suam burgenses Leycestrie in pastura que dicitur Kowheye 
jacente in Campo australi Leycestrie inter pasturam meam ex utraque 
parte; Noveritis me remississe relaxasse et omnino de me et heredibus 
meis imperpetuum quietum clamasse totum ius et clamium quod habui 
vel habere potui in prefata pastura liberis burgensibus meis Leycestrie 
qui sunt et pro tempore erunt, scilicet illis ad quos prefata pastura per- 
tinere debet, ut et ipsi habeant et teneant prefatam pasturam cum 
pertinenciis de me et heredibus meis hbere et quiete absque destruccione, 
faciendo inde annuatim mihi et heredibus meis vel successoribus meis 
pro singulis aueriis in prefata pastura agistatis uel agistandis tres denarios, 
sicut tempore predecessorum meorum dari consueverat. Pro hac autem 
remissione, relaxacione et quieta clamacione, dederunt mihi prefati 
burgenses mei unum pullum precii centum solidorum premanibus, ne 
et ego predictus Symon, nee heredes mei uel successores mei, nee aliquis 
pro nobis nee ex parte nostra, pecora nostra in prefata pastura agistare 
vel depascere valeamus: sed ab omni depastione et agistacione imper- 
petuum simus exclusi. 

(Be it known to you all, that whereas Robert, formerly earl of Leicester, 
my predecessor, enfeoffed by his charter the burgesses of Leicester in the 
pasture called Cowhay, lying in the south field of Leicester, between his 
pasture on each side, Now know ye that I have remised, released and entirely 
for myself and my heirs for ever quit-claimed all the right and claim which 
I have or could have in the aforesaid pasture to my free burgesses of Leicester, 
who now are and for the time being shall be, to wit, to those to whom the 
said pasture ought to belong so that they may have and hold the aforesaid 
pasture freely and quietly without any destruction, paying thence annually 
to me and my heirs or successors for every beast agisted or to be agisted in the 
aforesaid pasture three pence, as was wont to be paid in the times of my pre- 
decessors. For this remise, release and quitclaim the aforesaid burgesses 
have given me in hand one colt of the value of 100s., so that neither 
I the aforesaid Simon, nor my heirs or successors, nor anyone for us or on 
our part shall agist or depasture our herds on the aforesaid pasture, but that 
we shall be for ever excluded from all rights of pasture and agistment thereon.) 

LEICESTER, 123 1-9. (Remisi et relaxaui) et omnes insimul 
denarios qui capi^ solebant de singulis peccoribus et aueriis in defenso 

^ MS. cepi. 


Leycestrie pro escapura; ita tamen quod aueria ilia uel pecora non 

teneantur in defenso illo de uarda facta uel de consuetudine^. 

(I have remised and released) also all those pence which were wont to be 
taken from all herds and cattle within the fence of Leicester for escape money, 
provided that those cattle or herds be not detained in the close for ward fee 
or custom.) 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Quod habeant communem pas- 

turam in terra mea et communia in aqua a fossato qui claudit villam 

versus orientem usque ad mare. 

(That they may have common pasture in my land and common in water 
from the ditch which encloses the vill towards the east as far as the sea.) 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), 1273-81. Sciant presentes et futuri quod 

ego Nicholaus filius Willelmi Martin dominus de Kemeys dedi...bur- 

gensibus meis de Novo Burgo in Kemeys in commune totam terram 

meam humidam et siccam, moros et turbaria extra burgagia sua et intra, 

secundum has divisas subscriptas videlicet... (here follow boundaries)... 

salva mihi et heredibus meis sicca terra arabili in....Et salva predictis 

burgensibus et heredibus suis et assignatis tota pastura^ in eadem terra 

dum non sit arata nee ferens bladum, Et ego concedo pro me et heredibus 

meis et assignatis quod ilia terra non vendatur neque detur alicui homini 

forinseco nisi burgensibus meis de Novo Burgo... (here follow other 


(Know all men, present and future, that I Nicholas son of William Martin 
lord of Kemmes, have given to my burgesses of Newport in Kemmes in 
common all my land wet and dry without their burgages and within according 
to these boundaries, to wit... saving to me and my heirs my dry arable land in 

...(two places) And, saving to the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs and 

assigns the whole pasture in the same land so long as it is not ploughed nor 
bearing corn. And I grant for me and my heirs that that land shall not be 
sold nor given to any foreigner but only to my burgesses of Newport....) 

BERKELEY, c. 1235-6. Notum sit omnibus hoc presens scriptum 
visuris vel audituris quod ego Thomas dominus de Berclaio concessi 
burgensibus meis de Berclaio communem pasturam suam extra Ber- 
claio {sic) quam de jure^ habere solebant et debent. 

(Be it known to all who shall see or hear this present writing that I Thomas, 
lord of Berkeley, have granted to my burgesses of Berkeley their common 
pasture outside Berkeley which they were wont to have by right, and which 
they ought to have.) 

SALT ASH, before 1246. Et quod habeant pasturam m.eam illis 
continuam, quietam a festo S. Michaelis usque ad Purificacionem Beatae 
Mariae. Si quis vero illorum predictam pasturam deinde exercere voluerit 

^ See vol. I, p. 94. Miss Bateson {Records of Leicester, i, xxi) explains this as 
meaning that the earl would not use cattle found in his close as a means of distraining 
for other services. 

^ totam pasturam, MS. ' Mr Ballard read "de me." See critical note, p. xxxvii. 



det pro quolibet equo velanimali unum denarium et pro decern bidentibus 
unum denarium, Salvis bladis et pratis et rationabilibus defensis meis. 
(And that they have my pasture free, continuously from Michaelmas to 
the Purification of the Blessed Mary. If however any of them wishes to use 
the aforesaid pasture after that time, he shall pay for a horse or ox one penny, 
and for ten sheep one penny. Saving my cornfields and meadows and my 
reasonable fenced pastures.) 

KELLS (Kilkenny), before 1247. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 
Johannes filius Galfridi dedi. . .burgensibus meis de Kenlis communionem 
in boscis meis et silvis, in herbis et herbagiis, in omnibus pascuis et 
pasturis, omnibus averiis eorum et in omnibus aliis necessariis eorum 
agendis, videlicet... (here follow boundaries)... sicut perambulata et 
assignata est eisdem burgensibus meis, Tenendam et habendam sibi 
et heredibus suis de me et heredibus meis libere...hereditarie et imper- 
petuum in viis et semitis, in moris et mariscis et aquis, in omnibus 
libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus eisdem burgensibus meis perti- 

(Know all men present and future that I John fitz Geoffrey have given... to 
my burgesses of Kells common in my groves and woods, in grass and herbage, 
in all pastures, for all their beasts of burden and in performing all their other 
necessities, to wit... (he re follow boundaries)... as the same was perambulated 
and assigned to my same burgesses. To have and to hold to them and their 
heirs of me and my heirs freely... in inheritance and for ever, in ways and 
paths, in moors and marshes and waters, in all liberties and free customs to 
my same burgesses pertaining.) 

POOLE, c. 1248. Volo eciam...quod dicti burgenses habeant bene 

et pacifice animalia sua quieta de herbagio in brueria mea sicut semper 


(I will also that the said burgesses shall well and peacefully have their 
animals in my heath quit of herbage, as they were always wont to have them.) 

GAINSBOROUGH, before 1250. I have, moreover, granted that 
every one of them may have one sowe with her farrowe of pigs, and one 
CO we with her calfe, or one meere with her foal, until they be over- 
yeared, depasturinge in my common pasture called Sumergangs and 
competent comon, and their draught cattel in Prieste Carre. 

UTTOXETER, 1252. But so as the said burgesses and all within 
their commonalty being, have common and herbage within the ward of 
Uttoxeshather, where the men of the said town have been wont formerly 
to outcommon without our hindrance, so as it may be lawful for us and 
our heirs to make our profit of all other lands and tenements, meadows, 
pastures, woods, marshes, moors, and in all other places within the 
aforesaid town and ward, without contradiction of the said burgesses 
or their heirs. 


ALNWICK, 1226-53, Et etiam communem pasturam de Hay dene 

et in mora de Hay dene descendendo et ascendendo per Colieregate\ 

adeo libere, quiete et pacifice in omnibus sicut carta domini Willelmi 

de Vesci avi mei quam inde habent testatur. 

(And also common pasture of Hayden and in the moor of Hayden, going 
and returning by Colliergate, as freely peacefully and quietly in all things as 
the charter of William of Vesci, my grandfather, which they have to that 
effect, bears witness.) 

ALNWICK, 1290. Cum communa in Haydene et cum omnibus 
aysiamentis in Haydenemore in mariscis, pascuis et pasturis, petariis, 
turbariis et brueriis cum omnibus aliis pertinentiis suis, libertatibus et 
aysiamentis quibus uti solebant temporibus antecessorum nostrorum 
tam in mense vetito quam extra. 

Et sciendum est quod iidem burgenses et heredes sui pro libertate 
habenda in Hayden in mense vetito cum suis animalibus dabunt nobis 
et heredibus nostris annuatim duos solidos, medietatem ad festum 
Sancti Martini et alteram medietatem ad Pentecosten imperpetuum. 

(Together with common in Hayden and with all easements in Hayden moor 
in marshes, pastures, peat-mosses, turbaries, and heaths with all other their 
appurtenances, liberties and easements which they were wont to use in the 
times of our ancestors both in the fence month and at other times. 

And be it known, that the said burgesses and their heirs, for having liberty in 
Hayden with their cattle in the fence month, shall pay to us and our heirs two 
shillings, one moiety at Martinmas and the other moiety at Whitsuntide.) 

WOTTON-UNDER-EDGE, 1253. And that every of them should 
have free entry of pasturage with a hors and a cowe into the three fields 
of the said manor after Michaelmas day. 

RATHCOOL, 1228-56 (a). Noveritis nos...concessisse burgensibus 
nostris de Radcull communam in monte de SlescoU unacum hominibus 
nostris de Nova Villa tam in turbariis quam in pasturis sicut Gilleholmoc 
cum aliis probis hominibus eam tempore Johannis bone memorie 
quondam Dublin' Archiepiscopi^ predecessoris nostri deambulavit... 
(here follow boundaries).... Retenta tamen ipsis de Nova Villa propria 
pastura sua quae jacet inter... (here follow boundaries).,.. Et si forte 
dominicum terre nostre de Radcull in manu nostra ceperimus, com- 
municabimus cum eis in dicta pastura et turbaria quantum ad dominicum 
nostrum pertinebit, Tenendam et habendam de nobis et successoribus 
nostris sibi et heredibus suis libere... per quatuor solidos argenti nobis 
et successoribus nostris annuatim reddendis ad duos terminos anni, 
medietatem ad festum Sancti Michaelis et medietatem ad Pascha, pro 

omni servicio, exaccione et demanda, 


j ^ The words " descendendo. . .Colieregate " are an addition to the charter of William 

I de Vescy I (vol. i, p. 58). " 1181-1212. 


(Know ye that we have granted to our burgesses of Rathcool common in 
the mountain of SlescoU along with our men of the New Town both in tur- 
bary and in pasture, as Gilleholmoc with other upright men walked its 
boundaries in the time of John, once archbishop of Dublin, of blessed memory, 
our predecessor. . . . Retaining however to the same men of the New Town their 
own pasture which lies between Grieshow and the New Town. And if by 
chance we take the demesne of our land of Rathcool into our own hand, we 
shall common with them in the said pasture and turbary as far as shall pertain 
to our demesne. To be had and holden of us and our successors to them and 
their heirs freely... by four silver shillings to be paid to us and our successors 
yearly at the two terms of the year, one moiety at Michaelmas and the other 
moiety at Easter, for all service, exaction and demand.) 

DUNSTER, 1254-7. Quod dicti burgenses et eorum heredes 

habeant super Crowedon communiam sine aliqua calumpnia vel im- 

pedimento quale ad opus suum meliorem tempore alicuius prede- 

cessorum habere consueverunt. 

(That our said burgesses and their heirs may have common on Croydon 
without any adverse claim or hindrance, such as they were best wont to have 
for their own use in the time of any of my predecessors.) 

MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et quod habeant pasturam et husebot 

et haybot in foresta nostra sicut habere consueverunt, salvo nobis pan- 

nagio nostro cum pessona fuerit. 

(And that they shall have pasture and housebote and haybote in our forest 
as they were wont to have it, saving to us our pannage when it shall be the 
time of mast.) 

CHRISTCHURCH, 1245-62. Et etiam...concessi...meis liberis 
burgensibus et eorum heredibus sive successoribus annuatim communam 
pasture in pratis meis de Stokemede, Beremede et Barnardsmede, post- 
quam fenum meum levatum fuerit et carriatum ab eisdem pratis, 
absque omni calumpnia et impedimento mei vel ballivorum meorum, 
heredum et assignatorum meorum vel alicujus nostrorum, quam com- 
munam pasturam in dictis pratis temporibus patris mei et aliorum pre- 
decessorum meorum antiquitus habere consueverunt, Reddendo inde 
mihi et heredibus meis vel assignatis triginta solidos sterlingorum ad 
quattuor anni terminos, videlicet ad Natale Domini septem solidos et 
sex denarios, ad Pasche, septem solidos et sex denarios, ad Nativitatem 
Sancti Johannis Baptiste septem solidos et sex denarios et ad festum 
Sancti Michaelis septem solidos et sex denarios. 

(And also I have given to my free burgesses and their heirs or successors 
every year common of pasture in my meadows known as Stokemead, Bere- 
mead and Barnard's mead, after my hay has been carried from the said 
meadows, without any claim and hindrance from me or my bailiffs, of my 
heirs and assigns or of any of us, which common of pasture in the said meadows 
they were wont to have in the times of my father and my other predecessors. 
Rendering thence to me and my heirs or assigns, 3 ox. sterling at the four terms 
of the year, to wit, at Christmas 75. td., at Easter 7s. 6d., at Midsummer 7s, bd., 
and at Michaelmas 75. 6d. 



AGARDSLEY, 1263. Quod habeant communem pasturam in toto 

foresto meo cum averiis, ^exceptis haiis meis tunc clausis^, et dabunt 

pro quolibet bovo (sic) id. et pro qualibet vacca id. et pro quolibet equo 

salvagio id. annuatim, scilicet ad festum S. Michaelis. 

(That they shall have common of pasture for their cattle in the whole of 
my forest, except my hays then enclosed, and shall pay for each ox id., for 
every cow id., and for every unbroken horse id. yearly, to wit at Michaelmas.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Quod habeant omnes porcos suos in bur- 
gagiis suis nutritos de pannagio annuatim quietos in toto foresto meo 
preter in ^haiis meis nunc clausis^. Et quod habeant housebote et hay- 
bote de omnibus lignis et per visum forestariorum meorum. 

(That they may have all their pigs fed in their burgages quit of the annual 
pannage in the whole of my forest, except in my hays already enclosed. 

And that they may have housebote and haybote of all kinds of timber and 
under the supervision of my foresters.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (a). Concessi eciam eisdem burgensibus et 

heredibus eorum solitas communas pasture et aisiamenta consueta, cum 

libero exitu et introitu ad eandem villam de Morpath pertinentia, ex- 

ceptis bladis et pratis. Concessi insuper sepedictis burgensibus et 

heredibus eorum communam in stipulis meis eiusdem manerii mei de 

Morpath, scilicet (here follow boundaries). Ita tamen quod herbagium 

earundem stipularum reservetur ad opus meum et heredium meorum 

per quindecim dies postquam bladum meum fuerit cariatum. 

(I have granted also to the said burgesses and their heirs the accustomed 
commons of pasture and the wonted easements, with free departure and 
entrance, belonging to the said town of Morpeth, except cornfields and 
meadows. I have granted moreover to the oftmentioned burgesses and their 
heirs common in my stubbles of my said manor of Morpeth to wit.... So that, 
however, the herbage of the said stubbles be reserved to me for fifteen days 
after my corn has been carried.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (c). Et si contingat quod averia eorundem 
burgensium capiantur in defensis meis, pro quolibet averio dabunt 
unum obolum et pro quolibet equo unum obolum et pro quinque ovibus 
unum obolum per tres vices tarn infra quam extra boscum, et ad quartam 
vicem pro singulis dictorum averiorum captis infra boscum dabunt octo 
denarios et extra boscum quattuor denarios, et postea iterum incipiendo 
pro singulis averiorum obolum per tres vices ut predictum est. Et si 
averia eorum capiantur in bladis vel in pratis faciant emendas secundum 
tempus anni....Et sciendum quod bene licebit mihi et heredibus meis 
facere edificia nostra ubicunque voluerimus in culturis nostris in quibus 
eis concessimus communia sine impedimento vel contradiccione dic- 
torum burgensium vel heredum eorum imperpetuum. 


exceptis (preter in) haias meas tunc clausas, MS. 


(And if it happen that the cattle of the said burgesses are found in my 
enclosures, they shall pay for each beast one halfpenny and for each horse 
one halfpenny and for five sheep one halfpenny for three offences both 
within and without the wood, and at the fourth offence they shall pay eight 
pence for each beast taken within the wood and fourpence without the wood ; 
and afterwards they shall begin again with a halfpenny for each animal for 
three offences as is aforesaid. And if their beasts are taken in the corn or the 
meadows they shall make amends according to the time of the year.... And 
be it known that it shall be lawful for me and my heirs to build wherever we 
please on our cultivated lands in which we have granted them commons 
without any hindrance from the said burgesses or their heirs for ever.) 

BARNARD CASTLE, 1229-68. Noverit universitas vestra nos 
dedisse, concessisse et hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse burgensibus 
nostris de Castro Bernardi, et libere tenentibus in eodem burgo manenti- 
bus et ad illud spectantibus, quandam communem pasturam in Marewode 
per has escambium de Standulanbank et de Waterschawe 
et de Pottes quas in parco nostro inclusimus et etiam in escambium 
terrarum quas dominus Henricus Spring et Robertus Gretheved tenent 
de nobis ad dumum de Hus, quas quidem pasturas et terras dicti bur- 
genses et liberi tenentes reddiderunt, remiserunt et quietum clamaverunt 
nobis et heredibus nostris pro se et heredibus suis, habendam et tenen- 
dam dictis burgensibus libere tenentibus et eorum heredibus de nobis 
et heredibus nostris in feodo et hereditate, libere, quiete et integre in 
omnibus, sicut tenent aliam communem pasturam de nobis. Excepto 
quod non possunt secare in bosco quod est infra divisas predictas neque 
siccum neque viride, nee in turbario fodere nee etiam in mora que 
est infra easdem divisas flachts facere. 

(Be it known to you that we have given, granted and... confirmed to our 
burgesses of Barnard Castle, and to the free tenants dwelling in the same 
borough and to it belonging, a certain common pasture in Marewood within 
these boundaries... in exchange for Standulanbank and Watershaw and Pottes, 
which we have enclosed in our Park, and also in exchange for the lands which 
the lord Henry Spring and Robert Greathead hold of us at the copse of Hus, 
which pastures and lands the said burgesses and free tenants have surrendered, 
remised and quitclaimed for themselves and their heirs to us and our heirs, 
to have and to hold (the same common pasture) to the said burgesses, free 
tenants and their heirs in fee and heredity, freely, quietly and completely in 
all things as they hold the other common pasture of us, except that they may 
not cut either dry or green timber in the wood within the said boundaries, 
nor dig in the turbary, nor lastly make holes in the moor within the same 

BARNARD CASTLE, 1271-8. Concessi etiam eisdem communem 
pasturam in Marewode per illas divisas que in carta patris mei Johannis 
de Balliolo quam habent plenius exprimuntur, illis et heredibus suis, 
habendam et tenendam de me et heredibus meis libere et quiete et 
integre in viis, in semitis, in moris, in mariscis, in turbariis, in petariis, 


in planis, in pascuis, introitibus et exitibus, et omnibus communibus 

et libertatibus et aisiamentis ad villam de Castro Bernardi pertinentibus, 

infra villam et extra sine aliquo retinemento. Excepto quod ipsi bur- 

genses et heredes eorum non capient de bosco de Withners nee de Han- 

keslaue nee de Birlancker nisi per voluntatem meam vel heredum meorum. 

(I have also granted them common pasture in Marewood within those 
boundaries which are more fully expressed in the charter of my father John 
of Balliol which they have, to have and to hold to them and their heirs of 
me and my heirs freely and quietly and completely in ways, in paths, in moors, 
in marshes, in turbaries, in peat-mosses, in fields, in pastures, in entrances and 
exits, and all commons and liberties and easements pertaining to the town 
of Barnard Castle within and without the town without any reservation. 
Except that the same burgesses and their heirs may not take of the wood of 
Withners nor Hankeslawe nor Birlancker without my permission or that of 
my heirs.) 

WARTON, 1246-71, Quod possint habere communam cum catallis 

suis ex orientali parte dicte ville post blada et prata asportata, exceptis 

bladis seminatis et pratis quando defendi debent. Et ex occidentali 

parte dicte ville cum eisdem catallis, exceptis porcis, a festo S. Martini 

in yeme usque ad Purificationem beate Marie. 

(That they may have common with their cattle on the eastern side of the 
said town after the corn and the meadow hay are carried, except the seed corn 
and the meadows when they ought to be fenced. And on the western side 
of the said town, with the same cattle except pigs, from Martinmas in winter 
to the Purification of the Blessed Mary.) 

CONGLETON , 1272-c. 1274. Habeant etiam^ communam pasture 

ad omnia animalia sua et pecora ubique in territorio de Congulton et de 

turbis et petis fodiendis, siccandis et capiendis ubique in turbario de 

Congulton et quod sint quieti de pannagio quotquot porcos habuerint 

infra bundas de Congulton. 

(They shall also have common of pasture for all their animals and herds 
everywhere in the territory of Congleton, and of digging, drying and taking 
turves and peats everywhere in the turbary of Congleton, and they shall be 
quit of pannage, however many pigs they may have within the bounds of 

KINVER, c. 1260-1300. Quod habeant communem pasturam in 

bosco nostro de Kynefare cum animalibus suis et porcis suis exceptis 

temporibus pannagii nostri. 

(That they may have common pasture in our wood of Kinver for all their 
animals and pigs, except at the times of my pannage.) 

WINDSOR, 1277. Et quod habeant porcos suos proprios de 

I Pannagio qui dicitur Fentake quietos in burgo predicto. 

I (And that they shall have their own pigs in the aforesaid borough quit of 

the pannage called Fentake.) 

^ Corrected from "enim." 


CHIPPING SODBURY, before 1281. Cest endenture tesmoyne 
lacord entre Jurdan Bissop de un p't et Thomas atte Hulla, Johan 
Whiteheued, Thomas atte Mulle, WiUiam Watership et touz les aultres 
bergeys de la vylle de Chepyngsobb'i de aultre p't, cest a savoyr, q' le 
avaundyt Jurdan ad graunte pur luy, etc. a les avauntdyt Thomas, etc. 
et a touz les aultres bergeys de la vylle de C. q'ils ayount et tynent com- 
mune de pasture chescune de eaux ou un vasch a communer mon boys 
de Dewermesside et Forchwode en petite Sobb'i, com eaux et les terres 
tenaunz ount ew et usa la dyte commune a lour franctenements en la 
vylle avauntdyt de temps dount memorye ne cou're. A avoyr etc., etc. 

(This indenture witnesses the accord between Jordan Bishop of the one 
part and Thomas atte Hulla, John Whitehead, Thomas atte Mulle (Mill) and 
William Watership and all the other burgesses of the town of Chipping 
Sodbury of the other part, that is to wit, that the aforesaid Jordan has granted 
for himself, etc., to the aforesaid Thomas, etc., and to all the other burgesses 
of the town of C. that they shall have and hold common of pasture, each of 
them or a cow to common in my wood of Dymershed and Forchwode 
(? Norwood) in Little Sodbury, as they and the tenants of land have had 
and used the said common for their free tenements in the aforesaid town 
from time beyond which memory runs not. To have, etc., etc.) 

LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. Et totam illam pasturam communem in 
marisco de Thalacarn que vocatur Menecors per metas et bundas sicut 
perambulata est. Et etiam totam liberam communam a rivulo que 
dicitur Makerellis....Concessimus etiam eisdem unam viam in latitudine 
sexdecim pedum ad agendum pecora sua de communi pastura supra- 
dicta juxta Passenant his lake usque ad aquam de Taf. 

(And the whole of that common pasture in the marsh of Laugharne which 
is called Menecors, by the metes and bounds as it has been perambulated. 

And also all that free common from Mackerel's brook We have also granted 

to them a way of 16 feet in width for driving their herds from the aforesaid 
common pasture near Passenant's lake as far as the water of Taff.) 

LANARK, 1285. Concedimus insuper quod dicti burgenses nostri 
de Lanark adeo libere habeant et possideant omnia sua communia et 
communem pasturam suam in moris, petariis, mossis et marrescis et in 
omnibus aliis aisiamentis ad dictam villam de Lanark juste spectantibus 
sicut aliquo tempore dicti burgenses nostri vel aliquis antecessorum 
suorum per suas rectas divisas et metas hactenus juste habuerunt, 
possederunt et eisdem usi sunt usque ad hec tempora. 

(We grant moreover that our said burgesses of Lanark shall have and possess 
their commons and common pasture in moors, peatpits, mosses and marshes, 
and in all other easements pertaining to the said town of Lanark as freely as 
at any time our said burgesses or any of their ancestors have hitherto justly 
had, possessed and used the same to the present time within their right bounds 
and metes.) 


BAKEWELL, 1286. Quod habeant liberam communam pasture et 
incisionem et asportacionem feugere in omnibus dominicis terris me is, 
salua libera curia mea. Ita quod quamcito fenum fuerit de pratis meis 
a solo leuatum et bladum de campis asportatum, liceat eisdem una 
mecum cum pecoribus suis in dictas dominicas terras meas et prata 
ingredi et pecora sua libere depascere absque calumpnia vel impedi- 
mento aliquo, salua mihi et heredibus meis pastura de Aylwardholm a 
festo Purificacionis beate Marie usque ad festum sancti Petri ad Vincula 
et salua pastura cum feugera nemoris mei de Quickeshope a festo sancti 
Michaelis in mense Septembris usque ad festum sancti Martini proximo 

(That they have free common of pasture and the right to cut and take away 
fern in all my demesne lands, saving my free court. So that as soon as the 
hay shall have been removed from my meadows and the corn carried from 
the fields, they may with me enter my said demesne lands and meadows with 
their flocks and pasture them there freely without any hindrance or claim ^ 
saving to me and my heirs the pasture of Aylwardholm from the feast of the 
Purification B. M. (2 Feb.) to the feast of St Peter at Chains (i Aug.), and 
saving the pasture with the fern of my wood of Quickeshope from Michaelmas 
to the feast of St Martin next following.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et quod liceat eisdem habere tenentes suos 
pro voluntate sua infra libertatem ville antedicte, et quod eorum tenentes 
habeant liberam communam in moris et aliis communibus pasturis et 
aquis, prout ipsi ordinauerint secundum quantitatem tenementorum 
suorum sine aduocacione sen recognicione aliqua mihi seu heredibus 
meis vel successoribus aliis seu assignatis quibuscunque facienda. 

(And that the same may have their tenants at their will within the liberty 
of the said town, and that their tenants may have free common in moors and 
other common pastures and waters, as they shall themselves ordain in pro- 
portion to their tenements, without making any appeal or acknowledgement 
to me or my heirs or other successors or assigns whosoever.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Et estre ceo nous avoms graunte a les avaunt- 

ditz Burgeis et a lour heirs et a lour assignez avauntditz la commune 

de pasture a lour propres bestes levauntz et couchauntz en meisme la 

i| ville de Dynebeighe, od fraunke entre et issue en lavauntdit boys issi 

;'qe eaux en temps vuerte communent od les autres fraunks hommes de 

<!Lewenny apres bledz et feyns emportez. 

i (And we have also granted to the aforesaid burgesses their heirs and assigns 

j aforesaid common of pasture for their own beasts levant and couchant in the 

;| same town of Denbigh, and free entry and departure in the wood aforesaid, 

;,j and also that they shall have common in open time with the other free men 

il of Lewenny after the corn and hay have been carried.) 

1 ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Concessi etiam predictis burgensibus 
'jmeis communem pasturam, turbariam, bruariam infra limites de Done- 

! B.II 6 



ham, Altringham et Tymperlegh, salvis mihi et heredibus meis approvia- 
mentis nostris et salvis mihi et heredibus meis claustura de Sunderland 
ad voluntatem nostram sine contradictione aliquorum quandocunque 
illud claudere voluerimus: ita quod predicti burgenses mei habeant 
communem pasturam semper et ubique ad omnia animalia sua infra 
metas de Sunderland dummodo predictus locus de Sunderland non 
clausus fuerit, salvo mihi et heredibus nostris toto tempore pessonis in 
predicto Sunderland; ita quod eodem tempore predictum Sunderland 
in defensionem ad voluntatem nostram habere poterimus sine contra- 
dictione aUquorum; et cum clausum fuerit predictum Sunderland, pre- 
dicti burgenses mei habeant communam suam usque ad hayam predicti 
Sunderland et non ultra. Volo etiam quod omnes burgenses mei qui 
porcos habuerint tempore pessonis in burgo meo vel infra festum beati 
Jacobi et tempus pessonis, dent rectum takcum^ quando pasturant 
infra predictas communas, et alibi cum porcis suis ejusdem burgi tem- 
pore pessonis non ibunt. 

(I have also granted to my burgesses aforesaid common pasture and turbary 
and bruery (i.e. rights of cutting briers or brushwood) within the bounds of 
Dunham, Altrincham and Timperley, saving to me and my heirs our approve- 
ments and saving to me and my heirs the right to enclose Sunderland at our 
will without contradiction by any whenever we wish to enclose it : so that my 
burgesses shall have common pasture always and everywhere within the 
bounds of Sunderland so long as the aforesaid place of Sunderland is un- 
enclosed : saving to me and my heirs the whole time of mast in the aforesaid 
Sunderland ; so that at that time we can have Sunderland fenced according to 
our will without contradiction by any: and when the aforesaid Sunderland 
shall be enclosed, my aforesaid burgesses shall have their common as far 
as the hedge of the aforesaid Sunderland, and no farther. I will also that 
all my burgesses who have pigs in the borough at the time of mast or between 
the feast of St James and the time of mast, shall pay the rightful tack when 
they pasture (these pigs) within the aforesaid commons, and shall not go 
elsewhere with their pigs of the said borough at the time of mast.) 

OKEHAMPTON, 12912. (A dispute between Hugh de Courtenay 
and the burgesses as to pasture rights was settled by agreement) quod 
prefati prepositus et communitas pro se, etc., bona et curiali voluntate 
sua relaxarunt...dicto Hugoni... pasturam in toto bosco dicti Hugonis 
sitam in australi parte castri et burgi de Okehampton, ubique et omni 
tempore anni, et dictus Hugo bona, etc. (as above)... concessit iisdem 
preposito, etc. quod habeant communem pasturam ad... per totum was- 
tum suum inter (boundaries) per totum annum... et communem pas- 
turam in communibus aliis suis per totum [terram?] dicti Hugonis de 
Okehampton a crastino sancti Michaelis usque ad medium mensis Maii 

Insuper, quod quilibet burgensium predicte communitatis habeant 

^ Sic in Orm. Chesh. I, 536. For the payment see Oxford Studies in Social and Legal 
History, 11, 73. 2 ^ corrupt copy. 



unarm suem cum quatuor porcellis in bosco suo qui vocatur Hackwoods 
in boreali parte burgi pro tempore pannagii quietos de pannagio per 
totum boscum predictum, excepta parte ilia bosci predicti quam tem- 
pore futuro dictus Hugo vel heredes sui duxerunt {sic) claudend[am]... 
cum clausa fu[er]it. 

(That the aforesaid reeve and community for themselves, etc., of their own 
good will, released to the said Hugh... pasture in his whole wood situated to 
the south of the castle and borough of Okehampton, everywhere and at all 
times of the year, and the said Hugh... granted to the said reeve, etc., to have 
common pasture at... over all his waste between... all the year... and common 
pasture in their other commons in all his (land?) of Okehampton from the 
morrow of Michaelmas day to the middle of the month of May. 

Further, each of the burgesses of the aforesaid community to have a sow 
with four pigs in his wood called Hackwoods to the north of the borough, 
for the time of pannage, quit of pannage throughout the wood, except the 
part which in future the said Hugh or his heirs shall decide to close... when 
it is closed.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Et turbariam et communem pasturam per 
terram utriusque^ eorum de Boys et Knotisford omnibus animalibus 
suis infra metas de Knotisford et metas de Boys quantum prefata terra 
poterit sustinere in hieme et liberam communam in mora de Creswalle- 
clef, sicut medietas aquae precucurrit, ad metendum et ad falcandum, 
salva venditione ejusdem herbagii.,..Et unusquisque eorum tertium 
meliorem porcum nomine pannagii pro porcis suis nutritis infra metas 
Willelmi que pingues sunt de pessona ejusdem Willelmi. 

(And turbary and common pasture throughout the land of each of them, of 
Booths^ and of Knutsford, for all their animals within the bounds of 
Knutsford and the bounds of Booths, as much as the said land can support 
in winter, and free common in the moor of Cresswellscliff, as the watercourse 
divides it, for mowing and cutting, saving to me the sale of the herbage 
(i.e. the burgesses could not sell pasture rights). 

And each of them shall give his third best pig as pannage for his pigs 
fattened within the boundaries of William (the lord) which are fattened by 
1 the mast of the said William.) 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Quod habeant communiam 

ioasturae ad omnimoda animalia sua per totam pasturam in landis meis 

'n Parkhorst extra boscum quietam de herbagio imperpetuum. 

' (That they shall have common of pasture for all manner of their cattle 
i| throughout the whole of my pastures in the heaths of Parkhurst outside 
'j the wood, quit of payment for herbage for ever.) 

1 CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et habebunt pasturam suam et com- 

(jnunam suam. 

^\ (And they shall have their pasture and their common.) 

j TENBY, 1265-94. Similiter concessimus communam pecoribus 

f;iiorundem super terras nostras et prata nostra in tenemento de Tenebia 

' ^ MS. utrique. ^ Knutsford Booths or Over Knutsford. 

I 6—2 


post messionem segetum et feni colleccionem usque ad tempus defen- 

sionis, videlicet, usque ad purificacionem Beate Marie. 

(Likewise we have granted them common pasture for their herds over our 
arable lands and over our meadows in the fee of Tenby after the harvest of 
the crops and the gathering of the hay, until the fence time, to wit, the 
Purification of the Blessed Mary.) 

KIRKHAM, 1296. Concessimus eciam quod dicti burgenses 

habeant omnia communia [et] ^ eysiamenta ad dictum manerium nostrum 

de Kyrkeham pertinentia. Ita quod homines ^ terras nostras ibidem 

tenentes aliquod...seu jac[turam] occasione eorum. 

(We have also granted that the burgesses shall have all commons [and] 
easements pertaining to our manor of Kirkham. So that the men holding 
our lands there... by reason of them^.) 

ABERAVON, 1288-13 13. Et optinebunt communem pasturam 
libere, quiete bene et in pace in perpetuum in omnibus locis, siivis, pratis, 
pascuis, et pasturis tempore aperto super terram meam et etiam illam 
pasturam in latere de le Dinas (here follow boundaries)... in omni 
tempore anni. Et si contingat me aut heredes vel assignatos meos circa 
aliquam terram claustfuram facere et dicta claustrura prostrata fuerit 
per bestias dictorum burgensium seu chencerium, tenentur eandem 
claustruram iterum construere. Et etiam habebunt communem pas- 
turam in tempore aperto in omnibus boscis, pratis, pascuis et pasturis 
hominum meorum de me tenentium cujuscunque conditionis fueri[n]t. 

(And they shall have common pasture freely... and for ever in all woods 
meadows and pastures in the open season on my land, and also that pasture 
on the side of the Dinas... at all times of the year. And if it shall happen that 
I or my heirs or assigns shall make an enclosure around any land, and the 
said fence shall be thrown down by the beasts of the said burgesses or tensers > 
they are bound to replace the same fence. And they shall also have common 
pasture in the open season in all the woods, meadows and pastures of the 
men holding of me, of whatsoever condition they may be.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Volumus similiter... quod sepedicti burgenses 
nostri prata de Crowewode et portmede libere et pacifice habeant et 
possideant sibi et heredibus suis inperpetuum per bundas et metas 
notas et terminatas, salua nobis et heredibus nostris porcione ilia de 
portmede quam in presenti in dominico tenemus. 

(We similarly will... that our oftenmentioned burgesses shall have and 
possess the meadows of Crowewode and Portmede freely and peaceably to 
them and their heirs for ever by the known and determined bounds and metes, 
saving to us and our heirs that part of Portmede which we hold at present in 

^ Supplied from the seventeenth century translation. 

^ The MS. has "et" after "homines," but the translation does not support it. 
' The translation reads "shall not incur or sustain any loss or damage by means 


(8) Grant of Fishery^ 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. Et quod habeant piscariam suam in 

aqua de Drogheda, sicut earn unquam melius habuerunt vel habere 

consueverunt temporibus predecessorum nostrorum, regum Angliae. 

(And that they shall have their fishery in the water of Drogheda, as ever 
they best had it or were wont to have it in the times of our predecessors, kings 
of England.) 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et quod omnes de libertate memorate ville 

libere et licite valeant pro voluntate sua piscari in aqua que dicitur 

Weye et in aliis aquis et riuulis infra feodum meum. 

(And that all of the liberty of the town mentioned may freely and lawfully 
fish at their pleasure in the river called Wye and in other rivers and brooks 
within my fee.) 

(9) Liberty of Sale, etc. 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10 2. Concessi etiam eis omnes conquestus suos 

donare, vendere vel invadiare, salvis servitiis quae inde debentur, pre- 

terquam viris religiosis absque assensu meo. 

(I have also granted them that they may give, sell or mortgage the lands 
which they have acquired, saving the services thence due, except to men of 
religion, without my assent.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 

MOONE, 1223. 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Line 2. Omit vendere (prob. scribal error). 

ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

SALISBURY, 1225. Ita videlicet quod, presente ballivo nostro, 

liceat ipsis et heredibus suis tenementum suum dare, vendere vel 

obligare cui voluerint, preterquam ecclesie et domibus religiosis. 

(So that they may, in the presence of our bailiff, give, sell or mortgage 
their tenement to whom they will, except to church or religious houses.) 

LEEK, after 1224^. Et liceat cuilibet burgensi [burgagium suum] 
dare aut vendere cuicumque voluerit nisi religioni, salvo tolneio scilicet 
quattuor denarii, et salvo redditu meo, nisi forte aliquis propria volun- 
tate domui nostro burgagium suum conferre voluerit. 

(And every burgess may give or sell [his burgage] to whomsoever he will, 
except to religion, saving the toll, to wit four pence, and saving my rent, 
unless perchance he shall desire of his own free will to bestow his burgage 
on our house.) 

^ See also VI 5 (Ayr, 1236). 

- Founded on the similar clause in the Wells charter (see vol. 1, p. 65). 

' As in earl Ranulf of Chester's charter of 1208-17 (vol. I, p. 68) with the omission 
of " burgagium suum " and the addition " nisi forte... voluerit." The grantor is Richard 
abbot of Dieulacres. 


SHERBORNE, 1227-8. Ita videlicet quod, presente ballivo nostro, 
liceat ipsis et heredibus suis burgagia sua dare, vendere vel obligare 
cuicunque voluerit preterquam ecclesiis, domibus religiosis et Judeis 
sub tali forma, scilicet quod quicunque aliquod burgagium dare voluerit 
hereditarie dabit nobis et successoribus pro relevio quantum idem bur- 
gagium reddit per annum. 

(Provided that, in the presence of our baihff, it shall be lawful for them and 
their heirs to give, sell or mortgage their burgages to whomsoever they will, 
except churches, religious houses and Jews, on condition that whoever shall 
wish to give any burgage in inheritance shall pay to us and our successors for 
a relief as much as the same burgage renders every year.) 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Quicunque burgagium vendere voluerit extra 
religionem et a villa discedere dabit mihi iiiid'. et libere ibit quocunque 
voluerit cum omnibus catallis suis. 

(Whoever wishes to sell his burgage outside religion, and to depart from the 
town, shall pay me fourpence and freely go whither he will with all his chattels.) 
BOLTON, 1253. Line 2. After religionem add et ludaismum. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. Line i. Omit extra religionem. 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si necessitas incident quod aliquis vendat 
burgagium suum, ipse potest de vicino suo aliud burgagium recipere, 
et quilibet burgensis potest tradere burgagium suum vicinis suis per 
visum comburgensium^. 

Si burgensis vendat burgagium suum et velit a villa decedere, dabit 
Domino quatuor denarios et liber ibit ubicunque voluerit. 

(If need arise that any one sell his burgage, he can receive another burgage 
from his neighbour, and any burgess can deliver his burgage to his neighbours 
under the supervision of his fellow burgesses. 

If a burgess sell his burgage and wishes to depart from the town, he shall 
pay fourpence to his lord and go whither he will.) 

CHARD, 1235. Ut quilibet infra easdem metas burgagium aliquod 
in presenti possidens, vel imposterum possessurus, liberam habeat 
commorandi et cum catallis suis recedendi necnon et revertendi licenciam 
domosque suas impignorandi et aliis quam Judaeis vendendi, plenamque 
habeant facultatem eas in quemcunque usum eis placuerit transferendi 
preterquam in domos religiosas vel ecclesias, quod non poterunt facere 
sine licentia nostra aut successorum nostrorum speciali. 

(That whoever at the present time possesses any burgage within the said 
boundaries, or shall possess one in future, shall have free license to abide 
and to depart with his chattels and also to return and to mortgage his houses 
and to sell them to others than Jews, and they shall have full liberty of trans- 
ferring them to any use they please except to religious houses and churches, 
which they cannot do without the special license of ourselves or our successors.) 

^ Cf. VII 2. For the rights of the kin in this group, see sect. 12. 


WEYMOUTH, 1252. Et quod sic se habeant et teneant tarn... 

quam in burgagiis et aliis tenementis suis in eadem villa dandis, ven- 

dendis, legandis vel assignandis cuicunque voluerunt, secundum pre- 

dictarum villarum de Suthampton et Portesmue consuetudines, ex- 

ceptis tantum ecclesiis et viris religiosis. 

(And that they so govern themselves as well... as in giving, selling, devising 
or assigning their tenements in the same town to whomever they will, ac- 
cording to the customs of the aforesaid towns of Southampton and Ports- 
mouth, excepting only churches and men of religion.) 

MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et quod ilia dare, vendere vel invadiare 
possint quotienscunque et quibuscunque voluerint, nisi domibus reli- 
giosis, sicut consueverunt. 

(And that they may give, sell or mortgage those [burgages] as often as they 
wish and to whomsoever they wish, as they were wont to do, except to houses 
of religion.) 

CONGLETON, 1272 — c. 1274. Et quod burgagia et terras suas 

predictas possint licite vendere, dare et invadiare vel qualitercunque 

voluerint alienare, salvis viris religiosis. 

(And that their burgages and lands aforesaid they may lawfully sell, give 
and mortgage or in any way they wish alienate, except to men of religion.) 

BURTON-ON-TRENT, 1273. Et quod possint dicta burgagia 
cum omnibus pertinenciis suis et omnibus libertatibus suis dare, ven- 
dere, assignare et legare cuicunque voluerint, exceptis omnibus viris 
religiosis aliis a domo nostra Burthon, et exceptis omnibus Judeis. 

(And that they may give sell assign and devise the said burgages with all 
their appurtenances and with all their liberties to whomsoever they will, 
except to all men of religion other than our house of Burton and to all Jews.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Concedo eciam eisdem quod liceat ipsis bur- 
gagia sua quandocunque et quibuscunque de libertate ville antedicte 
voluerint dare, legare, vendere vel assignare, non requisita licencia mei 
seu heredum meorum vel aliquorum successorum seu balliuorum 

(I also grant to them that they may give, bequeath, sell or assign their 
burgages when they will and to whom they will of the liberty of the aforesaid 
town, without asking leave of me or of my heirs or of any successors or 
bailiffs of mine.) 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Item, liceat dictis burgensibus burgagia 
sua vendere, dare et assignare ubicumque et cuicumque voluerint, saluo 
nobis inde seruicio debito et consueto. 

(Further, the said burgesses may sell, give and assign their burgages 
wherever and to whomsoever they will, saving to us the due and accustomed 
service therefrom.) 


ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Et quod singulus burgensis burgagium 

suum possit vendere, invadiare et dare vel in testamento assignare cui- 

cunque vel quibuscunque voluerit, exceptis ministris domini regis et 

viris religiosis, sine contradictione alicujus vel aliquorum. 

(And that each burgess may sell, mortgage or give his burgage or assign 
it by his will to any person or persons whomsoever he will, except to ministers 
of our lord the King, or to men of religion, without contradiction on the part 
of any person or persons whomsoever.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Et quod dicti burgenses de Knotisford et 

de Boys illam terram vendere quandocunque et cuicunque seu invadiare 

possint, salvo viro religioso et domino capitali ejusdem feodi. 

(And that the said burgesses of Knutsford and of Booths may sell or 
mortgage that land whenever and to whomsoever they will, except to a man 
of religion, and to the chief lord of the fee.) 

(10) Restraints on Sales ^ 

SALISBURY, 1227. Non autem licebit civibus predictis burgagia 
vel tenementa quae habent et habituri sint in eadem civitate ecclesiis vel 
viris religiosis dare vel vendere vel invadiare sine licentia et voluntate 
predict! episcopi et successorum. 

(But it shall not be lawful for the citizens aforesaid to give, sell or mortgage 
their burgages and tenements which they have or shall have in the said city 
to churches or to men of religion without the license and consent of the afore- 
said bishop and his successors.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 {h). Et quod nullum messuagium, bur- 
gagium, terra redditus aut aliqua possessio infra limites predicti burgi 
detur, vendatur, assignetur, legetur vel aliquo modo alienetur aliquibus 
viris religiosis sine assensu et voluntate communitatis eiusdem burgi. 

(And that no messuage, burgage, land, rent or other possession within the 
limits of the aforesaid borough shall be given, sold, assigned, devised or in 
any way alienated to any men of religion without the assent and free will of 
the community of the said borough.) 

BRIDGETOWN POMEROY, 1268. Et si contingat quod predicti 
burgenses et heredes sui aut assignati predictas terras et predicta bur- 
gagia alicui domui religionis seu viris religiosis quibuscunque vendere, 
legare vel assignare vel aliquo modo tradere voluerint, licebit mihi et 
heredibus meis aut assignatis predictas terras et predicta burgagia in- 
gredi et predictos burgenses et heredes aut assignatos quoscunque 
expellere. Ita quod nee predicti burgenses nee aliquis pro ipsis de 
cetero aliquid iuris in predictis terris exigere poterit vel vendicare nee 
per ius ecclesiasticum nee ciuile. Et si contingat quod heredes mei in 

1 See also sections 9, 12, 15 (Chard, 1271-2) and II a i (Agardslev, 1263, Burton- 
on-Trent, 1286). 


custodia fuerint et predicti burgenses vel aliquis pro ipsis predictas 
terras ante eorum legitimam etatem viris religiosis tradiderit, licebit 
eisdem heredibus predictas terras cum ad plenam etatem peruenerint 
in manus suas capere et viros religiosos, si quos predicti burgenses vel 
aliquis pro ipsis feofauerit, expellere. Et si idem viri religiosi aliquam 
seysinam de predictis terris ante eorum plenam etatem habuerint, pro 
nichilo reputetur. Et quod nullum breue alicuius acquisicionis eisdem 
viris religiosis ob causam predicte expulsionis poterit valere nee pre- 
dictis heredibus nocere. 

(And if it happen that the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs or assigns 
shall wish to sell, bequeath or assign or in any manner convey the aforesaid 
lands and burgages to any religious house or any religious men, it shall be 
lawful for me, my heirs or assigns to enter the aforesaid lands and the afore- 
said burgages and expel the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs or assigns 
whomsoever, so that neither the aforesaid burgesses, nor any for them from 
henceforth shall exact or claim any right in the aforesaid lands, either by 
ecclesiastical nor civil right. And if it happen that my heirs should be in 
wardship and the aforesaid burgesses or any for them, before their lawful age, 
should convey to religious men, it shall be lawful to the same heirs, when they 
shall have come to full age, to take the aforesaid lands into their hands and 
expel the religious men, if the aforesaid burgesses or any for them have en- 
feoffed any thereof. And if the same religious men should have any seisin 
of the aforesaid lands before the full age of them (the heirs) it shall be 
accounted for nothing. And that no writ of any purchase shall be able to 
avail the same religious men on account of the aforesaid expulsion nor harm 
the said heirs.) 

(12) Pre-emption by Kin^ 

SALFORD, c. 1230, Quilibet burgensis burgagium suum potest 
dare, inpignorare vel vendere cuicunque voluerit nisi heres illud emere 
voluerit: sed heres propinquior erit ad illud emendum, salvo servicio 
meo: ita tamen quod non vendatur in religione. 

(Every burgess can give, mortgage or sell his burgage to whomsoever he 
will unless his heir wishes to buy it; but his heir will be preferred in its 
purchase saving my service; provided that it be not sold into religion.) 
BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. After voluerit insert exceptis viris religiosis et Judaismo. 
4. Oynit ita... religione. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 2. Omit nisi... voluerit^ and read nisi dominis capitalibus, Judeis 
vel viris religiosis. 
3. For servicio read jure. 
Omit ita... religione. 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Liceat cuilibet terram suam que non est 
de hereditate vendere vel dare, si necessitas incident, cuicunque voluerit, 

^ Section 11 in vol. i — Pre-emption by lord — is not represented in this period. 


nisi heres earn emere voluerit: sed heres debet esse propinquior ad earn 

Quilibet potest vendere de hereditate sua sive maius sive minus sive 
totum per consensum heredis sui. Et si forsitan heres noluerit, tamen, 
si necessitas inciderit, licebit ei venders de hereditate sua, de quacunque 
etate heres fuerit. 

(It shall be lawful for anyone to sell or give his land which is not of in- 
heritance, if need be, to whomsoever he will, unless his heir wishes to buy it: 
but his heir should have the pre-emption. 

Any one can sell his land which is of inheritance whether the greater part 
or the less or the whole, with the consent of his heir. And even if his heir 
refuses his consent, if need be, he may sell the land of his inheritance, what- 
ever the age of his heir may be.) 

(13) Dues on Sales^ 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Nullus extraneus intrabit burgagium nee 
habebit seisinam antequam mihi et heredibus meis vel ballivis nostris 
satisfecerit et burgensibus modo suo antique preterite. 

(No stranger shall enter on a burgage nor have seisin before he has made 
satisfaction to me and my heirs or our bailiffs and to the burgesses in their 
ancient manner as in the past.) 

(14) Limitation of Claims to Property 

KILKENNY, 1223. (William Marshal H.) Noveritis nos con- 
cessisse burgensibus nostris de Kylkenny quod in pace habeant et 
teneant quicquid de burgagiis seu terris per tradicionem ballivorum 
nostrorum seu per empcionem sive aliquo justo modo sine alicujus 
reclamatione habuerunt et tenuerunt per unum annum integrum. Et si 
quis post dictum terminum voluerit reclamare de hujusmodi terris aut 
burgagiis habitis et possessis, ut predictum est, et petens poterit mon- 
strare racionabiliter et sufficienter se habere majus jus inde quam ille 
qui tenet, tunc satisfaciat tenenti de racionabilibus expensis suis quas 
imposuerit in hujusmodi terris aut burgagiis et habeat id quod juste 
reclamaverit. Nolumus tamen quod pro hac concessione nostra aliqua 
mulier racionabilem dotem suam ipsam contingentem de hujusmodi 
terris aut burgagiis amittat. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our burgesses of Kilkenny that they 
shall peaceably have and hold whatever burgages or lands they have possessed 
and held for one whole year through the delivery of our bailiffs or by purchase 
or in any other just mode without claim from any other person; and if after 
the said term any person wishes to claim any lands or burgages of this kind, 
so had and possessed as aforesaid, and the plaintiff can reasonably and 
sufficiently show that he has greater right thereto than the tenant, then he 

1 Cf. Leek, Sherborne and the Salford group, II A 9. 


shall satisfy the tenant for his reasonable expenses which he had expended on 
the lands and burgages of this kind and shall have that which he justly claimed. 
But we will that by reason of this our grant, no woman shall lose her reasonable 
dower arising from lands and burgages of this kind.) 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. Et si aliquis tenuerit aliquod tene- 
mentum infra metas ejusdem burgi, de dono, empcione, vel hereditarie, 
per unum annum et unum diem sine calumpnia, et aliquis vendicans 
sibi jus in eodem tenemento exstiterit in partibus Hibernie, qui plena 
etatis fuerit et liber sui corporis, et non egrotans, et nullam calumpniam 
in eo fecerit infra terminum predictum, sed maliciose se substraxerit, 
amittat suam calumpniam inperpetuum. 

(And if any hold any tenement within the bounds of the same borough, by 
gift, purchase or inheritance, for one year and one day without challenge, and 
any claiming for himself any right in the same tenement be in the parts of 
Ireland, being of full age and of free condition, and not sick, and make no 
claim to it within the aforesaid term, but maliciously hide himself, then he 
shall lose his claim for ever.) 

(15) Liberty of Making Willi 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Burgensis si non habuerit heredem legare 

poterit burgagium suum et catalla sua cum moriatur, ubicunque ei 

placuerit, salvo tamen jure meo, scilicet quatuor denariis et salvo servicio 

ad ipsum burgagium pertinente : ita scilicet quod illud burgagium non 

alienetur in religione. 

(A burgess, if he has no heir, may bequeath his burgage and chattels, when 
he dies, wherever it please him, saving however my right, to wit fourpence, 
and saving the service pertaining to the same burgage: so however that that 
burgage be not alienated into religion.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i . After Burgensis insert quando moritur. 
Omit legare. 
2. Omit et catalla... end. Read pro voluntate sua aliis legare, 
exceptis viris religiosis et Judeis, salvis jure nostro et heredibus 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 
Line 2. For cum read si. 

4. Omit illud burgagium. 

5 . After religione add vel Judaismo. 

Line i . After heredem insert ipse. 

2. For moriatur read moritur. 
For ei read sibi. 

3. For meo read Domini. 

3-5. Omit scilicet quatuor denariis... religione. 

^ See also II A 9 (Bakewell, Altrincham, Weymouth), II A 10, 17 (Bridgetown Pomeroy). 


CORK, 1242. Et etiam si dicti burgenses aut eorum aliquis infra 
terram et potestatem nostram testatus decesserit vel intestatus (sic), 
nos vel heredes nostri bona ipsorum confiscari non faciemus quin eorum 
heredes integre ipsa habeant^. 

(And also if the said burgesses or any of them shall die within our land and 
dominion testate or intestate, we or our heirs will not cause their goods to 
be confiscated, but their heirs shall have the whole of them.) 

BATH, 1256 (a). Et etiam si dicti burgenses aut eorum aliqui infra 
terram et potestatem nostram testati decesserint vel intestati, nos vel 
heredes nostri bona ipsorum confiscari non faciemus, quin eorum 
heredes integre ipsa habeant, quatenus dicta catalla dictorum defunc- 
torum fuisse constiterit, dumtamen de dictis heredibus noticia aut fides 
sufficienter habeatur. 

(And also that if the said burgesses or any of them shall die within our land 
and realm testate or intestate, we or our heirs will not cause their goods to 
be confiscated, but their heirs shall have the same goods wholly, as far as it 
can be determined that the said chattels belonged to the said deceased, 
provided nevertheless that of the said heirs sufficient knowledge or proof 
can be had.) 

BRISTOL, 1256. 

HEREFORD, 1256 (b). 


MONMOUTH, 1256. 

SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). 

GUILDFORD, 1257 (a). 

OXFORD, 1257(6). 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. 

LAUGHARNE, 1278-82. 

CARDIGAN, 1284. 


CONWAY, 1284. Line i. For si read quod. 

CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 

CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. (but in line i read si). 

HARLECH, 1284. Do. 

BERE, 1284. Do. 

FLINT, 1284. Do. 

RHUDDLAN, 1284. 

OVERTON, 1292. Do. 

BEAUMARIS, 1296. Do. 

CHESTER, 1300. 

Line i. Omit infra... nostram. 

4. After heredes insert executores aut amici sui propinquiores. 

5. After heredibus insert executoribus vel amicis. 

* This is one of two clauses (for the other see IV b 5 (b)) which do not appear in the 
closely parallel charters of Waterford (1232) and Limerick (1292). They are not 
enrolled on the Charter Roll (Calendar, i, 266-7), but Mr C. G. Crump informs me 
that there are some signs that the enrolment was not always very carefully done at 
this period. The clauses are included in the copy printed in Chartae Hibemiae, p. 24, 
from Pat. Roll (Ireland) 13 Chas. II, p. 4, m. 28 d (T.). See Addenda. 


NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Quod si aliqui eorum ubicunque in 

regno nostro testati vel intestati decesserint, heredes eorum bona ipsorum 

defunctorum plenarie habeant quatenus dicti heredes rationabiliter 

monstrare poterunt bona ipsa fuisse dictorum defunctorum. 

(And if any of them die anywhere in our realm testate or intestate, their 
heirs shall fully have the goods of the deceased, so long as the heirs can reason- 
ably show that those goods belonged to the said deceased.) 

CHARD, 1 27 1 -2. Quod predicti burgenses possint burgagia sua 

cuicunque vel quibuscunque in testamento suo libere legare absque 

impedimento preterquam Judaeis vel domibus religiosis, Salvis nobis 

et successoribus nostris redditibus et serv'itiis debitis de eisdem. 

(That the aforesaid burgesses may leave their burgages in their wills freely 
to whomsoever they will without any hindrance, except to Jews and religious 
houses, Saving to us and our successors the rents and services due for the 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1276. (Letters Patent.) Quod bur- 
genses Novi Castri super Tynam possint legare terras et tenementa sua 
tanquam catalla cui voluerint^. 

(That the burgesses of Newcastle-on-Tyne may bequeath their lands and 
tenements like chattels to whom they will.) 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Item, concessimus eisdem burgensibus quod 

possint conquestus suos et tenementa sua legare propinquioribus parenti- 

bus suis. 

(Further, we have granted to the said burgesses that they may bequeath 
their acquired lands and their tenements to their nearest relatives.) 

HULL, 1299. Concedimus etiam quod predicti burgenses ac eorum 
heredes terras et tenementa sua que habent infra predictum burgum 
et habituri sunt imposterum in eorum ultima voluntate libere et absque 
impedimento nostri vel heredum seu ministrorum nostrorum quorum- 
cunque legare possint quibuscunque voluerint. 

(We also grant that the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs may devise their 
lands and tenements which they have or shall henceforth have within the 
borough aforesaid in their last will to whomsoever they will, freely and 
without any hindrance on the part of ourselves or our heirs or ministers 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 


(16) Intestate Succession^. Primogeniture 

LEICESTER, 1255. Noverit universitas vestra instanciam 
et supplicationem burgensium ville nostre Leycestrie propter communem 
utilitatem et melioracionem status eiusdem ville que propter defectum 

^ For evidence that only purchased lands could be bequeathed see Hemmeon, 
Burgage Tenure, 139 n., and for "tanquam catalla," ib. p. 144 n. 
* See also sect. 15. 


heredum et debilitatem eorum jam multo tempore fere ad occasum de- 
clinavit et ruinam, communi assensu et voluntate omnium burgensium 
predicte ville nostre Leycestrie, concessisse et hac present! carta nostra 
confirmasse quod omnes filii primogeniti de legitimo matrimonio in 
prenominata villa nostra Leycestrie et eius suburbio, post mortem 
patris eorum, hereditatem paternam et habitacionem pacifice, quiete et 
sine omni contradictione decetero habeant et possideant, et sint eis 
heredes decetero legitimi ; ita quod filii ultimogeniti in dicta villa Ley- 
cestrie qui ante concessionem et confectionem huius carte nostre patribus 
vel antecessoribus eorum tanquam heredes in hereditate successerunt 
toto tempore vite sue pacifice, quiete et sine omni contradictione here- 
ditatem et habitacionem habeant et possideant et quod filii eorum primo- 
geniti secundum concessionem prenominatam in hereditatem decetero 

(Be it known unto you that we... at the request and supplication of the 
burgesses of our town of Leicester for the common utility and improvement 
of the condition of the same town, which on account of the failure and weak- 
ness of heirs has for a long time past sunk almost to decay and ruin, by the 
common assent and will of all the burgesses of the town aforesaid, have 
granted and by this present charter confirmed, that all the firstborn sons 
born of legal marriage in the before named town of Leicester and its suburb, 
shall on the death of their father henceforth have and possess their paternal 
inheritance and dwelling peacefully, quietly and without any contradiction, 
and shall henceforth be their heirs: provided that the lastborn sons, who 
before the grant and making of this charter have succeeded their fathers or 
ancestors as heirs in the inheritance shall for the whole term of their life 
peacefully, quietly and without any contradiction have and possess the 
inheritance and dwelling, and that their firstborn sons shall henceforth 
succeed them in the inheritance according to the before written grant.) 

LEICESTER, 1256. Quod omnes filii primogentiti de legitimo 

matrimonio in villa Leicestrie et ejus suburbio procreati defunctis 

patribus succedant et hereditatem paternam et eorum habitaciones 

pacifice et quiete post mortem patrum optineant et ut heredes legitimi 

decetero licite possideant imperpetuum. Ita quod filii ultimogeniti in 

dictis villa et suburbano tempore confeccionis huius carte superstites 

existentes et paternam possessiones optinentes possessiones et here- 

ditates paternas sine contradiccione qualibet habeant et retineant et 

eorum filii primogeniti post eos secundum predictam concessionem 

nostram in ipsorum hereditatem decetero succedant ut predictum est 

imperpetuum. Si vero ipsi de ipsis heredes non habuerint tunc pro- 

pinquiores heredes eorum ratione primogeniture hereditarie succedant 

prout ahbi in regno nostro observatum est et optentum. 

(That all firstborn sons, born of lawful marriage in the town of Leicester 
and its suburb shall succeed their deceased fathers, and shall peacefully and 

^ Quoted B.C. il. 130. 


quietly obtain their inheritance and habitations after the death of their 
father, and lawfully possess them henceforth for ever as their lawful heirs. 
Provided that the lastborn sons surviving at the time of the making of this 
charter in the said town and suburb and obtaining their paternal possessions 
may have and retain their possessions and paternal inheritances for ever 
without any contradiction, and their firstborn sons after them shall henceforth 
succeed to their inheritance according to the aforesaid grant as is aforesaid 
for ever. But if they have no heirs of their bodies, then their nearest heirs 
by primogeniture shall succeed as heirs, as is the custom elsewhere in our 

SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). 

BAKEWELLy 1286. Quod heredes sui post decessum eorundem 

licite poterunt burgagia sua cum pertinenciis ingredi et habere absque 

aliqua exaccione seu impedimento aliquo mei seu meorum nomine. 

(That their heirs after the decease of the same shall be entitled to enter 
lawfully on their burgages with their appurtenances and to hold them without 
any exaction or hindrance by me or in the name of mine.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Similiter concedimus quod si quis burgensium 
predictorum morte subita, quod absit, moriatur, omnia catalla sua sibi 
fore salva, et heredem suum in hereditatem suam per relevium xiit/. 
libere introire, 

(Likewise we grant that if any of the aforesaid burgesses die a sudden death, 
which God forbid, all his chattels shall be safe for him, and his heir shall 
freely enter into his inheritance for a relief of i zd.) 

(17) Reliefs and Heriots^ 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Cum burgensis moriatur heres ejus nullum 
aliud relevium dabit mihi nisi hujusmodi arma, scilicet gladium vel 
arcum vel lanceam. 

(When a burgess dies his heir shall give me no relief other than arms of 
this kind, to wit, a sword or a bow or a lance.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i . For moriatur read moritur. 

2. For mihi read nobis seu heredibus nostris. 
After scilicet insert unum. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. Line 2. Omit scilicet. 
Line i. For Cum read Si. 

2. For mihi read predicto Domino. 
For hujusmodi read alicujusmodi. 
Omit scilicet... end. 

PENRYN, 1236. Quod cum, ipsis cedentibus vel decedentibus, 
antedicta burgagia debeant releviari, pro qualibet acra integra reddant 
nobis et successoribus nostris duodecim denarios; qui autem majus et 

* See also above (Tenby). 


qui minus tenuerint consimiliter tarn de redditu quam de relevio reddant 

secundum quantitatem tenementorum que optinuerint. 

(That when, on sale or death, the aforesaid burgages ought to pay a relief, 
for each whole acre they shall pay twelve pence to us and our successors; 
but they who hold more or less, shall likewise pay, both in rent and relief, 
according to the size of the tenements they hold.) 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item, si burgensis moritur de 

quacunque morte, nisi per judicium pro felonia vitam suam amittat, 

ego nihil habebo de catallo nisi relevium scilicet duodecim denarios. 

(Item, if a burgess die from any death whatsoever, unless he lose his life by 
judgment for felony, I will have nothing of his chattels, except the relief, to 
wit twelve pence.) 

SALT ASH, before 1246. Et si quis illorum obierit, de quacunque 

morte fuerit, heres eius catalla ipsius in pace habebit et terram suam per 

XXX denarios releviabit ad plus. Et tamen emendabit vel releviabit 

burgensis de dimidio burgagio sicut burgensis de pleno burgagio. 

(And if any of them die, of any death whatsoever his heir shall have his 
chattels in peace, and shall pay as a relief for his land, thirty pence at the most. 
And moreover, a burgess with half a burgage shall make amends and pay 
relief as a burgess with a full burgage.) 

RATHCOOL, 1228-56(6). Et quia de burgagiis suis relevia dare 

non consueverunt, eis eadem remisimus pro nobis et successoribus nos- 

tris; ita quod de dictis burgagiis nunquam de cetero relevium exigatur 

sicut nee unquam ante tempus nostrum exigi consuevit. 

(And since from their burgages they were not wont to pay reliefs, we have 
remitted the same reliefs to them for ourselves and our successors; so that 
from the same burgages reliefs shall never henceforth be exacted, in the same 
manner as never before our time they were wont to be exacted.) 

BRIDGETOWN POMEROY, 1268. Et si contingat quod predicti 

burgenses vel heredes sui aut assignati donent vel diuidant seu legauerint 

aliquid de predictis terris quod predicti burgenses et heredes sui aut 

assignati teneantur mihi et heredibus meis aut assignatis in triginta 

denariis de releuio pro unaquaque parte qualitercumque diuidatur. 

(And if it happen that the aforesaid burgesses or their heirs or assigns 
should give, divide or devise any of the aforesaid lands, that the aforesaid 
burgesses and their heirs or assigns shall be bound to me and my heirs or 
assigns in 30J. of a relief for every part howsoever divided.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Et ensement fait assavoir qe les heirs et les 
assignez et les heyrs de lours assignez Engleis de trestoux les Burgeis 
avauntnomez rendront a nous et a noz heirs le primier an apres la morte 
lour auncestres pur les burgages et pur les curtilages un dener en noun 
de Reliefe. Et les heirs et les assignez et les heirs des assignez de tout 
ceux qui bovees tienent rendront a nous et a noz heirs le primier an apres 


la morte lour auncestres pur chescun bovee qaraunte deners en noun de 

Reliefe. Hors pris ceo qe les heirs et les assignez de le avauntdit Sire 

Williame et les heyrs de ses assignez rendront a nous et a noz heirs le 

primer an apres la morte lour auncestres pur les Burgage et curtilage 

cesze deners en noun de Reliefe. 

(And also, it should be known that the heirs and assigns and the heirs of 
the assigns, being English, of each of the burgesses aforesaid shall render to 
us and our heirs the first year after the death of their ancestors for the bur- 
gages and curtilages one penny by way of relief: and... for each bovate forty 
pence by way of relief. Except that the heirs and assigns of the aforesaid 
Sir William and the heirs of his assigns shall render to us and our heirs the 
first year after the death of their ancestors, sixteen pence by way of Relief. 
(Four other exceptions paying a year's rent for relief.)) 

(18) Liberty of Marriage 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Concessi etiam eisdem burgenssibus meis 

matrimonium contrahere sibi et filiis et filiabus suis et viduis suis sine 

licentia dominorum suorum, nisi forte forinseca tenementa tenuerint de 

me in capite extra burgum, 

(I have granted also to my said burgesses that they may contract matrimony 
for themselves and their sons and daughters and their widows without the 
license of their lords, unless perchance they hold foreign tenements of me 
in chief without the borough.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

[BRISTOL-, 1 188. Et quod possint maritare se et filios et filias et 
viduas sine licentia dominorum suorum. 

(And that they may marry themselves and their sons and their daughters 
and widows without the license of their lords.)] 
WATERFORD, 1232. As Bristol. 
CORK, 1242. Line 2. After licentia insert nostra et. 
LIMERICK, 1292. AsWaterford. 

Line 2. After viduas insert ejusdem civitatis. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Bristol. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. Omit sine... suorum. 

Add pro sue voluntatis arbitrio, nisi maritagium eorum ad nos 
vel alios de terra nostra Hibernie, racione terrarum vel tene- 
mentorum forinsecorum, pertineat. 

(According to the judgment of their own will, unless their 
marriage pertain to us or to others of our land of Ireland by 
reason of their foreign lands or tenements.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Quod nos vel heredes nostri non habeamus 
custodias vel maritagia heredum suorum ratione terrarum suarum quas 

1 Vol. I, p. 77. 2 Cf. vol. I, p. 77. 

B. 11 >, 


tenent infra libertates et portus predictos, de quibus faciunt servicium 
suum antedictum, et de quibus nos vel antecessores nostri custodias et 
maritagia non habuimus temporibus retroactis, 

(That we or our heirs shall not have wardships or marriages of their heirs 
by reason of the lands which they hold within the aforesaid liberties and 
ports, for which they perform their aforesaid service, and of which we or our 
ancestors did not have the wardships and marriages in times past.) 


Line 5. Add sal vis regis dignitate et placitis corone de vita et membro^. 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1298. Quod omnes illi de villa predicta 
oriundi, licet ipsi terras vel tenementa extra libertatem eiusdem ville 
tenuerint per tale servicium per quod maritagia eorundem, ratione 
minoris etatis ipsorum, ad nos vel heredes nostros pertinere deberent 
secundum legem et consuetudinem regni nostri, nichilominus juxta 
libertatem ville predicte se maritare possint sine occasione vel impedi- 
mento nostri vel heredum nostrorum imperpetuum, salvo jure alterius 

(That all those to be born in the aforesaid town, although they hold lands 
or tenements outside the liberty of the same town by such service that their 
marriages, by reason of their minority, ought to pertain to us or our heirs, 
by the law and custom of our realm, yet they shall be at liberty to marry 
according to the liberty of the town, without any claim or hindrance from us 
or our heirs, saving the rights of other persons whomsoever.) 
CINQUE PORTS, 1298(a) (excluding Sandwich) 

Line i. For de villa predicta read infra predictos quinque portus. 
2. For eiusdem ville read eorundem portuum. 

6. For ville predicte read portuum. 

7. For nostri vel heredum read ballivorum. 

{19) Wardships 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Nullus dominorum de quibus burgenses 
de Kylkenn' forinsecum tenementum tenuerint habeat custodiam vel 
donationem seu filiorum vel filiarum aut viduarum eorum sed tantum 
custodiam tenementorum suorum habeat donee hii qui in custodia 
fuerint plenae aetatis sint, nisi de me, sicut predictum est, extra burgum 
in capite tenuerint. 

(None of the lords of whom the burgesses of Kilkenny hold a foreign tene- 
ment {i.e. a tenement outside the borough) shall have the custody or marriage 
of the sons or daughters or widows (of such burgesses) but shall have the 
wardship of their tenements only, until they who are in ward are of full age, 
unless they hold in chief of me outside the borough, as has been said.)] 

^ In the charter of 1290 to the Ports this saving, closing the charter, follows a 
statement that all the foregoing confimiations and liberties are granted anew. 
^ See also Cinque Ports, 1278, in sect. 18. 
* Vol. I, p. 78. The corrections are obvious. ' 


CARLOW, 1223. 

Line 2. For forinsecum tenementum read forinseca tenementa 
MOONE, 1223. As Carlow. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Do. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. Do. 

BRISTOL, 1252^. Et quod nuUus dominorum suorum propter 
forinsecas terras suas habeat custodiam vel maritagium filiorum vel 
filiarum suarum aut viduarum nisi tantum custodiam tenementorum 
suorum quae sunt de feodo suo donee aetatem legitimam compleverint^. 

(And that none of their lords on account of their lands without the city, 
shall have wardship or marriage of their sons or daughters or widows, but 
only the wardship of their tenements which are of their fee until the heir is 
of age.) 


Line 2. For maritagium read donacionem (as Bristol, 1188). 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Quod si aliqui burgenses predicti 
burgi habeant aliquos orphanos de legitimo thoro procreatos et de ipsis 
burgensibus contingat humanitas, dicti orphani cum eorum catallis, 
terris, tenementis et possessionibus suis per majorem et ballivos eiusdem 
burgi positi sint in custodia alicujus burgensis fidelis eiusdem burgi 
proximioris parentele dictorum orphanorum ad quem hereditas eorun- 
dem orphanorum descendere non poterit, qui prestet sufRcientem securi- 
tatem quod ipsos orphanos, terras, tenementa et domos eorum in statu 
debito absque vasto, vendicione vel exilio custodiat et sustentat et omnes 
exitus de terris, tenementis et domibus eorundem orphanorum tempore 
custodie sue provenientes, deductis rationabilibus misis et sumptibus pro 
tempore custodie predicte, prefatis orphanis cum ad legitimam aetatem 
suam pervenerint per visum et consideracionem majoris et ballivorum 
predicti burgi una cum surplusagio expensarum plene respondeat et resti- 
tuat. Volumus eciam quod major et ballivi predicti burgi plenam habeant 
potestatem ad supervidendum quolibet anno quod predicta custodia ad 
commodum predictorum orphanorum bene et fideliter fiat. 

(That if any burgesses of the borough aforesaid have any orphans, born of 
lawful matrimony, and the lot of humanity happen to the same burgesses, 
the said orphans with their chattels, lands, tenements and possessions shall 
be placed by the mayor and bailiffs of the said borough in the custody of some 
faithful burgess of the said borough of near relationship to the said orphans 
to whom their inheritance cannot descend, who shall furnish sufficient 
security that he will keep and support the said orphans, land, tenements and 
houses in their proper condition without waste, sale, or damage, and will 
fully answer for and restore all the issues of the lands, tenements and houses 
of the said orphans during the time of his custody, along with the surplus of 

1 Cf. vol. I, p. 78. 2 Quoted B.C. n, 145. 


100 BOROUGH CHARTERS [II a 20, 21 

expenses, after deducting reasonable costs and expenses for the time of such 
custody, to the aforesaid orphans when they attain their full age, under the 
supervision of the said mayor and bailiffs. We will also that the mayor and 
bailiffs of the said borough shall have full power to see every year that the 
said custody is well and faithfully carried out to the advantage of the said 

(20) Widow's Free Bench 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Cum burgensis moriatur, sponsa sua manebit 

in domo cum herede et ibi habebit necessaria quamdiu sine marito 

fuerit, et ex quo maritari voluerit discedet libere sine dote, et heres ut 

dominus manebit in domo. 

(When a burgess dies, his widow shall remain in the house with the heir 
and shall there have what is necessary so long as she shall remain without 
a husband, and from the time she wishes to marry she shall depart freely 
without dower, and the heir as master shall remain in the house.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i. For moriatur read moritur. 

2. For ibi read ibidem. 

3. For discedet read discedat. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. Line 3. For discedet read decedat. 

Line i. For Cum read Si aliquis. 
For sua read ejus. 
For manebit read debet manere. 

2. Omit cum herede. 

For habebit read habeat. 

3. For fuerit read voluerit esse. 

Before et ex quo, insert et heres cum ilia. 
For discedet read decedet. 
Omit libere sine dote. 

4. For in domo read ibi. 

(21) Assessment of Rents 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 123 1 (c). Rex maiori et ballivis Oxon. 
Salutem. Satis constat vobis quod apud villam nostram Oxon. studendi 
causa e diversis partibus tam cismarinis quam transmarinis scolarium 
confluit multitudo, quod valde gratum habemus et acceptum, cum 
exinde toto regno nostro commodum non modicum et honor nobis 
accrescat: et vos specialiter inter quos personaliter conversantur stu- 
dentes non mediocriter gaudere debetis et letari. Audivimus autem quod 
in hospitiis vestris locandis tam graves et onerosi estis scolaribus inter 
vos commorantibus quod nisi mensurabilius et modestius vos habueritis 
erga ipsos in hac parte exaccione vestra faciente, oportebit ipsos villam 
vestram exire et, studio suo relicto, a terra nostra recedere, quod nulla- 
tenus vellemus. Et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quatinus 
super predictis hospitiis locandis vos mensurantes secundum consue- 



tudinem universitatis per duos magistros et duos probos et legales 
homines de villa vestra ad hoc assignandos hospitia predicta taxari et 
secundum eorum taxacionem locari permittatis, taliter vos gerentes in 
hoc et in aliis que ad scolares contingunt, ne si secus egeritis, propter 
quod ad nos debeat clamor pervenire, ad hoc manum apponere de- 

(It is sufficiently clear to you that to our town of Oxford, for the sake of 
study, from divers parts, both this side of the sea and across the sea, there 
flows together a multitude of scholars, which we consider very pleasing, 
since therefrom no little advantage accrues to the whole of our realm and no 
little honour to us ; and you especially among whom the students live, ought 
not a little to rejoice and be glad: But we have heard that in letting your 
lodgings you are so heavy and burdensome to the scholars dwelling among you, 
that unless you behave yourselves with more restraint and moderation towards 
them in this behalf, from the exaction which you make, they will be obliged 
to go out of your town and leave their study and depart from our land, which 
we by no means desire. And therefore we command you, firmly enjoining, 
that you, keeping yourselves within measure in letting the aforesaid lodgings, 
permit the aforesaid lodgings to be valued, according to the custom of the 
University, by two masters and two upright and lawful men of your town 
to be assigned for this purpose, and to be let at their valuation, and that you 
so behave yourselves in this and in other matters which concern the students 
that you do not make it necessary, on a complaint being made to us that you 
have acted otherwise, for us to put our hand to this matter^.) 


Line 17. For in... contingunt read in hac parte. 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1256. Sciatis quod ad tranquillitatem 

et utilitatem tarn magistrorum et scolarium vniuersitatis Oxon. quam 

burgensium et aliorum in eadem villa domos habencium, concessimus 

eidem vniuersitati quod decetero omnes domus ejusdem municipii Oxon. 

a scolaribus inhabitate et inhabitande a quinquennio in quinquennium 

retaxentur secundum arbitrium taxatorum clericorum et laicorum ex 

utraque parte juratorum, et volumus quod ista retaxacio incipiat a 

tempore confeccionis presencium litterarum. 

(Know ye that for the peace and advantage both of the masters and scholars 
of the university of Oxford and of the burgesses and others who have houses 
in the said town, we have granted to the same university that henceforth all 
the houses of the same town of Oxford which are or shall be inhabited by 
the scholars shall be reassessed every five years according to the judgment of 
sworn assessors chosen from the clerks and laity and we will that this re- 
valuation begin from the time of the making of these letters (patent).) 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1303. Edwardus Dei Gratia rex Angliae 
dominus Hiberniae et dux Aquitaniae maiori et burgensibus Oxon. 
salutem. Nuper ad instantiam magistrorum et scolarium universitatis 
Oxon. ob nostrum et regni nostri honorem ac divini cultus augmentum 

^ For taxacio hospiciorum at Bologna and Paris, see Rashdall, Universities of Europe 
in the Middle Ages, i, 192, 479 (C). 


vestrumque commodum manifestum certis de causis meminimus vos 
rogasse quod hospitia villae vestrae predictae, ea maxime in quibus 
scolares solebant preteritis temporibus hospitari, nunc a vobis et aliis 
vestris comburgensibus occupata, et alia quibus sine gravi dispendio 
carere possetis, ad inhabitandum dimitteris scolaribus ista vice, vosque 
postmodum per litteras vestras cancellario nostro et aliis de consilio 
nostro apud Ebor. commorantibus curialiter respondistis quod omnes 
domes et hospitia quibus sine gravi dispendio carere poteritis animo 
libentissimo nostri contemplatione rogaminis scolaribus dimittetis,Verum 
quia a predictis magistris et scolaribus accepimus quod de precibus 
nostris predictis, licet jam instet resumptio lectionum, nihil utilitatis 
adhuc sentiunt in effectu, de quo non modicum admiramur, Vos iterato 
rogamus quod, nostrum et regni nostri honorem et Christianae religionis 
propagationem salubrem vestrumque commodum debita consideratione 
pensantes, promissionem vestram predictam, ad cuius executionem et 
completionem jam estis indubitanter astricti, cum omni qua poteritis 
celeritate effectualiter adimplere curetis, ne ob vestrum defectum univer- 
sitas nostra quam regni et dignitatis nostrae regiae membrum nobile 
reputamus per injustam retractionem scolarum grave quin potius in- 
estimabile, quod absit, sustineat detrimentum. 

(We have lately remembered that we asked you at the request of the masters 
and scholars of the university of Oxford, on account of the honour of ourselves 
and our realm, and the increase of divine worship and your own manifest 
profit, that the inns of your aforesaid town, and especially those in which the 
scholars were in times past wont to be lodged which are now occupied by 
you and your other fellow-burgesses, and others which without serious loss 
you might do without, you would at that time demise to the scholars for 
their habitation, and you, by your letters addressed to our chancellor and 
others of our Council sitting at York, courteously promised that with a most 
willing mind you would in consideration of our request demise to the scholars 
all the houses and inns which without serious loss you could do without. 
But whereas we have learnt from the aforesaid masters and scholars that 
they find as yet no useful effect resulting from our prayers aforesaid, although 
the resumption of lectures is now at hand, at which we greatly wonder. We 
again ask you that weighing with due consideration the honour of ourselves 
and our realm and the wholesome advancement of the Christian religion 
and your own profit, you take care to fulfil your aforesaid promise, to the 
execution and completion of which you are already undoubtedly bound, as 
quickly as possible, lest from your default our university, which we consider 
a noble member of the realm, and of our royal dignity, should by the unjust 
withdrawal of the schools suffer serious, nay rather, incalculable damage, 
which may God forbid.) 

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY, 1266. Sciatis quod ob honorem 
Dei et ecclesie sacrosancte, necnon ob commodum et communem 
utilitatem scolarium in municipio Cantebrigg' studencium, concessimus 
cancellario et scolaribus predictis et eorum successoribus ibidem 


studentibus quod omnes domus eiusdem ville quas scolares predictos 

inhabitare contigerit per duos magistros et duos burgenses eiusdem 

ville secundum racionabilem taxacionem de cetero taxentur de quin- 

quennio in quinquennium. 

(Know ye that for the honour of God and Holy Church and also for the 
benefit and common advantage of the scholars residing in the town of Cam- 
bridge, we have granted to the chancellor and scholars aforesaid and their 
successors that all the houses of the same town which the scholars may chance 
to inhabit shall be assessed at a reasonable assessment by two masters and two 
burgesses of the same town every five years.) 

(i) Grant of King's Peace 

DUMBARTON, 1221. Concessi eciam firmam pacem meam omni- 
bus illis qui venient ad predictum burgum meum inhabitandum. 

(I have granted also my firm peace to all those who shall come to my 
aforesaid burgh to dwell there.) 

ABERDEEN, 1277. Sciatis nos burgenses nostros de Abirden 
terras suas, homines suos et universas eorundem possessiones ac omnia 
bona sua mobilia et immobilia sub firma pace et protectione nostra juste 
suscepisse. Quare firmiter prohibemus ne quis eis malum, molestiam, 
injuriam seu gravamen aliquod inferre presumat super nostram plena- 
riam forisfacturam. 

(Know ye that we have justly taken our burgesses of Aberdeen and their 
lands, their men and all their possessions and all their goods, moveable and 
immoveable, into our firm peace and protection. Wherefore we firmly forbid 
any person from presuming to do them any evil, trouble, injury or hardship 
under penalty of our full forfeiture.) 

(2) Grant of Lord's Peace 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-31. Quod nuUus dissaisitus sit de 
burgagio suo nee de pertinentiis sine judicio.... Item, quod non capiantur 
sine judicio, nee detineantur contra vadium et plegium, nisi in casibus 
secundum formam in carta domini patris nostri. 

(That none be disseised of his burgage or its appurtenances without a 

Also, that they be not arrested without a judgment, nor detained despite 
bail and pledge, except in cases according to the form of the charter of our 

CHESTER, 1233-7. Set omnes ballivi mei ipsos et eorum libertates 
et liberas consuetudines et jura protegant et manuteneant. 

(But all my bailiffs shall protect and maintain them and their liberties and 
free customs and rights.) 

LISKEARD, 1240. Et precipimus omnibus ballivis nostris Cornubie 
quod predictos burgenses nostros de Leskereth in dictis libertatibus 
protegant et manuteneant. 

(And we command all our bailifTs in Cornwall to protect and maintain all 
our aforesaid burgesses of Liskeard in the said liberties.) 


(3) Warranty of Lands 

LONDON, 1227 (dy. Et quod terras suas et tenuras et vadimonia 
€t debita omnia juste habeant, quicunque eis debeat. 

(And that they shall have their lands and tenements and their bonds and 
debts according to law, whoever owes them.) 
LONDON, 1268. 
BRISTOL, 1252. Lines 1,2. Read vada et debita sua quaecunque eis 

MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 12292. 

Line 2. After debita insert sua per totam terram meam. 
For eis read ea. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 
WATERFORD, 1232^ Do. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 

Line 2. For et debita read de debitis. 
LIMERICK, 1292. As Waterford. 

(4) Hunting Privileges 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). Et quod liabeant imperpetuum 

liberam warennam in omnibus dominicis terris predicti manerii. Ita 

quod nullus intret terras illas ad fugandum in eis vel aliquid capiendum 

quod ad warennam pertineat sine licentia et voluntate ipsorum burgen- 

sium vel heredum suorum super forisfacturam meam decem librarum. 

Ita quod nullus forestarius vel minister foreste vel aliquid alius preter 

ipsos burgenses intromittat se de aliquibus attachiamentis, summoni- 

cionibus aut districtionibus infra divisas eiusdem manerii pro aliquo re 

ad forestam pertinente. 

(And that they shall have free warren for ever in all the demesne lands of 
the said manor. So that no person shall enter those lands for hunting in them 
nor for taking anything pertaining to a warren under penalty of forfeiting 
£10 to me. So that no forester or minister of the forest or any other 
person except the burgesses themselves shall intermeddle concerning any 
attachments, summonses or distraints to be made within the boundaries of 
the said manor (Palsgrave) for any matter pertaining to the forest.) 

NETHER WEARE, 1278-9. Et quod predictus Auncelmus (de 
Gournay) et burgenses eius intra Netherwere habeant liberam warren- 
nam in omnibus dominicis terris suis predictis, dum tamen terre ille 
non sunt infra metas foreste nostre : ita quod nullus intret terras illas ad 
fugandum in eis vel ad aliquid capiendum quod ad warrennam pertineat 

1 See vol. I, p. 82. 2 cf. Bristol, 1188 (ibid.). 

' Cf. Dublin, 1 192 (ibid.). 


sine licentia et voluntate ipsius Auncelmi et burgensium eius de Nether- 

were, super forisfacturam nostram x librarum. 

(And that the aforesaid Anselm and his burgesses of Netherwere shall have 
free warren in all their demesne lands aforesaid, provided that those lands 
are not within the bounds of our forest : so that none shall enter those lands 
to hunt or to take anything pertaining to a warren without the licence and 
will of the same Anselm and his burgesses of Netherwere, under penalty of 
£10 payable to ourselves.) 

(5) Freedom from Forest Laws^ 

BRISTOL, 1252. Quod nuUus eorum de cetero occasionetur ab 

aliquo justiciario nostro forestae vel alio ballivo nostro pro venatione 

inventa infra muros ejusdem villae. 

(That none of them be troubled by any justice of the forest or any other 
bailiff of mine for venison found within the walls of the same town.) 

YORK, 1252. Quod iidem cives Eborum in suburbiis civitatis 

nostre Ebor' de expeditacione canum suorum ibidem imperpetuum sint 


(That the said citizens of York shall for ever be quit of the lawing ^ of their 
dogs in the suburbs of the said city.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (c). Nolumus autem quod status predicti 

burgi cum pertinentiis quantum ad forestam nostram mutetur in aliquo, 

occasione huius nostre concessionis, sed imperpetuum sit quo ad eandem 

forestam in eodem statu quo fuerit ante confeccionem huius carte. 

(Moreover, we will that the status of the aforesaid borough with its appur- 
tenances shall not be changed in any way as regards our forest by reason of 
this our grant, but that, as regards the said forest, it shall for ever be in the 
same state as it was before the making of this grant.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (a). Et quod predicti burgenses et homines 

predicti manerii (Wallesgrave^) et eorum heredes imperpetuum sint 

quieti de chiminagio per totam forestam nostram de Pykering. Ita quod 

maeremium, buscum, turbas, brueram, feugeram et omnes alias res suas 

sine omni occasione aut impedimento forestariorum, viridariorum et 

omnium aliorum ballivorum aut ministrorum foreste libere et quiete 

cariare et portare possint. 

(And that the aforesaid burgesses and the men of the aforesaid manor and 
their heirs shall for ever be quit of cheminage throughout the whole of our 
forest of Pickering. So that they may cart and carry their timber, brushwood, 
turves, heath, fern and all other things freely and quietly without any hin- 
drance or impediment from our foresters, verderers or any other bailiffs 
and ministers of the forest.) 

^ For the disafforestation of the warren of Staines (i8 Aug. 1227) which, though 
granted to all the men of Middlesex, was considered a London privilege see Cal. 
Chart. R. i, 56; 11,477. 

^ See p. 108. 3 ]sjo^ Palsgrave. 


SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). Concessimus eciam eisdem burgen- 
sibus quod predictum manerium cum burgo predicto et omnibus terris 
et tenementis infra divisas eiusdem manerii contentis deafforestetur 
imperpetuum et sit extra regardum, quietum et solutum de regardo, 
visu forestariorum, viridariorum, regardatorum, expeditacione canum 
et de omnibus aliis ad forestam et forestarios pertinentibus. 

(We have also granted to the said burgesses that the manor aforesaid with 
the borough aforesaid, and all the lands and tenements contained within the 
limits of the said manor, shall be disafforested, and shall be outside the regard, 
and quit and freed from the regard, view of foresters, verderers, regarders, 
and from lawing of dogs and from all other matters pertaining to the forest 
and the foresters.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). Et si aliquis predictorum burgensium 
vel hominum predicti manerii aut heredum suorum rettati, indictati aut 
attachiati fuerint de venacione vel alio transgressione foreste, liceat eis 
se defendere de transgressionibus illis per sacramentum triginta et sex 
hominum coram quibuscunque justiciis nostris de foresta, nisi per 
viridarios aut forestarios de feodo inventi fuerint cum manu opere, sicut 
se defendunt de omnibus appelacionibus eis factis, nisi de corpore regis. 

(And if any of the aforesaid burgesses or men of the aforesaid manor or of 
their heirs shall be accused, indicted or attached for venison or any other 
trespass of the forest, it shall be lawful for them to defend themselves by the 
oath of thirty-six men before any justices of the forest, except they are found 
by the verderers or foresters in fee in the act, as they defend themselves 
concerning all appeals made against them, except concerning the king's body.) 

BASINGSTOKE, 1256 (a), (b). Et sint etiam quieti de chiminagio 

et de expeditacione canum suorum imperpetuum. 

(And that they be also quit of road due and of the lawing of their dogs for 

PORTSMOUTH, 1256. Quod imperpetuum quieti sint de chemin- 

agio per forestam nostram, sicut hucusque quieti esse consueverunt. 

(That they shall be for ever quit of cheminage through our forest, as they 
have hitherto been wont to be quit.) 

OXFORD, 1257 {a). Et quod non placitent nee implacitentur extra 

villam Oxonie coram justiciariis de foresta super aliquibus rebus vel 

factis infra villam predictam emergentibus. 

(And that they shall not plead nor be impleaded outside the town of Oxford 
before the justices of the forest concerning any things or deeds happening 
within the aforesaid town.) 

DUNSTER, 1254-7. Et si coniculum in dampnis suis invenerint, 

occidant ipsum, et pellem ferant ad castrum et sint inde quieti. 

(And if they find a rabbit doing damage, they shall kill it, and bring its 
skin to the castle and be quit therefor.) 


NORTHAMPTON, 1270. (Letters Patent.) Cum burgenses 
nostri Norhamptonie ab antique quieti esse consueverint de expedita- 
cione canum suorum tarn in suburbio eiusdem quam infra eandemvillam, 
Volentes eisdem burgensibus graciam facere specialem, Concessimus 
eis pro nobis et heredibus [nostris] quod ipsi burgenses et eorum homines 
imperpetuum sint quieti de expeditacione canum suorum tam in subur- 
bio predicte ville quam infra eandem villam, Et quod quieti sint de fine 
et misericordia si que ad nos vel heredes nostros racione huiusmodi 
expeditacionis possent pertinere. 

(Whereas our burgesses of Northampton from of old have used to be 
quit of lawing of their dogs both in the suburb and within the same town, 
We wilHng to do a special favour to the said burgesses, Have granted that 
the same burgesses and their men shall for ever be quit of lawing' of their 
dogs both within the suburb of the aforesaid town and within the same town, 
And that they shall be quit of fine and amercement if there are any which 
may pertain to us and our heirs by reason of such lawing.) 

CONWAY, 1284. Quod omnes terre eidem burgo jam assignate 
dewarrenate et deafforestate sint omnino. 

(That all lands already assigned to the same borough shall be entirely 
dewarrened and disafforested.) 
HARLECH, 1284. 
BERK, 1284. 
FLINT, 1284. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. 

OVERTON, 1292. Add infra libertatem ville predicte. 

(6) No Scotale, etc. 

LONDON, 1227 (^)^- Insuper etiam, ad emendationem civitatis, 

eis concessi quod sint quieti de Brudtolle, et de Childwite, et de Yeres- 

gieve et de Scotala; ita quod Vicecomes mens Londoniarum vel aliquis 

alius baliivus Scotallam non faciat. 

(Moreover, for the improvement of the city, I have granted them that they 
shall be quit of BrudtoU, of Childwite, of Year's gift, and of Scotale: so 
that my sheriff of London or any other minister, shall not make a Scotale.) 

LONDON, 1268. 

Line 2. After quod insert omnes. 
Omit Brudtolle et. 
ROCHESTER, 1227. As London, 1227. (Prepositi civitatis.) 

Lines 2, 3. After Childwyt ends et de ferme et de Scothale. 

^ Lawing or expeditation ; the operation of cutting off the three claws of the (right) 
forefoot of a mastiff or removing the ball in other cases, to prevent them from chasing 
the game {Records of Northampton, I, 53). 

2 Cf. vol. I, p. 84. 


WARENMOUTH, 1247. As London, 1268. 
Line 2. Omit et de Childwite. 

3. Read nuUus vicecomes noster. 

4. Add infra eundem burgum. 
MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268. 

Line 3. Read ballivi ejusdem burgi. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

DUNSTER, 1254-7. Et quod nullus de cetero faciat in villa de 
Dunsterre cervisiam illam quae vocatur cervisia prepositi. 

(And that no one henceforth make in the town of Dunster the ale which 
is called the reeve's ale.) 

DUNSTER, 1254-7^. Si vero factum fuerit, pandoxatores eiusdem 
ville non cessant propter hoc quin pandoxatorium faciant ac vendant, 
prout facere debuerint, si cervisia ilia non fuerit pandoxata. 

(If, however, it shall have been done, the brewers of the said vill shall 
not on that account cease from brewing and selling, as they would have 
had to do, if that ale had not been brewed.) 

NOTTINGHAM, 1265, Quia accepimus per inquisitionem quam 
per Simonem de Hedone, dudum vivecomitem nostrum Notingham', 
Johannem de Lek', et Ricardum de Westone, tunc coronatores eiusdem 
comitatus, fieri fecimus quod centum solidi quos burgenses nostri 
Notingham' annuatim jam multis retroactis temporibus reddere con- 
sueverunt vicecomitibus nostris predicti comitatus ad opus nostrum 
soluti fuerunt Philippo Mark', dudum vicecomiti nostro Notingham', 
ex gratia (videlicet pro bona voluntate sua habenda et pro libertatibus 
dictorum burgensium manutenendis et ne libertates illas ingrederetur) 
et non ex debito, et quod a tempore quo dictus Philippus vicecomes 
noster extitit predicti comitatus primo soluti fuerunt; Nos per finem 
quinquaginta marcarum quas iidem Burgenses nobis solverunt in 
garderoba nostra premanibus, remisimus eis et heredibus suis demandam 
predictorum centum solidorum et ipsos et heredes suos pro nobis et 
heredibus nostris inde quietos clamamus inperpetuum. 

(Whereas we have learnt by an inquisition which we caused to be made by 
Simon of Hedon, formerly sheriff of Nottingham, and John of Leek (or Leake) 
and Richard of Weston, then coroners of the said county, that one hundred 
shillings which our burgesses of Nottingham yearly paid for many years past 
to our sheriffs of the said county to our use, were paid to Philip Mark formerly 
sheriff of Nottinghamshire as a matter of favour (to wit for having his good 
will and for his maintenance of the liberties of the aforesaid burgesses and 
to prevent his entry on the said liberties) and not as a debt, and that they 
were first paid from the time when the said Philip was sheriff of the said 
county. We, for a fine of fifty marks which the said burgesses have paid to 
us in our wardrobe, have remitted to them and their heirs the deinand for 
the aforesaid one hundred shillings and quitclaim them and their heirs 
therefrom for ever.) 

^ This clause immediately follows the one just given. 


(7) No Billetting or Purveyance^ 

[LONDON, 1155^. Infra muros nemo capiat hospitium per vim vel 
per liberationem Mareschalli. 

(Within the walls no one shall take hospitality by force or by the billet of 
the marshal.)] 

LONDON, 1227 (d). 

Line i. After muros insert civitatis neque in Portesoka. 
LONDON, 1268. As 1227 (d). 
ROCHESTER, 1227. Line i. After muros insert civitatis. 

For vel read set. 
MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. As Melcombe. 
BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. As London, 1268. 

Line i. For muros read eundem burgum. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line i. For Infra muros read In predicto burgo. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth) 

Line 2. Omit per liberationem Mareschalli. 

Line i. For vim read assisam. 

2 . For Mareschalli read marescallorum and add contra voluntatem 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. Quod nuUus aliquid ab eis per crean- 
ciam vel per vim capiat, nisi de voluntate eorundem burgensium. 

(That none shall take anything from them, either on credit or by force, 
except by the will of the same burgesses.) 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 

MONTGOMERY, 1228-9. Et f[irmi]ter prohibemus ne aliquis 
constabularius vel balliuus noster vel alias (sic) alius aliquid capiat, vel 
emat ab aliquo extraneo in eadem villa nisi ex mera et spontanea volun- 
tate venditoris, Ita quod ei de mercandisa sua statim satisfiat^. 

(And we firmly forbid that any constable or bailiff of ours or other person 
shall take or buy anything from any stranger in the said town except at the 
free will of the seller, whom he shall satisfy at once for his merchandise.) 

WATERFORD, 1232. Et quod nuUus Justiciarius neque aliquis 
alius ballivus capiat aliquid de rebus vel merchandizis predictorum 
civium vel mercatorum predictam civitatem ingredientium contra 
voluntatem ipsorum quorum catalla fuerint. 

^ See also the next section and VI 4. At Chester (1232-7) no caption could be taken 
except for the use of the earl and his justice, when they were in the city (p. 328). For 
freedom from constraint to buy the king's wines see V b 12. 

2 Vol. I, p. 87. 3 See sect. 8. 


(And that no justice or any other baihff shall take any of the goods or 
merchandise of the aforesaid citizens or from merchants approaching the 
aforesaid city against the will of those whose chattels they are.) 

CORK, 1242. Line 4. After catalla insert ilia. 

SALTASH, before 1246. Et quod nichil capiatur ad opus meum in 
eadem villa nisi per voluntatem mercatorum. 

(And that nothing shall be taken for my use in the same town, except by 
the will of the merchants.) 

DUNHEVED, 1225-56. Quod nuUus vicecomes vel alius ballivus 

noster emat vel capiat pro voluntate sua aliquid in prenominato burgo 

nisi de bona voluntate et spontaneo consensu venditoris ipsius mercature. 

(That no sheriff or bailiff of ours shall buy or take at his will anything in 
the before-mentioned borough, unless with the good will and spontaneous 
consent of the seller of that merchandise.) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1256(a). Et quod nuUus vicecomes, constabu- 

lariuSjCastellanus aut aliquis minister eorumde cetero capiat prisas aliquas 

infra libertatem predicti burgi, preterquam debitas et hactenus consuetas, 

nisi de consensu illorum quorum res ille fuerint. 

(And that no sheriff, constable, or castellan or any minister of theirs shall 
henceforth take any prises within the liberty of the aforesaid town, except 
these due and hitherto accustomed, unless by the consent of those whose 
goods are taken.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). Et quod nullus vicecomes, constabula- 

rius aut alius ballivus vel minister noster vel aliquis alius capiat aliquid 

infra di visas predicti manerii vi aut contra voluntatem venditoris. 

(And that no sheriff, constable or other bailiff or minister of ours shall 
take anything within the bounds of the aforesaid manor by force or against 
the will of the vendor.) 

(8) Limitation of Lord's Credit 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Nullus burgensis cogatur catallum suum 
prestare nisi prius facta fuerit ei securitas ad certum terminum de red- 
dendo. Et si forte aliquis burgensis catallum suum sponte commodaverit 
ballivis castelli mei, si certus terminus reddendi consti tutus non fuerit, 
infra quadraginta dies persolvatur. 

(No burgess shall be forced to lend his chattels unless security is first 
given of repayment within a certain time. And if any burgess should of his 
own accord lend his chattels to the bailiffs of my castle, unless a fixed time 
for repayment is first agreed, he shall be repaid within forty days.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 12-79 . 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

^ Vol. I, p. 88. 


[KELLS, after 1210^, Et si forte facta fuerit mutatio ballivorum 
meorum, ego vel ballivus meus ballivum recedentem compellemus quod 
eis debitum reddat quod eis debet, sicut rationabiliter eis debere mon- 
strare poterunt. 

(And if there be a change of my baihflFs, I or my bailiff will compel the retiring 
bailiff to pay the debt which he owes them, as they can reasonably prove the 
debt to be due.)] 
CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

Line 3. For reddat... debet read debitum suum solvat. 
4. At end add quod sua sint. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

MONTGOMERY, 1228-9. Et constabularius et ceteri balliui 
nostri spontanea voluntate hominum predicte ville emant ab eis estoue- 
rium suum, et pacationem suam inde ultra viginti dies nuUo modo 

(And that our constable and other bailiffs shall buy what they need from the 
men of the aforesaid town with their free will and shall in no manner defer 
their payment therefor beyond twenty days.) 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-31. Quod nulla creancia fiat ballivis 
ultra quarterium anni nisi exercitus veniret in terram nostram. 

(That no credit be given to the bailiffs beyond a quarter of a year except 
an army comes into our land.) 

CARLISLE, 1234. Quod si constabularius castri nostri Karl' uel 
uicecomes uel alius balliuus noster uel heredum nostrorum prisam 
aliquam ceperit in eadem uilla de aliquo mercatore qui sit de eodem 
comitatu : predictus constabularius uel uicecomes uel alius balliuus noster 
uel heredum nostrorum denarios quos debuerit pro prisa ilia reddat 
infra quadraginta dies. Et si denarios pro prisa ilia infra illos quadra- 
ginta dies non reddiderit: tunc elapsis illis quadraginta diebus nullam 
prisam capiat quousque denarios quos debuerit pro predicta prisa 

(That if the constable of our castle of Carlisle or the sheriff or any other of 
our bailiffs, or those of our heirs, shall take any prise in the said town of any 
merchant belonging to the county, the constable, etc. (as above) shall pay 
the money he shall owe for the prise within forty days. And if he shall not 
have paid the money therefor within that period, then when it elapses he 
shall take no prise until he pays the money he owes for that prise.) 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. Et quod nullus eorum cogatur accom- 
modare ballivo suo ultra duodecim denarios nisi voluerit bona voluntate 

1 Vol. I, p. 88. 

IIb8] TENURIAL privileges 113 

(And that none shall be compelled to lend to his bailiff more than twelve 
pence except he is willing to do so of his own free will.) 
LAUGHARNE, 1278-82. 

Line 3. After accommodare ittsert domino suo vel alicui ballivo. 
CARDIGAN, 1284. 

Line 2. For voluerit bona read fuerit spontanea. 
HAVERFORDWEST, 1291. As Cardigan. 
OVERTON, 1292. Line 2. For nisi... end read contra voluntatem suam. 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Quod nee ego nee heredum meorum aliquis 
sive sueeessorum meorum nullam capeionem contra voluntatem suam 
in nundinis sive in foro de eisdem faeiemus, nisi plene paeaverimus 
infra xv dies sequentes. 

(That neither I, nor any of my heirs or successors, will take any caption 
from them against their will in fair or market, but we will fully pay for the 
same within fifteen days following.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (c). Item coneessi eisdem quod si ego vel 
heredes mei prisam fecerimus per servientes nostros de pane vel de 
cervisia vel de aliqua alia re in dicta villa de Morpath, ille prise solvantur 
creditori infra quadraginta dies; creditor autem cui non solutum fuerit 
infra quadraginta dies de prisis de eo factis maneat quietus ab omni 
prisa post quadraginta dies quousque ei solutum fuerit. Ita tamen quod 
bene licebit mihi et heredibus meis alias prisas facere infra terminum 
illarum quadraginta dierum. Et sciendum est quod prisa mea cervisie 
erit in toto anno tres gallones pro uno denario. 

(I have also granted to them that if I or my heirs take prise, by our Serjeants, 
of bread or beer or any other article within the said town of Morpeth, payment 
shall be made to the creditor for those prises within forty days; and the 
creditor to whom payment is not made within forty days after the prises have 
been taken from him, shall be quit from all prise after the forty days until 
he is paid. Provided that it shall be lawful for me and my heirs to make other 
prises within the term of those forty days. And be it known that throughout 
the whole year the prise of beer will be three gallons for one penny.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Et si aliquid mihi crediderint si quadraginta 

dies transierint et debitum eis solutum non fuerit, amplius non credant 

mihi sua antequam debitum predictum eis fuerit solutum. 

(And if they give any credit to me, if forty days have passed and the debt is 
not paid, they shall give me no more credit before that debt is paid to them.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Preterea concessimus eisdem burgensibus nos- 
tris et eorum heredibus, etc., pro nobis, etc., quod neque nos nee aliquis 
nomine nostro inposterum de eisdem burgensibus nostris de Sweyn' 
ultra viginti mareas vel earum valorem capiemus seu capere faeiemus, 
et [si] quid infra viginti mareas vel tantumdem aut earum valorem ce- 
perimus, infra quadraginta dies soluere tenebimur; quod si non solueri- 
! mus infra tempus prescriptum nichil amplius capiemus seu capere 

B. II 8 


faciemus ab eisdem vel eorum quocumque donee prius pereeptum 

plenarie persoluerimus. 

(Further, we have granted to our same burgesses and their heirs, etc., for 
us, etc., that neither we nor anyone in our name shall henceforth take or cause 
to take more than twenty marks, or the value thereof, from our said burgesses 
of Swansea, and if we shall have taken a matter of less than twenty marks, or 
just so much, or the value thereof, we shall be bound to pay within forty days. 
But if we do not pay within the prescribed period, we shall take or cause to 
take nothing more from them or any of them until we shall have completed 
the payment of what was first taken.) 

(9) Military Service ^ 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-31. Quod non vadant ad equitaturam 

nisi cum corpore nostro, nee ad exercitum nisi cum corpore nostro vel 

cum capitali ballivo nostro ad communem defensionem terre nostre. 

(That they shall not go on riding service except with ourselves, nor to war 
except with ourselves or with our chief bailiff for the common defence of our 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item burgenses non vadant in 

exercitum, nisi sicut burgenses de Penbrook vadant. 

(Item, the burgesses shall not go on expedition, except as the burgesses of 
Pembroke go.) 

LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. Et quod non eant ad exercitum ad villam 
custodiendam sic [ut] burgenses. 

(And that they shall not go to the army but guard the town as burgesses.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Concessimus eciam eisdem quod non exeant 

villam Tenebie ad exercitum seu equitatum, nisi tam procul sicut comode 

ire possint in die et sole lucente redire. 

(We have also granted them that they shall not go out of the town of Tenby 
on army or riding service, except so far as they can conveniently go in the 
day and return by daylight.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Similiter concessimus eisdem quietanciam 

omnium custodiarum tam castrorum quam molendinorum nostrorum 

nisi ex mera et libera voluntate eorum facere voluerint. 

(Likewise, we have granted them quittance of all wards, both of our castles 
as well as of our mills, unless of their free will they are willing to do it.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Cest assavoir que chescun des avaunditz 

Burgeis (here follow their names) et les heirs ou les assignez de chescun 

de eaux Engleys trouveront un homme defensable en lavaundite ville 

de Dynebieghe dedenz les murs a la garde et al defens de lavaundite 

ville de Dynebieghe pur chescun Burgage et curtilage avauntnomez.... 

^ Cf. the assurance given to the citizens of London in 1298 that the expedition 
made by them into Kent and Sussex to resist a French invasion should not become a 
precedent (Foedera (R), i, 903). 



Et si nul des avauntdites burgeys ou ses heirs ou ses assignez avaunt- 

ditz faille ou faillent de garder et defendre par lui ou par homme de- 

fensable la dite ville de Dynebieghe sicome est avauntdit, bien lirra 

a nous et a noz heirs et a ceaux qui serrount seignurs du chastel de 

Dynebieghe, chescun burgage et curtilage et bovee de terre avauntditz 

en nos mayns ou en lour mayns seisir et retenir par la ou le servise 

desus dit ne soit pas pleynement fait: issi qe si ceaux qui faillent del 

avauntdit servise ou certein homme defensable pur eaux ne veigne ou 

ne veignent dedenz Ian et le jour al dit servise faire et assietz faire de 

les arerages del dit servise qarere sount, demeurgent les burgages, 

curtilages et bovees de terre od les apurtenances a nous et a noz heres 

de faire ent notre volonte a toux jours. 

(That is to say that each of the aforesaid burgesses (here follow their names), 
or the heirs or assigns of each of them being Englishmen, shall find an armed 
man in the aforesaid town of Denbigh for the guard and defence of the afore- 
said town of Denbigh for each burgage and curtilage beforenamed — And if 
any of the aforesaid burgesses, or his heirs or assigns aforesaid, shall fail to 
guard or defend the said town of Denbigh by himself or by an armed man, as 
is aforesaid, it shall be lawful for us and our heirs and for those who shall be 
lords of the castle of Denbigh, to seize and retain in our hands or in their 
hands each burgage and curtilage and bovate in respect of which the above- 
mentioned service shall not be fully performed ; so that if they fail in the afore- 
said service or if an armed man does not come within a year and a day for 
them, to perform the aforesaid service and also to perform the arrears of the 
said service, then the burgages, curtilages and bovates and their appurtenances 
shall remain to us and our heirs to do our will therewith for ever.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nee burgenses nostri neque existentes de manu- 
pastu eorum tempore pacis aut guerre ultra fines aut limites Goheri 
nobiscum ibunt in forma in originali carta eorum contenta^. 

(Neither our burgesses nor those in their mainpast shall go with us beyond 
the bounds and limits of Gower either in peace or war in the manner con- 
tained in their original charter.) 

(10) Naval Services 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Ita etiam quod dicti barones et heredes 
sui faciant nobis et heredibus nostris regibus Anglie per annum plenarium 
servicium suum quinquaginta et septem navium^ ad custum suum per 
quindecim dies ad nostram vel heredum summonicionem. 

(Provided also that the said barons and their heirs shall perform yearly to 
us and our heirs their full service of fifty-seven ships at their own cost for 
fifteen days, at the summons of ourselves or our heirs.) 

FAVERSHAM, 1302 (for their proportion). 

1 Vol. I, p. 89. 

^ In Nov. 1302 Edward I accepted 25 instead of 57 for the Scottish war (Foedera 
(R.), I. 945). See also III 6. 



LYDD, 1290. Ita quod barones de Lyde et Ingemareys et heredes 

sui inveniant unam navem predictis baronibus de Romenale in sub- 

sidium servicii quocienscunque eos ad servicium nostrum in exercitu 

inde summoneri contigerit. 

(Provided that the barons of Lydd and Dungemarsh and their heirs shall find 
one ship for the aforesaid barons of Romney in aid of their service, whenever 
it shall happen that they are summoned to our service in the field in that 

(11) Aids and Tallages^ 

WYCOMBE, 1226. (Fine.) Salvis eidem Alano et heredibus suis 

racionabilibus auxiliis suis, quando dominus rex et heredes sui taillia- 

bunt dominica sua per Angliam. 

(Saving to the said Alan and his heirs their reasonable aids, when our lord 
the king and his heirs shall tallage their demesnes throughout England.) 

SALISBURY, 1227. Concedimus insuper eidem episcopo et 

successoribus suis quod pro necessitatibus suis et ecclesiae suae tallagium 

vel rationabile auxilium capiant de predictis civibus suis, quando nos 

vel heredes nostri tallagium facimus in dominicis nostris. 

(We grant moreover to the said bishop and his successors that for their 
own necessities and those of their church they may take tallage or a reasonable 
aid from the aforesaid citizens, when we or our heirs make a tallage in our 
own demesnes.) 

DUNHEVED, 1225-40. Concessimus etiam...quod non gyllent 

cum comitatu de ahquo servicio vel tallagio et labore, et quod non 

talliantur per nos vel heredes nostros ad tempus quando dominus rex 

omnes burgos suos per Angliam talliaverit. 

(We have granted also... that they shall not geld with the county for any 
service or tallage or labour, and that they shall not be tallaged by us or our 
heirs when the lord king tallages all his boroughs throughout England.) 

SALTASH, before 1246. Concessi etiam quod quieti sint ab omni 

tallagio et auxilio consuetudinario, nisi ad filium meum primogenitum 

militem faciendum et ad filiam meam primogenitam maritandam. 

(I have also granted them that they be quit of every tallage and customary 
aid, except the aids for knighting my firstborn son and marrying my firstborn 

POOLE, c. 1248. Cum vero rex, quicunque fuerit, de civitatibus 

sive burgis suis tallagium ceperit secundum consuetudinem civitatum 

et burgorum suorum, de dictis burgensibus meis mihi et heredibus meis 

tallagium capere licebit. 

(When the king, whoever he may be, takes tallage from his cities or boroughs, 
according to the custom of his cities and boroughs, it shall be lawful for me 
and my heirs to take tallage from the said burgesses.) 

^ See also III 6, VI 6 (Scarborough, 1256 (6)), and VI 16. 


WEYMOUTH, 1252. Prohibemus ne in libero burgo nostro de 

Waymue aliquod tallagium vel auxilium de cetero fiat, licet dominus rex 

suos liberos burgos pro libitu suo voluerit talliare, nisi pro urgenti et 

evidenti necessitate ecclesie nostre Wyntonie relevanda, utpote si, quod 

absit, dictam ecclesiam nostram per aliquod infortunium continget 

vastari, destrui vel demoliri, vel pro auxilio de communi assensu totius 

regni domino regi faciendo. 

(We forbid that in our free borough of Weymouth any tallage or aid be 
made henceforth, although our lord the king may wish to tallage his own free 
boroughs according to his will, except for relieving some urgent and evident 
need of our church of Winchester, such as if, which God forbid, it shall happen 
that our said church by any ill fortune shall be laid waste, destroyed or de- 
molished, or for making an aid to our lord the king by the common assent 
of the whole realm.) 

UTTOXETER, 1252. All these things aforesaid we have granted 
within the said commonalty of the aforesaid burgesses for ever, saving 
to us and to our heirs a reasonable toll ( ? tallage) of all our said burgesses 
and their heirs and assigns, and of all within their commonalty being, 
when as our lord the king that for the time shall be shall tax all his 
boroughs throughout England, so the said tax be gathered by the hands 
of two burgesses to the use of us and our heirs. 

READING, 1254. (Fine.) Et preterea concesserunt...quod bene 

licebit dicto abbati et successoribus suis tailliare dictam villam de 

Rading', quando dominus rex talliat dominica sua. 

(And moreover they have granted... that it shall be lawful for the abbot 
and his successors to tallage the said town of Reading, when the king tallages 
his demesnes.) 

OXFORD, 1257 (a). Concedimus etiam quod omnia burgagia sua 

talliabilia in villa et in suburbio Oxonie de cetero tallientur quando villa 

Oxonie talHata fuerit, prout hucusque fieri consuevit^. 

(We grant also that all their tallageable burgages in the town and suburb 
of Oxford shall henceforth be tallaged when the town of Oxford is tallaged, 
as has been heretofore wont to be done.) 

BODMIN, 1225-57. Volumus autem quod sint quieti de omni 

tallagio, sicut pura elemosina antecessorum nostrorum^. 

(We will moreover that they be quit of all tallage, as the pure alms of our 

DUNSTER, 1254-7. Quod quieti sint de annuo taillagio, ita quod 
ab eisdem nullum exigatur taillagium, secundum consuetudinem aliorum 
burgorum Anglie, nisi rationabiH causa et debita possit exigi ab eisdem. 

^ Ogle's text corrected from the Charter Roll. 

^ The borough of Bodmin belonged to the prior and canons of Bodmin, and any 
tallage paid by the burgesses to the King or the earl of Cornwall would be a derogation 
of the " free alms" bestowed on the prior and canons (B.). 


(That they be quit of the yearly tallage, so that no tallage be exacted from 
them, according to the custom of the other boroughs of England, unless it 
can be exacted from them for reasonable and due cause.) 

EXETER, 1259(6). Salvo vero et retento nobis et heredibus nostris 
quod dictam civitatem talliare possimus quotiens rex Angliae civitates 
et burgos suos fecerit talliari. 

(Saving, however, to us and our heirs, that we may tallage the said city, 
when the king of England causes his cities and boroughs to be tallaged.) 

BERKELEY , 1262. (Maurice de Berkeley.) Noverit universitas 
vestra me ad instanciam et^ peticionem specialem burgensium meorum 
et mercatorum burgi mei de Berclaio omnino eisdem et eorum heredibus 
sive assignatis plene remississe et quietum clamasse, pro me et heredibus 
meis, omnem exaccionem et totum clamium thallagii et omnem eiusdem 
thallagii speciem quod aliquando versus eosdem clamavi, sive aliquo 
modo clamare potui, sine aliqua reclamatione mei vel heredum meorum 
inperpetuum. Ita, scilicet, quod predicti burgenses et mercatores vel 
eorum heredes sive assignati in nulla thallagii specie nobis de cetero in 
posterum^ sint responsuri. Neque ego Mauricius de Berclaio nee 
heredes mei nomine thallagii temporibus futuris aliquid ab eis exigere 
poterimus aut calumpniare. Quamobrem volo et concedo pro me et 
heredibus meis quod supradicti universi a predicto thallagio penitus 
liberi sint et quieti. 

(Be it known to you all that I at the request and special petition of my 
burgesses and merchants of my borough of Berkeley have entirely and fully 
released and quitclaimed to them and their heirs or assigns, for me and my 
heirs, all the exaction and claim of tallage and of every kind of the same tallage 
which I have at any time claimed against them or can in any way claim, 
without any reservation on the part of myself and my heirs for ever. In such 
a way, namely, that the aforesaid burgesses and merchants or their heirs 
or assigns shall not henceforth in the future be answerable to us for any manner 
of tallage. Nor shall I Maurice of Berkeley or my heirs be able to exact or 
claim anything from them in the future by way of tallage. Wherefore I will 
and grant that all the abovenamed shall be entirely free and quit from the 
aforesaid tallage.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Quod Hberi et quieti sint de omnimodis 
tallagiis et passagiis et tolnetis per totam terram meam imperpetuum, 
nisi tantummodo^ quando dominus Rex omnes burgos suos plenarie 

(That they shall be free and quit of all kinds of tallages and passages and 
tolls throughout the whole of my land for ever, except when our lord the 
king fully tallages all his boroughs.) 

^ "vel" in Mr St Clair Baddeley's copy. " in perpetuum, ib. rectius. 

^ Corr. from "tanto modo quo." 


WORCESTER, 1264. Quod illi quos ad ciuitatem illam talliandam 
deputauerimus similiter veniant in ciuitatem predictam ad tallag[ia] 
eiusdem ciuitatis assidenda, 

(That those whom we shall appoint to tallage the city shall similarly come 
into the city to assess its tallages.) 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (c). Et preterea concessi...quod nee prefati 
burgenses nee heredes eorum tallientur, nisi quando dominus rex tallia- 
bit burgos suos, et ad primogenitum filium meum militem faciendum, 
et ad primogenitam filiam meam maritandam, et ad corpus meum de 
prisona redimendum, 

(And moreover I have granted... that neither the aforesaid burgesses nor 
their heirs shall be tallaged except when our lord the king tallages his boroughs, 
and also for knighting my first-bom son, and for marrying my first-bom 
daughter, and for redeeming my person from prison.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Quod non exigam ab eis aliud auxilium quam 
alii burgenses domini regis et vicinorum faciunt. 

(That I will not exact from them any aid other than that paid by the other 
burgesses of our lord the king and my neighbours.) 

LISKEARD, 1275. Salvis nobis et heredibus nostris quod predictum 
burgum talliare possumus quotienscunque et quandocunque dominus 
rex Anglie civitates et burgos suos talliaverit. 

(Saving to us and our heirs that we may tallage the aforesaid borough as 
often and whenever our lord the king of England tallages his cities and 

RETFORD, 1276. Salvo inde nobis et heredibus nostris tallagio 
nostro, cum nos et heredes nostri dominica nostra per Angliam fecimus 

(Saving to us and our heirs our tallage therefrom, when we and our heirs 
cause our demesnes to be tallaged throughout England.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Hoc tamen excepto quod talliabuntur 
quando dominus rex talliat burgos suos, et tunc rationabiliter tallia- 
buntur, et hoc per preceptum domini regis ^. 

(This only excepted, that they shall be tallaged when the king tallages his 
boroughs, and then they shall be reasonably tallaged, and this by the command 
of our lord the king.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1298. Quod ipsi et eorum heredes, bur- 
genses eiusdem ville, de cetero imperpetuum quieti sint de omnibus 
tallagiis et auxiliis nobis et heredibus nostris de corporibus propriarum 
navium suarum et earum attilio prestandis, 

^ This clause follows an exemption from tallage, see V a 8 ! 


(That they and their heirs, being burgesses of the same town, shall hence- 
forth for ever be quit of paying all tallages and aids from the hulls of their 
ships and their gear to us and our heirs.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1298 (a). 

Line i. For burgenses eiusdem ville read barones eorundem portuum. 
2. For omnibus read omnimodis. 

CLITHEROE, 1272-91. Salvis nobis et heredibus nostris tallagiis 

dicte ville, quando dominus rex dominica sua talliare faciat, et ceteris 

consuetudinibus quas liberi burgenses Cestrie faciant domino suo. 

(Saving to us and our heirs the tallages of the said town, when our lord the 
king causes his demesnes to be tallaged, and all other customs which the free 
burgesses of Chester render to their lord.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Cum vero tallagium aut auxilium aliquod nobis 

gratanter conceditur per communitatem ville predicte, per burgenses 

ejusdem taxetur et levetur, 

(When, however, any tallage or aid is freely granted to us by the community 
of the aforesaid town, it shall be assessed and levied by the burgesses.) 

(12) Riding Service^ 

SHREWSBURY, 1227 (a). Quod nullus de predicto burgo decetero 

distringatur ad deferendum brevia nostra de summonicionibus faciendis, 

vel aliis, per vicecomitem nostrum vel ballivos suos. 

(That no one of the aforesaid city shall henceforth be distrained by our 
sheriff or his bailiffs to carry our writs of summons or of other matters.) 

(14) Walling Services and Licenses ^ 

SHREWSBURY, 1218. Rex probis hominibus Salopesbiry, salu- 

tem. Mandamus vobis rogantes quatinus, in jfide qua nobis tenemini, 

et sicut nos et indempnitatem nostram et vestram diligitis, occasione et 

dilacione postpositis, omnem quam poteritis apponatis diligenciam ad 

firmandum et claudendum villam nostram de Salopesbiry, ne pro de- 

fectu vestri dampnum, quod absit, nobis eveniat, et ne inimici nostri 

ad dispendium nostrum et vestrum in villam vestram habere possint 

ingressum eo quod, pro defectu firmacionis, eam sibi invenerint ex- 

positam ad ingrediendum in eam. 

(The king to the good men of Shrewsbury, greeting. We enjoin upon you 
requesting that, by the faith with which you are bound to us, and as you love 
us and our safety and your own, all excuse and delay postponed, you apply 
all the diligence in your power to strengthen and enclose our town of Shrews- 
bury, lest by your defect damage, which God forbid, may happen to us, and 
lest our enemies, to our loss and yours, may gain entrance into your town 
because for lack of fortification they find it open to their entrance.) 

^ See also Haverfordwest and Tenby in sect. 9 above. 
^ See footnote, p. Ixviii. For murage grants, see VII 19. 


SALISBURY, 1227. Concedimus prefato episcopo et successoribus 

suis quod predictam civitatem Novae Sar. propter metum latronum 

fossatis competentibus claudant et teneant in perpetuum sicut proprium 

dominicum suum. 

(We grant also to the said bishop and his successors that for fear of robbers 
they may fortify the aforesaid city of New Sarum with sufficient ramparts, 
and so hold it for ever, as their own demesne.) 

OXFORD, 1257 (a). Et quod possint turellas circa villam suam 

sustentare et edificare ad commodum nostrum et heredum nostrorum 

et etiam totius communitatis eiusdem ville. 

(And that they may repair and build turrets around their town to the 
advantage of us and our heirs and also of the whole community of the same 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1261. Sciatis quod ad securitatem nostram 

et ville nostre de Gernemuta concessimus burgensibus nostris ejusdem 

ville quod villam illam claudere possint muro et fossato ita quod villa 

ilia semper clausa remaneat quamdiu dicti burgenses erga nos et heredes 

nostros bene et fideliter se habuerint. 

(Know ye that we, for the safety of ourselves and of our town of Yarmouth, 
have granted to the burgesses of the same town, that they may fortify that 
town with a wall and ditch, so that that town may always remain fortified, so 
long as the said burgesses behave themselves well and faithfully towards us 
and our heirs.) 

MONTGOMERY, 1227. Quod villam suam Montis Gomeri 
claudant fossato et muro. 

(That they may fortify their town of Montgomery with a ditch and a wall.) 
DEGANWY, 1252. Omit suam. 

(15) Agricultural Services 

LEICESTER, 1231-9^. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Simon 

de Monte forti dominus Leycestrie, filius comitis Simonis de Monte 

forti, remisi et omnino quietos relaxaui de me et heredibus meis inper- 

petuum omnes illos denarios qui capi (MS. cepi) solebant de hominibus 

Leycestrie pro messura segetum de dominico Leycestrie. 

(Know all men, present and future, that I Simon de Montfort, lord of 
Leicester, son of earl Simon de Montfort, have remised and entirely released 
for me and my heirs for ever all those pence which were wont to be taken from 
the men of Leicester for the reaping of the harvests on the demesne of 

LAUGHARNE, 1278-82. Quod dicti burgenses sint liberi ab 
omni servitute (et) servicio arandi, cratandi, fenum colligendi, metendi 

^ See vol. I, p. 94. 


bladum ligandi et cujuslibet generis cariandi, molendinum vel ejus 
stagnum emendandi et ab omnimodis aliis serviciis que eis in servitute 
vel in dampnum possint redundare infra villam et extra. 

(That the said burgesses shall be free from all servitude and service of 
ploughing, harrowing (?), gathering hay, reaping, tying corn and from every 
kind of carrying service, and of repairing the mill or its pool, and from 
all other kinds of services which might tend to their servitude or damage, 
both within the town and without.) 

TENBY y 1265-94. Concessimus eciam eisdem et confirmavimus 
quietanciam cariagii, messionis et ligacionis colleccionis(que) tarn de 
terris nostris quam de pratis, et omnium aliorum laborum molendinis 
vel domibus vel terris nostris pertinencium. 

(We have also granted and confirmed to them quittance of (the services) 
of carriage, of reaping and binding, and of gathering, both from our arable 
lands and from our meadows, and of all other labour services pertaining 
to our mills or houses or lands.) 

DENBIGH^ 1282-90. Et ceaux qui tienent fors que bovees seule- 
ment ferront les services qa bovees apendent. 

(And those who hold nothing but bovates only shall perform the services 
which pertain to bovates.) 

(17) Suit of Mill and Oveni 

BARNARD CASTLE, c. 1215-29. Item, concedo pro me et here- 
dibus meis eisdem burgensibus quod quilibet eorum possit habere et 
facere furnum suum proprium sine consideracione mei vel heredum 
meorum. Item, volo et concedo pro me et heredibus meis quod si 
contingat nos furnum facere in villa quod nullus burgensis nee tenentes 
sui teneantur ibi furnare nisi propria voluntate. 

Item, quod debent molere bladum crescens super terram suam in 
campo Castri Bernardi ad molendinum meum Castri Bernardi ad sextum 
decimum vas. 

Et predicti burgenses pistrine...farine pistor per obolum tantum 
et pistor furnum invenit eis focale sumptibus suis propriis. 

(Item, I grant for myself and my heirs to the same burgesses that each 
of them may have and make his own oven without payment to me or my heirs. 

Item, I will and grant for myself and my heirs that if we should happen to 
make an oven in the town, no burgess nor his tenants shall be bound to bake 
there except by his own will. 

Item, they ought to grind their corn growing on their land in the field of 
Barnard Castle at my mill at the sixteenth measure. 

And the aforesaid burgesses. . .and the baker finds them fuel at his own costs.) 

^ See footnote, p. 30. For mill-guard, see Tenby in sect. 9 above. , 




HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-29. Quod decetero de eis siccam 
molturam non capiemus nee capere faciemus. 

(That from henceforth we will not take dry multure from them nor cause 
it to be taken.) 

ABBOTS BROMLEY , 1222. Et qui bladum aliunde perquisitum 
ad villam de Bromle adducere voluerit, liceat ei dictum ubicunque 
voluerit molere antequam villam Bromleiae cum eodem ingressus fuerit. 

(And he who wishes to bring corn obtained elsewhere to the town of Bromley, 
may have it ground wherever he pleases before entering Bromley with it.) 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Item concessi eisdem burgensibus mul- 
turam suam in molendinis meis per thelonia rationabilia. 

(Item, I have granted to the said burgesses their multure in my mills at 
reasonable tolls.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

CASHEL, 1230. Exceptis et nobis reservatis furno et macello 
ejusdem ville de Cassell. 

(Excepting and reserved to us the oven and shambles of the same town of 

SALFORD, c. 1230. (i) Nullus burgensis debet furniare panem qui 
sit ad vendendum nisi ad furnum meum per rationabiles consuetudines. 

(No burgess should bake bread for sale except at my oven on paying 
reasonable dues.) 

(2) Si molendinum ibi habuero, ipsi burgenses ad molendinum meum 

molent ad vicesimum vas : et si molendinum non habuero, ibidem molent 

quocunque voluerint. 

(If I should have a mill there, the same burgesses must grind at my mill 
on payment of the twentieth measure; and if I should not have a mill there, 
they may grind where they will.) 

BOLTON, 1253 (i). 

BOLTON, 1253. Si molendina vel molendinum ibi habuerimus que 

molare possint, dicti burgenses expectabunt per duos dies continuos 

et ibi molent ad vicesimum granum. Et si infra dictum spatium molari 

non possint, molent ubicunque voluerint. 

(If we have there mills or a mill which can grind, the said burgesses shall 
wait [up to] two whole days and shall there grind their grist at the twentieth 
grain. And if within the said time they cannot grind, they may grind their 
com wherever they will.) 

^ Vol. I, p. 97. 


STOCKPORT, c. 1260. Si predicti burgenses voluerint fumiare 
panem ad vendendum, debent furniare ad fornacem meam si habeam 
fornacem in villa de Stokeport, et si non habeam fornacem, furniant 
ubicunque voluerint. 

(If the aforesaid burgesses wish to bake bread for sale, they ought to bake 
it at my oven if I have an oven in the town of Stockport, and if I have none, 
they may bake where they will.) 

STOCKPORT, c. 1260. Predicti burgenses debent molere omnia 
blada sua crescentia super terram suam infra metas de Stokeport vel 
blada moram facentia in villa de Stokeport ad molendinum vel molendina 
mea ad sextum decimum vas, si habeam molendinum vel molendina 
infra divisas de Stokeport. 

(The aforesaid burgesses ought to grind all their corn growing on their 
land within the boundaries of Stockport or corn stored in the town of Stock- 
port, at my mill or mills on payment of the sixteenth measure, if I have a mill 
or mills within the bounds of Stockport.) 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Burgenses predicti sequentur molendinum 

domini predicti et ejus furnum, reddendo consuetudines predicti 

molendini et predicti furni, ut debent et solent. 

(The burgesses aforesaid shall do suit to the mill of the lord aforesaid and 
his oven, rendering the dues of the aforesaid mill and oven, as they ought 
and are wont to do.) 

LEICESTER, 123 1-9. (Remisi et relaxavi) et omnes insimul 

denarios qui capi (MS. cepi) solebant de carectis et vecturis portantibus 

bladum hominum de Leycestria ad alia molendina quam ad molendina 

mea de Leycestria, Salva tamen mihi et heredibus meis multura, dum 

tamen ad molendina mea de Leycestria invenire possunt multuram sine 

impedimento et dilacione. 

((I have remised and released) also all those pence which were wont to be 
taken from every wagon and vehicle carrying corn of the men of Leicester 
to other mills than my mills of Leicester, Saving to me and my heirs the mul- 
ture, so long as they can find grinding (for their corn) at my mills of Leicester 
without hindrance and delay.) 

MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et quod molent blada sua ad molendina 

nostra ad vicesimum granum sicut molere consueve runt... salva nobis 

libertatem furni nostri ejusdem burgi. 

(And that they grind their corn at our mills at the twentieth grain, as they 
were wont to grind it... saving to us the liberty of our oven in the same 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Preterea concessi eisdem quis illorum vult^ 

habere furnum ad proprium panem faciendum sed nihil ad vendendum. 

Preterea concessi eisdem molere ubicunque voluerint sine impedimento 

vel aliqua contradiccione. 

^ Sic for "quod aliquis illorum possit" or the like. 


(Moreover I have granted them that if any of them wishes, he may have an 
oven for making his own bread but not for sale. Moreover I have granted 
them that they may grind wherever they will without hindrance or any con- 

MORPETH, 1239-66 {c). Item sciendum quod dicti burgenses et 

heredes eorum sequentur molendina mea de Morpath ad tertium deci- 

mum vas multure, sicut prius consueverunt. 

(Also, be it known that the said burgesses and their heirs shall do suit to 
our mills of Morpeth on payment of the thirteenth measure as multure, as 
they were wont to do.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Quod sint quieti de multura de blado cres- 

cente in toftis eorundem burgensium. 

(That they be quit of multure for the corn growing in the tofts of the same 

CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274. Et quod molant blada sua ad molen- 

dinum nostrum de Congulton ad vicesimum granum, dum molendinum 

fuerit sufficiens. 

(And that they grind their com at our mill of Congleton, on payment of 
the twentieth grain, so long as the mill is sufficient.) 

LISKEARD, 1275. Et quod alia molendina suis sumptibus pro- 

priis apud Bodgara levant et constituant, si voluerint, dummodo alia 

molendina prenominata et ea in bono statu sustineant. 

(And that they may raise and form other mills at Bodgara, at their own 
costs, if they will, so long as they keep them and the beforementioned mills 
in good repair.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Quod quilibet burgensis licite possit con- 

struere sibi furnum in solo suo ac constructum libere habere, in quo 

panem decoquat, dum tamen mercimonium de eodem pane non faciat. 

(That any burgess may lawfully construct for himself on his own ground, 
and hold freely when made, an oven in which he may bake bread, so long as 
he does not sell such bread.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et quod burgenses et libere tenentes predicte 
ville presentabunt balliuo meo molendinarios competentes. Ita, scilicet, 
quod magister molendinarius per balliuum meum admissus et acceptatus 
sumptibus meis sustentabitur, et alii minores molendinarii erunt ad 
custus molencium ad molendinum. Volo eciam et concedo quod 
molendinarii mei dies et horas ad molendinum causa molendi acceden- 
tibus per eosdem assignatas fideliter obseruent, dum tamen subitum 
impedimentum per fracturam molendini vel per bladum meum seu 
per bladum rectoris de Bauquell' a casu superueniens inopinate non 
contigerit quominus hore prius assignate poterunt obseruari. Et si in 
aliis quam predictis casibus hore molendini assignate non fuerint 


obseruate, concedo ad molendinum meum cum blado suo molendo 
venientibus quod absque donacione multure et calumpnia licite possunt 
cum blado suo aliud molendinum adire. 

(And that the burgesses and freeholders of the said town shall present to my 
bailiff competent millers; so, namely, that the master miller, admitted and 
accepted by my bailiff, shall be supported at my cost, and the other lesser 
millers shall be at the cost of those grinding at the mill. I also will and grant 
that my millers do faithfully observe the days and hours fixed by them for 
those coming to the mill to have their corn ground, provided no sudden 
hindrance arises, through the breaking of the mill or the accidental and un- 
expected arrival of my com or that of the rector of Bakewell, to prevent the 
observance of the hours previously fixed. And if in any but the cases before 
described the hours fixed for the mill be not observed, I allow that those 
coming to my mill with com to be ground may lawfully go with it to another 
mill without payment of multure or (incurring a) claim.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Et toux les Burgeis manauntz en la ville de 
Dynebieghe dedenz les murs, et lour heirs et lour assignez avauntditz, 
moudrount lour bledz et lour brees a noz molins de Dynebieghe et de 
Astret al vintisme vassel. 

Et toux les avauntditz burgeis et lour heirs et lour assignez avaunt- 
ditz qui naverount propre furne, furniront a notre commun fume 
dedenz meisme la ville. 

(And all the burgesses dwelling in the town of Denbigh within the walls, 
and their heirs and assigns aforesaid, shall grind their com and their malt 
at our mills of Denbigh and Astred at the twentieth measure. And all the 
aforesaid burgesses and their heirs and assigns, who have no oven of their 
own, shall bake at our common oven within the same town.) 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Item, quod molent ad molendina nostra, 

cum molendina habuerimus, ad vicesimum granum sine secta. 

(Further, that they grind at our mills, when we have mills, at the twentieth 
grain without suit.) 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Volo etiam quod burgenses mei molent 
omnia blada sua super terram de Altringham crescentia, vel in eadem 
villa herbergata, ad molendina mea pro octavo decimo vas multure. 

(I will also that my burgesses grind all their corn growing on the land of 
Altrincham, or stored in the same town, at my mills for the eighteenth 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Salva mihi et heredibus meis libertate 
furni nostri in eodem burgo. 

(Saving to me and my heirs the liberty of our oven in the same borough.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Et quod dicti burgenses molant blada sua 
ad molendinum meum de Knotisford pro vicesimo grano ; et si contigerit 
quod molendarius aliquod dampnum sutoribus ad molendinum fecerit, 
per vicinos suos secundum quantitatem delicti in curia emendabit: 



€t quicunque dictorum burgensium panem desiderat obtinere in furno 

pastum infra quatuor portas ville, pro quoquo bussello unum obolum 

furnario meo prestabit ; et quod nullus eorum infra quatuor portas ville 

nullum furnum elevabit. 

(And that the said burgesses shall grind their corn at my mill of Knutsford 
at the twentieth grain : and if it happen that the miller do any damage to the 
suitors of the mill, he shall make amends in court according to the extent of 
his fault : and whoever of the said burgesses desires to obtain bread from the 
oven for food within the four gates of the town, he shall pay to my baker one 
halfpenny for each bushel (of flour) : and that none of them shall build an oven 
within the four gates of the town.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et habebunt^-.-molas suas manuales in 
burgagiis suis.,..Et eciam furna ad furniandum panem suam propriam 
sine pane braciato qui de modo debet furniari ad furnam meam et 
heredum meorum.... 

Et pistores ementes bladum infra villam vel habentes bladum ad 
furniandum panem ad vendendum, cujuscunque fuerit, non expecta- 
bunt ad molendum bladum suum ad molendinum meum et heredum 
meorum nisi per unum diem et per unam noctem tantum premunito 
molendinario. Et si tunc molere non possint, ducant bladum suum ad 
molendum ubi voluerint. Et furniabunt panem ad vendendum ubi 
voluerint, excepto pane braciato, ut predictum est. 

(And they shall have their hand-mills in their burgages... and also their 
ovens for baking their own bread, except malted bread ^ which ought to be 

baked at the oven of myself and my heirs And bakers, buying corn within 

the town, or having com for baking bread for sale, whosesoever it may be, shall 
not wait for grinding their corn at my mill or at that of my heirs for more than 
a day and a night, having given due notice to the miller. And if then they 
cannot grind it, they may take it where they will to be ground. And they may 
bake bread for sale where they will, except malted bread, as is aforesaid.) 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1305 {a). Edwardus &c. ballivis Mar- 
garetae, reginae Angliae, consortis suae, de Oxon. Salutem. Quia ex 
querela magistrorum [et] scolarium universitatis Oxon. accepimus quod 
quidam molendina in villa predicta et ejus suburbio habentes per molen- 
dinarios suos dictorum molendinorum quandam portionem farinae pro 
multura cujuslibet quarterii bladi ultra certam multuram inde debitam 
capi fecerunt, et hucusque faciunt minus juste in ipsorum magistrorum 
etscolariumet aliorum ibidem molentium et commorantium damnum non 
modicum et contra consuetudinem antiquitus ibidem obtentam et usi- 
tatam, Nolentes igitur consuetudinem aliquam ad commune gravamen 
populi nostri voluntarie et de novo introductam in aliquo observari, 

^ Rights of pasture inserted here (see II A 7). 

^ This is Mr Ballard's version. Ducange suggests a cake, or bread baked in embers 
{Glossarium s.v. braciatus). 


vobis precipimus quod ad molendinam predictam nihil ultra id quod 
juxta consuetudinem antiquitus ibidem obtentam et usitatam pro 
hujusmodi multura capi consuevit de cetero capi permittatis per quod 
in vestri defectum querela ad nos ex causa predicta perveniat iterata. 

(Edward I to the bailiffs of Margaret queen of England, his consort, of 
Oxford, Greeting. Whereas from the complaint of the masters and scholars 
of the university of Oxford, we have learnt that certain having mills in the 
town aforesaid and its suburb, by their millers of the said mills have caused 
and still unjustly cause to be taken a certain portion of flour for the multure of 
each quarter of corn beyond the fixed multure thence due, to the great loss 
of the same masters and scholars and of others grinding and sojourning there, 
and contrary to the custom anciently observed and in use there. We, being 
unwilling that any custom voluntarily and newly introduced should in any 
wise be observed to the common loss of our people, command you that at 
the aforesaid mill, you permit henceforth nothing to be taken beyond that 
which according to the custom anciently observed and in use there was wont 
to be taken for multure of this kind, so that by your default a repeated com- 
plaint shall not come to us from the aforesaid cause.) 

(18) Burgess's Right to dispose of his Chattels 

BOLTON y 1253. Catalla etiam sua poterit (burgensis) cuicunque 
voluerit dare, salvo similiter jure nostro. 

(Every burgess may give his chattels to whom he will, saving likewise our 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Liceat predictis burgensibus tradere 
catalla sua propria cuicunque voluerint in feodo predicti domini libere 
sine licentia predicti domini. 

(It shall be lawful for the aforesaid burgesses to deliver their chattels to 
whomsoever they will in the fee of the aforesaid lord, freely and without the 
license of the aforesaid lord.) 

(19) Disallowance of Unjust Customs 

[WINCHESTER, 1 155-8. Et si aliquae consuetudines injuste 
levatae sunt in guerra, cassatae sint. 

(And if any customs were unjustly raised during the war, they shall be 


(20) Miscellaneous Privileges 

WYCOMBE, 1226. (Fine.) Et idem Alanus et heredes sui habeant 
fima inventa in vicis de Wycumb, sicut idem Alanus ea prius habere 

(And the said Alan and his heirs shall have the manure found in the streets 
of Wycombe, as the said Alan was formerly wont to have it.) 


FAVERSHAM, 1252. Et den et strand apud Jernemuam, sicut 

ipsi et antecessores sui et combarones sui de quinque portibus earn 

melius, plenius, et honorificencius habuerunt tempore regis Eduuardi 

et aliorum predecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie. 

(And den and strand at Yarmouth, as they and their ancestors and their 
fellow barons of the Cinque Ports best and most fully and honourably had it 
in the time of king Edward and of our other predecessors, kings of England.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Et preterea concessi eisdem quod habeant 

de dono meo quolibet anno unum damum in foresta mea de Nedewod 

ad nundinas suas celebrandas. Concessi eciam eisdem in quolibet die 

nundinarum suarum unam pipam vini dictis nundinis celebrandis per 

spacium septem annorum proximo sequencium. 

(And moreover I have granted to them of my own gift one buck in my 
forest of Needwood every year for celebrating their fair. I have also granted 
them on every day of their fair, one pipe of wine for celebrating their said 
fair for the space of seven years next following.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Et quod habeant den et strand apud 
Gernemutham, secundum quod continetur in ordinacione per nos inde 
facta et perpetuo observanda....Et quod habeant inventiones suas in 
mari et in terra. Et quod quieti sint de omnibus rebus suis et toto mer- 
cato suo sicut nostri liberi homines. 

Et quod habeant honores suos in curia nostra et libertates suas per 
totam terram nostram, quocunque venerint^. 

(And that they have den and strand at Great Yarmouth, according to what 
is contained in the ordinance thereof by us made and for ever to be observed. 

And that they have their findings by sea and land. And that they be quit 
concerning all their goods and all their merchandise as our free men. 

And that they have their honours in our court and all their liberties through- 
out all our land, wherever they come.) 

FAVERSHAM, 1302. Lines 4, 5. Omit Et quod. ..liberi homines. 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nee quisquam balliuorum nostrorum impos- 
terum vicecomes denominetur. 

(Nor shall any of our bailiffs henceforth be entided sheriff.) 

(21) Forced Service as Officials ^ 

CHESTERFIELD, 1226-7. (Fine.) Preterea dictus Willelmus 
Briwerr concessit eisdem burgensibus quod nullus eorum fiet pre- 
positus in villa de Cestrefeld nisi per liberam voluntatem eorum. 

(Moreover the said William Brewer has granted to the said burgesses that 
none of them shall be made reeve in the town of Chesterfield except by his 
own free will.) 

1 An expansion of the Hastings charter, 1 155-8 (see vol. I, p. 99). See also Faver- 
sham, 1252 above. For documents relating to the exercise of these rights at Yarmouth, 
see Jeakes, Charters of the Cinque Ports. 2 ggg ajgQ p ^52 (Berkeley). 

B. II 


DUNSTER, 1254-7. Noverit universitas vestra me concessisse, 
relaxasse et quietum clamasse in perpetuum pro me et heredibus meis 
et omnibus aliis qui post me quocunque modo domini vel custodes aut 
ballivi de Dunsterre fuerint, quod burgenses illius ville aut heredes 
sui nullo modo de cetero contra voluntatem suam fiant prepositi, vel 
firmarii de portu maris aut tholoneto ipsius burgi vel de molendinis 
eiusdem ville. 

(Be it known to you all that I have granted, released and quit-claimed for 
ever for myself and my heirs and all others who by any means after me may 
become lords or wardens or bailiffs of Dunster, that the burgesses of that 
town or their heirs shall in no manner against their will be made reeves, or 
farmers of the seaport or the toll of the same borough or of the mills of the 
said town.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Quod nullus burgensis, se invito, capietur 
ad molendina mea sive furnos meos custodiendos. 

(That no burgess be taken, against his will, to keep my mills or my ovens.) 

LAUGHARNE, 1278-82. Et quod non habeant aliquod alium 
ofRcium emptoris^, mutuationis vel alterius cujuscunque servitutis que 
eis nocere possit infra villam et extra. 

(And that they shall not have any other office of buyer, borrowing or any 
other servitude whatsoever which could injure them within the town and 

ULVERSTON, 1284. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Rogerus 
de Lancastre concessi et... quietum clamavi omnes burgenses meos 
comorantes in burgo meo de Ulverston in Furn', et heredes suos, seu 
assignatos, quietos et absolutes ab omni officio camerarii ; ita quod nee 
ipsi nee heredes sui, assignati, seu successores, per me nee heredes 
meos, seu assignatos, possint compelli ad aliquid recipiendum, vel 
aliquo alio modo eos onerandum, nisi tantumodo de hiis que ad burgagea 
sua^ tantum pertinent; nee ad aliud aliquid faciendum, quam [quod] 
burgenses de Kirkeby in Kendale faciunt. 

(Be it known to present and future persons that I Roger de Lancaster have 
granted and... quit-claimed all my burgesses dwelling in my borough of 
Ulverston in Fumess, and their heirs or assigns, quit and absolved from the 
office of chamberlain in any form ; so that neither they nor their heirs, assigns, 
or successors can be compelled by me, or my heirs or assigns, to act as receiver 
of anything, or in any other way burden themselves, except only in regard to 
those things which belong to their burgages only; nor to do anything but what 
the burgesses of Kendal do.) 

^ Query for "emptionis." 

^ According to West the original read "burgareas suas." 


SWANSEA, 1306. Neque aliquis cogatur nobis deseruire, nisi 
fuerit conducticius qui pre aliis nobis pro racionabili stipendio deseruire 

(Nor shall anyone be compelled to serve us unless he be a hired servant who 
is bound to serve us beyond others in return for a reasonable stipend.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Burgensibus vero nostris predictis et de eorum 
manupastu existentibus concedimus quod decetero liberi sint a custodia 
confugiencium ad ecclesiam, nee onerentur aut in aliquo obnoxii 
teneantur pro eorundem euasione. 

(To our aforesaid burgesses, moreover, and to those of their mainpast, we 
grant that in future they shall be free from the duty of guarding those who 
take sanctuary in the church, and that they shall not be burdened or in any 
respect held responsible for the escape of such persons.) 


(i) Free Burgesses 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230. Noverit universitas vestra nos (Ricardum 

episcopum Dunelmensem), de assensu Radulfi prioris et capituli nostri 

Dunelmensis, dedisse, concessisse et hac presenti carta nostra con- 

firmasse hominibus de villa de Hertilpole quod sint liberi burgenses^. 

(Know ye that we (Richard Bishop of Durham), with the consent of Ralph ,^ 
prior, and our chapter of Durham, have given, granted and by this our present 
charter confirmed to the men of the town of Hartlepool that they shall be 
free burgesses.) 

Quod dicti burgenses habeant bonas et rectas libertates et liberas 

consuetudines sicut liberi burgenses. 

(That the said burgesses shall have good and right liberties and free customs 
as free burgesses.) 

LISKEARD, 1240. Et burgenses eiusdem burgi sint liberi. 
(And that the burgesses of the same borough be free.) 

DUNHEVED, 1225-56. Et nostri burgenses de eodem burgo et 
omnes homines ad libertatem eiusdem burgi pertinentes liberi sint 
ubicunque fuerint. 

(And that our burgesses of the same borough and all men pertaining to the 
liberties of the said borough shall be free (burgesses) wherever they are.) 
TINTAGEL, 1225-57. Line i. For nostri reac? omnes. 

LYDHAM, 1270. Et (quod) homines eiusdem villae liberi sint 
burgenses, sicut burgenses aliorum burgo rum regni nostri. 

(And that the men of the same town be free burgesses, like the burgesses 
of other towns of our realm.) 

CLIFTON, 1270. (To Roger de Mortimer.) 

WINDSOR, 1277. Et quod probi homines nostri eiusdem villae 
et eorum heredes et successores liberi burgenses sint. 

(And that the good men of the same town and their heirs and successors 
be free burgesses.) 

CONWAY, 1284. Et quod homines nostri eiusdem villae liberi sint 


(And that our men of the same town be free burgesses.) 

HARLECH, 1284. 
BERE, 1284. 

^ King John's grant to the same effect in 1201 (vol. i, p. loi) was renewed by 
Henry III in 1234. 


FLINT, 1284. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. 
LYME (REGIS), 1284. 
CAERWYS, 1290. 
Line i. Omit nostri. 

For eiusdem villae read eundem burgum inhabitantes. 
OVERTON, 1292. 
HULL, 1299. 
"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 
BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Omit nostri. 
NEWBOROUGH (Anglesey), 1303. As Caerwys. 

CHESTERFIELD, 1 294. Et quod sint liberi burgenses in perpetuum. 
(And that they be free burgesses for ever.) 

KIRKHAM, 1296. Et burgenses eius[dem] burgi et heredes eorum 

€t eorum assignati liberi [sint burgenses]. 

(And that the burgesses of the said borough and their heirs and assigns 
shall be free burgesses.) 

" SKYNBURGH," 1301. Et quod homines eundem burgum inhabi- 
tantes et inhabituri sint iiberi burgenses. 

(And that the men who do and shall inhabit the said borough shall be free 


(2) Freedom to Sons^ of Burgesses 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Similiter et seniores filii eorum habebunt 

easdem libertates et liberas consuetudines, licet non habeant burgagia, 

viventibus antecessoribus et patribus eorundem et tenentibus burgagia 

unde erunt heredes, et ceteri aut filii aut filie burgensium habebunt 

libertates et liberas consuetudines, si mercandiare voluerint, et dabunt 

mihi et heredibus meis annuatim tres denarios pro libertatibus habendis 

donee sibi burgagia adquisierint, et tunc dabunt mihi et heredibus meis 

ad ingressum quattuor denarios et bedello unum denarium et clerico 

unum denarium ad ponendum nomen eorum in rotulo, et tunc non 

dabunt amplius tres denarios per annum. 

(Likewise also their eldest sons shall have the same liberties and free customs, 
although they have no burgages during the lifetime of their ancestors and 
fathers who hold burgages of which they will be the heirs, and the other 
children, either sons or daughters of the burgesses, shall have the liberties 
and free customs, if they wish to traffic, and shall pay to me and my heirs 
three pence a year for having these liberties until they acquire burgages, and 
then they shall pay me and my heirs four pence on entry, and to the beadle 
one penny, and to the clerk one penny for entering their name on the roll, 
and then they shall no longer pay their three pence per annum.) 

1 See p. 135. 


(2 a) Freedom by Marriage to Heiress of Burgess 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et si filie burgagia tenentes se maritare 
voluerint, tunc mariti filiarum venient ad proximam curiam et dabunt 
mihi et heredibus meis 4d. et bedello id. et clerico id., ut prius dictum, 
et filii eorum erunt burgenses, et mariti filiarum burgagia tenentes per 
legem Anglie post mortem uxorum suarum erunt burgenses in tota vita 
sua, et heredes de dicta muliere procreati, et filii et filie, habebunt 
libertates predictas in perpetuum; et si maritus adquisierit sibi bur- 
gagium vivente uxore sua, ipse et heredes sui erunt burgenses in per- 

(And if daughters holding burgages wish to marry, their husbands shall 
come to the next court and shall pay 4d. to me and my heirs and id. to the 
beadle and id. to the clerk, as is aforesaid, and their sons shall be burgesses; 
and the husbands of heiresses holding their burgages by the courtesy of 
England after the death of their wives, shall be burgesses for their whole lives, 
and the heirs begotten of the said woman, both sons and daughters, shall 
have the aforesaid liberties for ever; and if a husband acquire a burgage 
during the life of his wife he and his heirs shall be burgesses for ever.) 

(2 6) Freedom of Widow (?) and Second Husband 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et vidue dotate rerum^ secundi viri in 
tota vita viduarum tenentium burgagia in dotem erunt burgenses, ut 
prius dictum est de maritis filiarum. Sed viri talium viduarum non 
habebunt libertates post mortes uxorum suarum nisi medio tempore 
sibi burgagia adquisierint. 

(And widows dowered with property [...] second husbands during the 
whole life of widows who hold burgages in dower shall be burgesses, as is 
aforesaid concerning the husbands of heiresses^. But the husbands of such 
widows shall not have the liberties after the death of their wives, unless in 
the meantime they have acquired burgages for themselves.) 

(3) Freedom by Occupation of Burgage. 
Tenants of Burgesses 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Concessi etiam burgensibus meis quod 
possint per viginti pedes terrae liberos facere tenentes suos ita quod 
communem habent cum burgensibus libertatem. 

^ Reorum, MS. The scribe elsewhere wrote "rea" for "res." 

- The early part of this clause is either defective or extraordinarily clumsy. It is 
surely plain from the reference to the previous clause (za) that "secundi viri" is in the 
nominative plural with "erunt burgenses" as the predicate, not genitive singular de- 
pending on " rerum," as Mr Ballard took it. I have suggested in the translation that 
the scribe has dropped the end of a sentence after " rerum," which would be easy if it 
dealt with the widows' freedom in similar terms to that of their husbands. 
' Vol. I, p. 50. For tenants of burgesses, see also II a 7 (Bakewell, 1286). 



(I have granted also to my burgesses that by giving land with a frontage of 
twenty feet they may make their tenants free so that they have common 
liberty with the burgesses.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 

Line 2. After possint insert de tenementis suis. 

MOONE, 1223. As Carlow. 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Do. 

ROSBERCON, 1289-95. Do. 

UTTOXETER, 1252. We have granted also to the said burgesses 
and to their heirs as abovesaid that they may take within themselves 
upon their burgages aforesaid chapmen and other freemen whom they 
will, enfeoffing them or granting them other easements within the said 
borough without injury to the same and without hindrance of us and 
our heirs, saving our services in all. 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Quod quicumque toftum infra burgum 

habuerit reddat nobis pro tofto sex denarios ad terminos predictos et 

habeant {sic) omnes libertates superius scriptas. 

(That whoever shall have a toft within the borough shall pay to us for the 
toft six pence at the aforesaid terms and shall have all the liberties above 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et si filii vel filie burgensium dantes 

libertatem per annum, scilicet tres denarios, sibi burgagia adquisierint 

vel de dono, legato, empcione aut de jure aut aliquo alio modo, tunc non 

dabunt amplius tres denarios ad libertatem per annum^. 

(And if the sons or daughters of the burgesses who pay their fees for the 
freedom, to wit, three pence per annum, acquire burgages for themselves 
either by gift or devise or purchase or by law or in any other way, they shall 
no longer pay their three pence per annum for their freedom.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et omnes qui tenent de me et heredibus 

meis ab antiquo, et modo tenent, et postea tenebunt, habebunt libertates 


(And all who hold of me and my heirs of old, and who now hold, and who 
shall hereafter hold, shall have the liberties aforesaid.) 

(3 a) Freedom on Payment of Fees 

CHESTERFIELD , 1294. Et si vendiderint burgagia vel reddittis 

que pro burgagiis mihi et heredibus meis per annum reddunt, aut red- 

dere solebant aut debent, tunc, si voluerint, reddant mihi et heredibus 

meis 3d. per annum pro libertatibus habendis^. 

(And if they shall sell the burgages or the yearly rents which they pay for 
burgages to me and my heirs, or were wont and ought to pay, then, if they 
wish, they may pay me and my heirs 3£f. yearly to have the liberties.) 

^ Cf. sect. 3(2 below. The use of "liberty" for the payment as well as the right in 
line 2, is noteworthy. ^ fhis clause follows that printed just above. 


(4) Freedom by Residence for Year and Day^ 

LINCOLN^, 1227. Confirmo etiam eis quod si aliquis nativus 
manserit in civitate mea Lincolniae per annum et unum diem sine ca- 
lumnia, extunc ut in antea remaneat in pace in civitate Lincolniae sicut 
civis meus sine placito. 

(I confirm also to them that if any native remain in my city of Lincoln for 
a year and a day without challenge, thenceforward as heretofore, he shall re- 
main peacefully in the city of Lincoln as my citizen.) 

HEREFORD^, 1227, Si vero aliquis nativus alicuius in prefato 
burgo manserit et terram in eo tenuerit et fuerit in prefata gilda et 
hansa et lot et scot cum eisdem burgensibus per unum annum et unum 
diem, deinceps non possit repeti a domino suo sed in eodem burgo liber 

(But if any man's serf remain in the aforesaid borough and hold land in it, 
and be in the guild aforesaid and in hanse and lot and scot with the same bur- 
gesses for a year and a day, thenceforward he cannot be recovered by his lord, 
but shall remain in the same borough a free man.) 

Line i. Omit vero. 

3. For lot et scot read loth et scoth. 

4. After diem insert sine calumpnia. 
BRIDGENORTH, 1227 (b). 

Line 4. After diem insert sine calumpnia. 

Line 2. For terram in eo read se. 
SHREWSBURY, 1227 («)• 

Line 2. For terram in eo read se. 

Line 2. For terram in eo read se. 

4. After diem insert sine calumpnia. 
DEGANWY, 1252. As Montgomery. 
BRECON, 1277-82. Do. 

Line 2. After burgo insert vel villa de Luwell. 
3. Read ad scot et lot. 
ABERYSTWYTH, 1277. As Montgomery. 
RHUDDLAN, 1278. Do. 
BUILTH, 1278. Do. 
CONWAY, 1284. Do. 
CARNARVON, 1284. Do. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
BERE, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 

^ Cf. sect. 8 below. 2 Qf Lincoln, 1157 (vol. i, p. 104). 

' Cf. Hereford, 1215 (vol. i, p. 104). The Preston custumal (early fourteenth 
century) has the clause as above, reading "villa" for "burgo" (Eng. Hist. Rev. xv, 


OVERTON, 1292. As Montgomery. 
Line 2. For gilda read villa. 

3. For burgensibus read hominibus. 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. As Montgomery. 

WEST LOOE, ? 1243. Quod si aliquis residens fuerit per unum 

annum et unum diem in eodem burgo sine justa calumpnia secundum 

legem aliorum liberorum burgensium quietus ab omni nativitate et 

servitute remaneat. 

(That if any person be resident for a year and a day in the said borough 
without just claim (to him) according to the law of other free burgesses, he 
shall remain quit from all serfdom and servitude.) 

BODMIN, 1225-57. Et si aliquis in eadem villa ad gildam mercan- 

dam iuste presentatus fuerit, et ibidem per annum et diem sine contra- 

diccione remanserit per visum predicte ville, si aliquis eum calumpnia- 

verit in ejusdem ville libertate remaneat, 

(And if any one in the same town be properly presented to the merchant 
guild, and remain there for a year and a day without contradiction, under the 
view of the said town, if any claim him, he shall remain in the liberty of the 
same town.) 

WELSHPOOL, 1241-C. 1286. Ita quod si aliquis nativus extraneus 
veniat in prefato burgo, et terram (teneat, et sit in scott et cum lott) cum 
prefatis burgensibus per unum annum et unum diem, liber ibidem 
maneat et nunquam domino suo liberetur. 

(So that if any foreign native shall come to the aforesaid borough, and hold 
land, and be in scot and with lot with the aforesaid burgesses for a year and 
a day, he shall remain there free, and shall never be delivered to his lord.) 

LLANFYLLIN, after 1286. 

(5) Freedom by Royal Grant 

SOUTHAMPTON, 1303. Sciatis quod cum nuper pro bono ser- 
vicio quod dilectus serviens Johannes de London de Burdigala nobis et 
nostris in partibus Vasconie et alibi hactenus impendisset concesserimus 
ei quod liber burgensis noster ville nostri Suth' sit, et quod libertatibus 
et liberis consuetudinibus quibus burgenses eiusdem ville ex concessione 
progenitorum nostrorum, quondam regum Anglie, et nostra usi sint 
et gavisi uti valeat et gaudere, et quod idem Johannes de tallagiis, 
auxiliis et contributionibus quibuscunque dictam villam contingentibus 
suo perpetuo sit quietus, prout in litteris nostris patentibus ei inde con- 
fectis plenius continetur, Nos eidem Johanni intuitu servicii sui pre- 
dicti gratiam facere volentes uberiorem in hac parte concessimus quod 
ipse et Blanchia uxor eius et Andreas, Johannes et Henricus ac Meresina 
et Alicia, filii et filie ipsorum Johannis et Blanche, liberi burgenses 


nostre ville predicte sint, et quod ipsi libertatibus quibus ceteri burgenses 

ville predicte usi sunt totis temporibus vite sue gaudeant et utantur ac 

eciam quod ipsi de tallagiis auxiliis et contributionibus quibuscunque 

dictam villam contingentibus suo perpetuo sint quieti. 

(Know ye, that whereas we lately, in consideration of the good service 
which our beloved Serjeant John of London of Bordeaux has rendered to 
us and ours in the parts of Gascony and elsewhere, have granted to him that 
he should be a free burgess of our town of Southampton and that he should 
have the right to use and enjoy the liberties and free customs which the 
burgesses of the said town use and enjoy by the grant of our ancestors, 
formerly kings of England, and ourselves, and that the said John should be 
free for ever from tallages, aids and contributions of any kind affecting that 
town, as in our letters patent made for him thereon is more fully contained, 
We, wishing to show more abundant favour to the said John, in consideration 
of his aforesaid service, have granted that he and Blanche, his wife, and 
Andrew, John and Henry and Meresina and Alice, sons and daughters of the 
same John and Blanche, shall be free burgesses of our aforesaid town and 
shall enjoy and use etc. (as in the previous grant to John alone). 

(6) Scot and Lot^ 

STIRLING, 1226^. Precipimus etiam ut omnes qui manent in 

burgo nostro de Strivelin, et cum burgensibus nostris communicare ad 

forum voluerint, communicent cum illis ad auxilia mea reddenda, cujus- 

cunque homines sint. 

(We ordain also that all who dwell in our burgh of Stirling, and wish to be 
in community with our burgesses at market, shall be in community with them 
in paying our aids, whosesoever men they may be ) 

WATERFORD, 1232. Concessi autem eis quod neque Templarii 
neque Hospitalarii habeant aliquem hominem vel aliquod messagium 
quietum de communibus consuetudinibus civitatis infra predictas metas, 
nisi unum solum. [Cf. Dublin, vol. i, p. 109.] 

(1 have granted also to them that neither the Templars nor the Hospitallers 
shall have any man or any messuage quit of the common customs of the city 
within the aforesaid bounds, except one only.) 
CORK, 1242. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. 

Line i. For Concessi... eis read Et. 

For neque... neque read vel... vel 

2. Before habeant insert non. 

3. Omit civitatis... metas. 
LIMERICK, 1292. AsWaterford. 

NORWICH, 1229. Quod omnes hii qui residentiam habent in civi- 

tate Norwici, et qui communicaverunt libertatibus quas concessimus 

eisdem civibus Norwici, tallientur et auxilium dent sicut predicti cives 

Norwici, quando tallagia et auxilia super eos posita fuerint. 

^ See also V b 4 (Shrewsbury, 1227) and V b 13 (Chesterfield, 1294). 
^ Cf. Perth, 1165-1214 (vol. i, p. 109). 


Quod si aliquis a consuetudinibus eorum et scottis se foras miserit, 
ad eorum societatem et consuetudinem revertatur et scottum ipsorum 
sequatur, ita quod nullus inde sit quietus. 

(That all those who reside in the City of Norwich and share in the liberties 
which we have granted to the said citizens of Norwich, shall be tallaged and 
pay aid in like manner as the citizens aforesaid, whenever tallages and aids 
are imposed on them. 

That if any person has absconded from their customs and scots, he shall 
return to their society and customs and shall pay scot with them, so that 
none be quit thereof.) 

NORWICH, 1256. Et quod singuli mercatores communicantes 

libertatibus suis et mercandisis sint ad lottum et scottum eorundem 

civium et ad auxilia praestanda, ubicunque fecerint residentiam, sicut 

esse debent et solent. 

(And that all merchants sharing in their liberties and merchandise, shall 
be at lot and scot with the said citizens and shall pay aid, wherever they have 
their residence, as they ought and are used to do.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (b). Et quod illi qui sint ad lot et scot in 

eodem burgo non sint de cetero immunes vel quieti de tallagiis, auxiliis 

vel aliquibus aliis omnibus assidendis in eodem burgo. 

(And that all those who are at lot and scot in the same borough shall not 
henceforth be immune or quit of tallages, aids or any other taxes to be assessed 
on all in the same borough.) 

RETFORD, 1259. Quod quicunque manserit in dicto burgo et 

terram vel redditum in eo habuerit, cujuscunque feodi sit, contribuat 

cum aliis burgensibus ad tallagia, auxilia et alia onera ejusdem burgi 

sicut facere consuevit, nisi specialem inde habeat quietanciam per cartas 

predecessorum nostrorum regum Anglie vel nostras. 

(That whoever shall dwell in the said borough and have land or rent therein, 
of whosesoever fee he may be, shall contribute with the other burgesses to the 
tallages, aids and other burdens of the same borough as he was wont to do, 
unless he have a special quittance therefrom by the charters of our prede- 
cessors, kings of England, or of ourselves.) 

LANARK, 1285. Volumus et precipimus quod omnes manentes in 

burgo nostro de Lanark cum dictis burgensibus nostris communicantes 

contribuant ad auxilium nostrum cum eisdem burgensibus de Lanark. 

(We will and command that all the inhabitants of our burgh of Lanark 
sharing with our said burgesses, shall contribute to our aids with the said 
burgesses of Lanark.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1298 (b). Considerantes quod navigium nostrum 
Quinque Portuum non absque magnis sumptibus et expensis poterit 
sustentari, ne navigium illud deficiat vel pereat in futurum, concessimus 
pro nobis et heredibus nostris quod omnes illi de Quinque Portubus 
predictis et alii quicunque advocantes se de libertate eorundem et inde 


gaudere volentes contribuant, videlicet, quilibet eorum juxta facultates 
suas, ad faciendum servicium nostrum et heredum nostrorum de navibus 
suis, cum a nobis vel heredibus nostris hoc habuerint in mandatis. 

(Considering that our shipping of the Cinque Ports cannot be sustained 
without great cost and expense, in order that that shipping may not fail or 
perish in future, We have granted, for us and our heirs, that all the men of the 
Cinque Ports aforesaid and all others who avow themselves to be of their 
hberty and wish to enjoy the same, shall contribute, to wit, each according to 
his means, to the performance of our service and the service of our heirs, 
from their own ships, when they have this in command from us or our heirs.) 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 12981. Et quod iidem homines et 
tenentes terrarum et tenementorum predictorum in Pampeden et eorum 
heredes predictis burgensibus et probis hominibus ville Novi Castri et 
eorum heredibus et ballivis eiusdem ville sicut eorum comburgenses de 
cetero respondeant et intendant in omnibus que contingunt libertatem 

(And that the said men and tenants of the aforesaid lands and tenements in 
Pandon shall, as being their fellow-burgesses, answer to and shall assist the 
aforesaid burgesses and good men of the town of Newcastle and their heirs 
and the bailiffs of the said town in all matters relating to the aforesaid liberty.) 

HULL, 1299. Et quod omnes illi de burgo predicto libertatibus et 
liberis consuetudinibus gaudere volentes sint ad gildam et scottam cum 
eisdem burgensibus, quociens burgum ilium contigerit talliari. 

(And that all those of the aforesaid borough who wish to enjoy its liberties 
and free customs shall be at geld and scot with the said burgesses, as often 
as it shall happen that the borough is tallaged.) 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 


SWANSEA, 1306. Et si aliquem burgensem de nouo fecerimus in 
burgo de Sweyn' aut extra, scottagium et tallagium in omnibus generibus 
tallagiorum et auxiliorum una cum eisdem burgensibus meis dabit, 
exceptis burgensibus de Loghaurne. 

(And if we shall make a new burgess in the borough of Swansea or outside 
it, he shall give scottage and tallage in every kind of tallages and aids along 
with my said burgesses, save the burgesses of Laughame.) 

(7) Remission of Taxes, etc. 

DUMBARTON, 1221. Concessi etiam burgensibus qui illuc veni- 
ent ad burgum meum inhabitandum et ibi sedentes et manentes erunt, 
Kersetum a pentecoste anno gracie 1221 usque ad terminum quinque 
annorum completorum. 

1 Cf. I, 17. 


(I have granted also to the burgesses who shall come thither to inhabit my 
borough and shall be settled and shall dwell there exemption from building, 
from Whitsunday, 1221, for the term of five complete years thereafter.) 
DINGWALL, 1226. 

Line 3. For pentecoste read festo Sancti Martini. 
For 1 22 1 read 1226. 
For quinque read decern. 

(8) Lord's Veto on Freedom ^ 

PLYMPTON, 1242. Exceptis nativis nostris, quos si contigerit in 

predicto burgo manere vel perhindinare quod predicte libertatis auctori- 

tate predictis burgensibus concesse nullam sibi libertatem poterunt 

vendicare aut usurpare sine assensu nostro speciali. 

(Except our born serfs, who, if they happen to remain or sojourn in the 
aforesaid borovigh, cannot claim or usurp any liberty by reason of the aforesaid 
liberty granted to our aforesaid burgesses, without our special assent.) 

CLOYNE, 1249-64. (After warranty clause.) Salvis tamen mihi et 

successoribus meis censariis et eorum censibus quos in eadem civitate 

morari contingat in futurum. 

(Saving to me and my successors the censers who may chance to sojourn 
in the same city in future and their rents.) 

(9) Residence of Burgesses 

UTTOXETER, 1252. And if it happen that any burgage belonging 
to us or our heirs by any means or by fire shall be in lack of occupation 
or service by the space of one year, then for want of a tenant the whole 
commonalty of the burgesses of the said town's street ^ after the year 
shall take the said burgage into their hands, and make the best profit 
thereof, and answer to us and our heirs for the farm and service thereof, 
without any claim of him or his who first held the said burgage. 

(11) Prohibition of Residence to Jews^ 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1234(6). Rex vicecomiti Northumber- 
land salutem. Scias quod concessimus et carta nostra confirmavimus 
probis hominibus nostris de villa Novi Castri super Tinam et heredibus 
eorum quod habeant banc libertatem videlicet, quod nuUus Judaeus de 
cetero tempore nostro vel heredum nostrorum maneat vel residenciam 
aliquam faciat in eadem villa, sicut plenius continetur in carta regis 
quam eis inde fieri fecit. 

^ Cf. sect. 13 below. 

^ Redfem has "town straight" (Hist, of Uttoxeter, p. lOo). 

' See footnote to p. 30. For the Jews, see also V b 16. 


(The king to the sheriff of Northumberland greeting. Know that we have 
granted and by our charter confirmed to the good men of Newcastle-on-Tyne 
that they shall have this liberty, to wit, that henceforth no Jew shall remain or 
have any residence in the said town either in our time or in that of our heirs, 
as is more fully contained in the king's charter which they have to that effect.) 

DERBY, 1 260-1. (After a preamble almost identical with the 
Newcastle one.) Quod nuUus Judeus vel Judea per nos vel heredes 
nostros aut per alios de cetero maneat aut commoretur in villa de Derb'^. 

(That no Jew or Jewess shall through us or our heirs or through others in 
future remain or sojourn in the town of Derby.) 

CONWAY, 1284. Et quod Judei in eodem burgo aliquibus tem- 

poribus non morentur. 

(And that Jews shall not sojourn in the same borough at any time.) 

HARLECH, 1284. 
BERK, 1284. 
FLINT, 1284. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. 
OVERTON, 1292. 

(12) Enfranchisement of Serfs 

HIGH AM FERRERS, 1251 {a). Noveritis nos die S. Gregorii anno 
regni regis Henrici, filii regis Johannis, tricesimo quinto concessisse 
et...confirmasse pro nobis et heredibus nostris quod isti subscripti 
homines de Hecham scilicet (here follow the names of 88 men), cum 
eorum sequela, terris et tenementis et omnibus eorum catallis, liberi sint 
erga nos et heredes nostros in perpetuum, Ita quod nos et heredes nostri 
de cetero nullam poterimus habere vel exigere servitutem sive de ali- 
quibus de eisdem exeuntibus. 

(Know ye that we, on the day of St Gregory in the 35th year of the reign 
of king Henry, son of king John, have granted and... confirmed that all the 
underwritten men of Higham, to wit (here follow the names of 88 men), with 
their families, lands and tenements and all their chattels, shall be free as 
regards ourselves and our heirs for ever. So that we and our heirs shall not 
be able henceforth to have or exact any servitude from them or from any of 
their issue.) 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Concessimus insuper liberos et ab omni 
nativitate ac servili conditione quietos imperpetuum clamavimus omnes 
nativos nostros cum eorundem sequelis et catallis qui in predicta villa 
de Wayemue hactenus manserunt. 

^ For this "liberty" a fine of lo marks was paid. Newcastle-on-Tyne had paid no 
less than loo marks in 1234 (Brand, Newcastle, 11, 140). 


(We have, moreover, granted that all our natives who have hitherto dwelt 
in the aforesaid town shall be free and have quitclaimed them for ever from all 
serfdom and servile condition with their families and chattels.) 

CHRISTCHURCH, 1245-62. Preterea quia dicti mei burgenses et 

€orum predecessores omnibus temporibus patris mei et omnium ante- 

cessorum meorum liberi et immunes a redemptione filiorum et filiarum 

suarum semper extiterunt, nee aliquam redemptionem de jure facere 

consueverunt, et quia super hiis domina Amicia de Redveriis, Comitissa 

Devon[ie] et Domina Insule, mater mea, eisdem burgensibus laudabile 

testimonium perhibeat, Ego dictus Baldwinus volo et concedo..,quod 

dicti burgenses et eorum heredes sive successores liberi et quieti sint 

imperpetuum ab omni vendicatione dicti redemptionis. Ita quod nulla 

redemptio filiorum et filiarum suarum nee aliqua alia servitus inconsueta 

a dictis burgensibus et eorum heredibus per me vel per meos ballivos 

imperpetuum exigetur, vendicetur vel extorquetur. 

(Moreover, whereas my said burgesses and their predecessors have at all 
times of my father and all my ancestors been free and immune from redemption 
of their sons and daughters, and were not wont to make any redemption 
rightfully, and whereas on this point my mother, the Lady Amicia de Redvers, 
Countess of Devon and Lady of the Isle, gives them her witness, Now I the 
said Baldwin will and grant that the said burgesses and their heirs or successors 
shall be free and quit for ever from all claim to the said redemption. So that 
no redemption of their sons and daughters nor any other unwonted servitude 
shall ever be exacted, claimed or extorted from the said burgesses and their 
heirs by me or my bailiffs for ever.) 

(13) Reservation of Rights over Serfs ^ 

BRIDGETOWN ROMERO Y, 1268. Concede eciam hominibus 
meis de terra mea de Bery quos feofaui de noua terra et de nouo burgagio 
in predictis terris meis de Brigg' quod habeant et teneant predictas terras 
suas et predicta burgagia sua sibi et heredibus suis aut assignatis de me 
et heredibus meis aut assignatis, secundum formam predictam. Ita 
tamen quod per illas terras et ilia burgagia nee predicti homines nee 
aliquis de suis sequelis quicunque dictas terras et dicta burgagia tenuerint 
aliquid libertatis vendicare poterint nee habere nisi in illis terris et in 
illis burgagiis tantum. Et si aliquis de suis sequelis dictas terras et dicta 
burgagia teneant sine aliquo alio tenemento seruili nullam libertatem 
per illas terras et ilia burgagia sibi acquirant quin ego et heredes mei 
aut assignati ad aliam terram seruilem tenendam ipsos per sanguinem 
predecessorum suorum et suum quando voluerimus compellere possimus, 
secundum consuetudinem manerii de Bery. Et si contingat quod bur- 
genses de Brigg' predictos homines vel aliquem de suis sequelis in pre- 
positum eligant, nolo quod idem homines nee aliquis de suis sequelis 

^ Cf. sect. 8 above. 



[HI 13 

fiat prepositus nee esse possit nisi de consensu meo vel heredum meorum 

aut assignatorum. Volo eciam quod predicti homines et heredes sui 

aut assignati libere possint emere et vendere in noua villa et antiqua absque 

aliqua occasione sicuti ceteri burgenses mei de Brigg' faciunt et facere 


(I grant also to my men of my land of Bery (Berry Pomeroy), whom I have 
enfeoffed with new land and new burgage in my aforesaid lands of Brigg% 
that they may have and hold their aforesaid lands and their aforesaid burgages 
to them and their heirs or assigns, of me and my heirs or assigns, according] 
to the form aforesaid, so nevertheless that by those lands and those burgages 
neither the aforesaid men nor any of their sequels who shall hold the said 
lands and the said burgages, can claim or have anything of liberty except ia| 
those lands and those burgages only. And if any of their sequels hold the said) 
lands and the said burgages without any other servile tenement, they shall' 
acquire to themselves no liberty by those lands and those burgages, but that 
I and my heirs or assigns may compel them, where we will, to hold other 
servile land, by the blood of their predecessors and their own, according to 
the custom of the manor of Bery. And if it happen that the burgesses of 
Brigg' elect as reeve the aforesaid men or any of their sequels, I am unwilling 
that the same men or any of their sequels be made or can be reeve, unless 
by consent of me or my heirs or assigns. I will also that the aforesaid men 
and their heirs or assigns may freely buy and sell in the new vill and the old 
without any hindrance, as other my burgesses of Brigg' do and were accustomed 
to do.) 

^ For the wider liberty given to the other burgesses, see V b 5. 



(i) Liberty to Compound Offences 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Si aliquis burgensis in burgo aliquem burgen- 

sem per iram percusserit vel verberaverit sine sanguinis effusione, per 

visum burgensium sibi pacem faciet, salvo jure meo scilicet xii den.^. 

(If any burgess strike another in anger within the borough or beat him 
without bloodshed, he shall make peace under the supervision of the bur- 
gesses, saving my rights, to wit, twelve pence.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. For sine read absque. 

3. For scilicet read similiter. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si aliquis burgensis cum aliquo certaverit 

et per iram eum percusserit sine sanguinis effusione, et ad domum. suam 

redire possit sine calumpnia prefecti aut famulorum suorum, liber erit 

de placito prepositi ; et si guerram illius cui commisit sustinere poterit, 

bene potest fieri: sin autem per consilium amicorum suorum cum eo 

pacem faciat et hoc sine forisfactura prefecti. 

(If any burgess contend with another and in anger strike him without blood- 
shed, and be able to return to his house without challenge on the part of the 
prefect or his servants, he shall not be impleaded by the reeve: and if he can 
bear the revenge of him on whom he committed the assault, it may so be done ; 
but if not, by the advice of his friends {i.e. relatives) he may make peace with 
him, and that without a forfeiture to the prefect.) 

CHARD^, 1235. Concedimus praeterea quod si lis aliqua dampnosa 

intra ambitum messagii alicuius eorum emerserit liberam habeat potes- 

tatem adinvicem concordandi, justicia nostra nuUam exigente inde con- 

suetudinem vel emendationem donee burgenses in justitiam defecerint, 

nisi mortale vulnus vel dampnum corpori perpetuum inflictum fuerit 

vel etiam nisi alter burgensium justitiae nostrae querimoniam fecerit 

salva in omnibus justicia regia et dignitate. 

(We grant moreover that if any quarrel sounding in damages^ shall arise 
within the bounds of anyone's messuage, he shall have full power to make 
peace between them, our justice exacting no custom or fine therefrom, unless 
the burgesses make default in justice, or unless a mortal wound or a lasting 
bodily hurt shall have been inflicted, or also unless the other of the burgesses 
shall have made complaint to our justice, saving in all things the royal justice 
and dignity.) 

^ The Salford rule illustrates the normal later practice, the Manchester one (of. 
IV c 8) the archaic survival. See Introduction, p. Ixxxvi. 

* Cf. Wells, 1174-80 and 1201 (vol. i, p. 112). ^ ? Resulting in injuries (T.). 

B. II 10 


(2) Liberty to hold Pleas ^ 

CASHEL, 1230. Ac potestatem et auctoritatem tenendi ibidem hun- 

dredum et curiam baronie, et audiendi et terminandi placita et querelas 

dictum hundredum et curiam concernenda in dicta villa et burgagia {sic) 

ejusdem, per prepositum dicte ville, qui pro tempore fuerit, imper- 

petuum, de tempore in tempus quociens ipsi preposito placuerit. 

(And power and authority to hold there a hundred (court) and a court 
baron, and to hear and determine pleas and quarrels concerning the said 
hundred and court in the said town and its burgages, by the provost of the 
said town for the time being, for ever, from time to time as often as shall be 
pleasing to the said provost.) 

FARNHAMy 1247. Et ad curiam suam propriam sectam coram 

ballivis suis facere debent, sicut ballivis nostris facere prius consueverunt. 

(And they shall do suit at their own court before their own bailiffs, as they 
were formerly wont to do before our bailiffs.) 

BRECON, 1277-82. Concessimus etiam...predictis burgensibus et 

heredibus eorum imperpetuum omnia placita latrocinii et cujuslibet 

felonie et attachiamenta facta quocunque modo infra predictas metas 

dicti burgi et ville de Luwell tempore duarum nundinarum Brechon, 

videlicet, per octo dies ante Nativitatem Beati Johannis Baptiste etiam 

per octo dies post idem festum, etiam per octo dies ante Decollacionem 

Beati Johannis etiam per octo dies post idem festum plenarie completos. 

(We have also granted to the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs for ever 
all pleas of larceny and every felony and all attachments made within the 
bounds of the said borough and of the vill of Llywel at the time of the two 
fairs of Brecon, to wit, for eight days before the Nativity of St John the Baptist 
and for eight days after, and for eight days before the Decollation of St John 
and for eight days after the same feast, fully to be completed.) 

ORMSKIRK, c. 1286. Item, volumus quod sit ibidem placitum 

quod vocatur Portemonmote a tribus septimanis in tres septimanas. 

(Further, we will that there shall be there a court which is called Portman- 
moot every three weeks.) 

CHESTER, 1300. Et quod habeant placita corone nostre de hiis 

que infra eandem libertatem emerserint, coram maiore et ballivis dicte 

civitatis in curia nostra ejusdem civitatis placitanda, et amerciamenta 

et omnia alia que ad nos pertinent in hac parte percipiant, sicut nos ea 

prius percipere consuevimus. 

(And that they have the pleas of our crown which shall arise within the 
same liberty, to be pleaded before the mayor and bailiffs of the said city in 
our court of the said city, and shall receive the amercements and all other 
matters pertaining to us in this behalf, as we were wont to receive them 

^ For the grant of a leet court at Norwich in 1304, see p. 343. Cf. IV a 4 (Cambridge, 
1256 (6) and Oxford, 1257 (a)). See also IV b 2. 

IVa3] jurisdictional privileges 147 

(3) Sake and Soke 

HEREFORD^, 1227. Concessimus praeterea eisdem burgensibus et 

heredibus eonim quod habeant soc et sac et thol et theam et infangene- 


(We have granted also to the same burgesses and their heirs, that they have 
soke and sake and toll and team and infangthef .) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1227 (b). 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 
WIGAN, 1246. 

Line 2. After theam insert et attachiamenta infra burgum. 
3 . After infangenethef add et utfangenthef . 
DEGANWY, 12s; 2. As Montgomery. 
BUILTH, 1278. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1278. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 
CONWAY, 1284. Do. 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conwav. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
BERE, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. Do. 
CHESTER, 1500. 

Line 2. After quod insert ipsi et heredes sui predicti. 

FAVERSHAM, 1252. Cum socka et sak, thol et them, et infangene- 

(With sake and soke, toll and team, and infangthef.) 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Et quod habeant Infangentef. 
(And that they have Infangthef.) 

[TRURO, 1166^. Sciatis quod concessi Hberis burgensibus meis 

de Triuereu habere omnes Hberas consuetudines et urbanas et easdem 

in omnibus quas habuerunt in tempore Ricardi de Lacy sciHcet sacham 

et socham et tol et them et infangenethef. 

(Know ye that I have granted that my free burgesses of Truro shall have 
all their free and urban customs the same in all things vv'hich they had in the 
time of Richard de Lacy, to wit, sake and soke and toll and team and in- 


Line i. For Sciatis... habere read Et burgenses nostri ibidem. 
2, 3. Omit et easdem... scilicet. 

1 Cf. Hereford, 1215 (vol. i, p. 114). " Vol. I, p. 113. 

10 — 2 


CINQUE PORTS\ 1278. (i) (Sciatis me concessisse...quietantiam 

de theloneo...) cum sacca et socca et thoU et theam et quod habeant 


(Know ye that I have gran ted... quittance of toll, with sake and soke and 
toll and team, and that they have infangthef.) 

(2) Quod habeant utfangenethef in terris suis infra portus predictos 
eodem modo quo archiepiscopi, episcopi, abbates, comites et barones 
habent in maneriis suis in comitatu Kancie. 

(That they have utfangthef in their own lands within the ports aforesaid 
in the same manner as the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls and barons 
have it in their own manors in the county of Kent.) 

Line i of sect. (2). After Quod insert de speciali gratia. 
FAVERSHAM, 1302 {mutatis mutandis). 

Lines 2, 3 of sect. (2). For archiepiscopi... end read sicut barones Quinque 

Portuum habent in portibus predictis per cartam 

(4) No External Pleas ^ 

LONDON, 1227 {dy. NuUus eorum placitet extra muros civitatis 
Londoniarum de ullo placito praeter placita de tenuris exterioribus, 
exceptis monetariis et ministris meis. 

(None of them shall plead outside the walls of the City of London on any 
plea, except pleas of land without the walls, and except the minters and my 


WARENMOUTH, 1247. (Cf. Winchester, 1190, vol. i, p. 116.) 

Line i. After eorum insert qui fuerit infra gildam suam mercatoriam. 
For muros civitatis read burgum suum. 
3 . Omit exceptis . . . meis . 
CANTERBURY, 1256 (6). 
Line 3. Omit exceptis... meis. 

LONDON, 1268. Quod nullus eorum placitare cogatur extra muros 
civitatis predicte de re aliqua, exceptis de tenuris exterioribus, et ex- 
ceptis monetariis et ministris nostris, et hiis exceptis quae contra pacem 
nostram fieri contingent : quae secundum legem regni nostri communem 
terminari solent in partibus ubi transgressiones illae factae fuissent: et 
exceptis placitis de mercandisis quae secundum legem mercatoriam 
terminari solent in burgis et feriis ; ita tamen quod per quattuor vel per 
quinque de civibus Londoniarum predictis, qui presentes fuerint in 
dictis burgis vel feriis, terminentur querelae illae; salvis nobis amercia- 
mentis inde quocunque modo provenientibus, de quibus nobis et 


^ Cf. Hythe, 1156 (vol. i, p. 114). 

^ See also sections 6, 8, 13 below and IV c 2. ' Cf. vol. i, p. 116. 



IVa4] jurisdictional privileges 149 

heredibus nostris super gravem forisfacturam nostram fideliter re- 


(That none of them shall be forced to plead outside the walls of the city 
aforesaid concerning any matter except external tenures, and except our 
minters and ministers, and excepting those matters which may happen against 
our peace, which, according to the common law of our kingdom, ought to be 
tried in those parts where those transgressions were done: and excepting 
pleas concerning merchandise, which according to law merchant are wont 
to be tried in boroughs and fairs, provided nevertheless, that those disputes 
shall be tried by four or five of the aforesaid citizens of London who may be 
present in the said boroughs or fairs: saving to us and our heirs the fines 
proceeding therefrom, concerning which they shall faithfully answer to us 
and our heirs under heavy penalties.) 


Line i. For muros civitatis read metas burgi. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

[BRISTOL, ii88^ Quod nullus burgensis de Bristallo placitet 
extra muros villae de uUo placito, praeter placita de exterioribus tene- 
mentis quae non pertinent ad hundredum villae. 

(That no burgess of Bristol shall plead without the walls for any plea, 
except pleas of foreign tenements which do not pertain to the hundred of 
the town.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. 

Line i. After placitet insert seu placitetur. See Addenda. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line 2. For muros villae read hundredum burgi de Drogheda. 
For tenementis...end read tenuris. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 

Line 2. After placito insert sed infra muros ejusdem civitatis in Gild- 
halla sua. 
For praeter placita read et praeterquam de placitis. 

2, 3. For villae read ejusdem civitatis. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. As Bristol. 

Line 2. For praeter placita read praeterquam de placito. 

3. For villae read dicte civitatis. 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Inprimis, videlicet, quod nullus burgensis 

trahatur in causa[m] vel respondeat de uUo placito quod proveniat infra 

metas burgi, in castello, nee alibi nisi in hundredo villae, exceptis placitis 

quae sunt de hominibus hospitii mei vel de ballivis meis. 

(First, that no burgess shall be impleaded or shall answer in any plea which 
may arise within the bounds of the borough, in [my] castle, nor elsewhere save 
in the hundred of the town, except pleas which relate to the men of my house- 
hold or my bailiffs.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 

Line 4. For de ballivis meis read ballivorum meorum. 

1 Vol. I, p. 118. => lb. p. 120. 


MOONE, 1223. As Carlow. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Do. 

Line 3. After villae insert secundum quod consueverunt uti temporibus 
antecessorum nostrorum et temporibus nostris per cartas a pre- 
dictis predecessoribus nostris sibi datas et concessas que cartae 
lecte fuerint in presencia nostra. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

Line 3. Omit in castello, nee alibi. 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Si aliquis implacitatus fuerit in burgo de aliquo 

placito, non respondeat nee burgensi nee villano nee alieui alio nisi in 

suo Portemannemot, seilieet de plaeito quod ad burgum pertinet. 

(If any one be impleaded in the borough concerning any plea, he shall not 
answer either a burgess or a villein or any one else except in his Portman- 
moot, to wit, concerning a plea pertaining to the borough.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 2. For villano read ballivo meo. 

3. For placito quod... pertinet read placitis que... pertinent. 

Line 2. Omit nee alieui alio. 

3. Omit scilicet... end and read nee etiam vavasori, excepto placito 
quod ad coronam regis pertinet et de latrocinio. 

DUNHEVED, 1225-56. Quod non plaeitent nisi infra burgum 

suum prenominatum de plaeito vel rebus quibuseunque pertinentibus 

ad burgum suum nisi de plaeitis ad eoronam domini regis pertinentibus. 

(That they shall not plead except within their abovenamed borough con- 
cerning any plea or matters pertaining to their borough, except concerning 
the pleas pertaining to the crown of our lord the king.) 

SALTASH, before 1246. Quod nullus predietorum burgensium im- 

placitetur nee iudieetur nisi in hundred© eiusdem ville eoram paribus 

suis, et si ad iudieium perfieiendum per se plenarie non suffieiant per 

auxilium meum et meorum in eodem hundredo perfieiatur. 

(That none of the aforesaid burgesses shall be impleaded nor judged except 
in the hundred of the same town before their peers, and if they are not suffi- 
cient fully to perfect the judgment by themselves, by my aid and by the aid 
of my men it shall be perfected in the same hundred.) 

WEYMOUTH y 1252. Exeepto tamen quod non lieeat eis in aliqua 

curia de aliquo tenemento, sive de aliquo plaeito per breve domini regis, 

nee aliquo modo plaeitare extra villam de Wayemue nisi nos vel sene- 

sehallus noster sive ballivi nostri predieti in justieia exhibenda eis de- 

feeerint, exeeptis plaeitis ad eoronam domini regis speetantibus. 

(Except however, that it shall not be lawful for them to plead without the 
town of Weymouth in any court concerning any tenement, or concerning any 
plea begun by a writ of our lord the king, nor in any manner, unless we or our 
steward or our bailiffs aforesaid shall fail in administering justice to them,^ 
except concerning pleas relating to the crown of our lord the king.) 

IVa4] jurisdictional privileges 151 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (b). Et quod nullus burgensis implacitet nee 

implacitetur extra burgum ilium de aliqua querela vel de aliquo placito, 

preterquam de tenuris exterioribus ad burgum ilium non pertinentibus. 

(And that no burgess plead or be impleaded outside the borough for any 
plaint or on any plea, except concerning foreign tenements not pertaining to 
the borough.) 

BATH, 1256 (a). Et quod nullus eorum implacitetur extra civitatem 

predictam de aliqua terra vel tenemento infra metas ejusdem civitatis 

existente, nisi placitum illud tangat nos vel he redes nostros, 

(And that none of them be impleaded without the city aforesaid concerning 
any land or tenement standing within the boundaries of the same city, unless 
that plea concerns us or our heirs.) 

ORFORD, 1256 (b). 

Lines I, 2. For civitatem (-is) read villam (-ae). 

3. Omit nisi... end. 

Line i . For nullus read eorundem civium vel heredum suorum. 
For civitatem read muros civitatis. 

2, 3. For de... existente read de tenuris suis infra eosdem xistenti- 


3. Omit nisi... end. 

CAMBRIDGE, 1256 (b). Et quod decetero placitare possint infra 

villam predictam omnia placita libertatem suam tangencia tam de vetito 

namio quam de aliis placitis suis que sine justiciariis nostris placitari 


(And that henceforth they may plead within their aforesaid town all pleas • 
touching their liberty, both of replevin as of their other pleas which can be 
pleaded without the presence of our justices.) 

SOUTHAMPTON, 1256 (b). Quod non implacitentur extra burgum 
suum de aliquibus tenementis vel catallis suis que habuerint infra liber- 
tatem ville predicte, vel de aliis placitis, exceptis transgressionibus si 
quas nobis vel heredibus nostris ab eis fieri contigerit. 

(That they be not impleaded outside their borough concerning any tene- 
ments or chattels of theirs which they have within the liberty of the town 
aforesaid, or concerning other pleas, excepting transgressions which may 
happen to be committed by them against us or our heirs.) 


Line i. After Quod insert sine precepto nostro. 

After implacitentur insert vel compellantur ad placitandum. 
For burgum read villam. 

NORWICH, 1256. Et quod nullus eorum compellatur ad placitan- 
dum extra civitatem predictam pro aliquibus transgressionibus in civitate 
ilia factis, contra tenorem cartarum suarum et contra libertates suas. 

(That none of them be forced to plead without the city aforesaid for any 
wrongs done within the city, contrary to the tenor of their charters and con- 
trary to their liberties.) 


NORWICH, 1305. Quod nuUus eorum placitet vel implacitetur 

extra dictam civitatem Norwicensem de aliquibus placitis, assisis seu 

querelis de tenuris aliquibus infra eandem civitatem existentibus nee 

de transgressionibus seu contractibus aliquibus in civitate ilia factis, 

nisi res ipsa nos vel heredes nostros specialiter tangat. 

(That none of them plead or be impleaded without the said city of Norwich 
concerning any pleas, assizes or plaints concerning any tenements being within 
the same city, nor concerning transgressions or contracts made in that city, 
unless the matter specially touches us or our heirs.) 

LYNN, 1305. 

Line i . After implacitetur insert coram justiciariis vel aliis ministris nostris 
aut heredum nostrorum. 
4. After burgo insert seu in portu ejusdem. 

YORK, 1256 {a). Quod nuUus eorum implacitet aut implacitetur 

coram nobis vel aliquibus justiciis nostris extra civitatem predictam de 

terris aut tenementis que tenent infra libertates eiusdem civitatis, nee 

de aliqua transgressione facta in eadem civitate, set si aliquis predictorum 

civium vel alius terram aliquam aut tenementa infra libertatem predictam 

existentem petere vel super aliquam transgressionem factam in eadem 

libertate conqueri voluerit, prosequatur jus suum et querelam suam 

coram majore et ballivis predicte civitatis 1 et si loquela ilia coram illis 

terminari non possit, terminetur acf^cfam querentis coram justiciis 

nostris proximo itinerantibus in civitate predicta et non extra, vel coram 

aliquo justicianim nostrorum ad hoc a nobis specialiter destinato^. 

(That none of them shall plead or be impleaded before us or any of our 
justices outside the city aforesaid concerning any lands or tenements which 
they hold within the liberties of the said city, nor concerning any trespass 
committed in the said city, but if any of the citizens aforesaid or any other 
wishes to sue concerning any land or tenement within the liberty aforesaid 
or to complain concerning any trespass committed within the liberty aforesaid, 
he shall prosecute his right and plaint before the mayor and bailiffs of the city 
^ a foresaid ) and if that plaint cannot be terminated before them, it shall be 
determmed at the suit of the plaintiff before our justices who shall next be 
itinerating in the city aforesaid and not outside, or before any justice of ours 
who shall be specially sent thither for this purpose.) 

OXFORD, 1257 {a). Et quod placitare possint in eadem villa omnia 
placita ad villam illam et libertatem eiusdem pertinentia que placitari 
vel terminari possunt aut consueverunt sine justiciariis nostris itineranti- 
bus, tam de vetito namio in predicta villa emergente quam de aliis placitis 
ad villam illam et suburbium eiusdem pertinentibus^. 

(And that they may plead in the same town all pleas relating to that town 
or its liberty which can or were wont to be pleaded or determined in the 
absence of our justices in eyre, both for illegal distraint arising in the said 
town and for other pleas pertaining to the town and its suburb.) 

1 See IV A 17. 

^ See also sect. 8 below and II B 5 above (Oxford, 1257 {a)). 

IVa4] jurisdictional privileges 153 


Line i . After quod insert iidem cives. 
For villa read civitate. 

2. For placitari vel terminari read placitare et terminare. 

3. Omit all after nostris. 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Et quod nullus eorum implacitetur 
extra muros burgi Norhampton nisi de tenuris forinsecis, aut etiam de 
aliqua transgressione facta in eodem burgo, nisi super re ius nostrum 
vel personam nostram tangente. 

(And that none of them be impleaded without the walls of the borough of 
Northampton, except for foreign tenements, or even for any transgression 
done in the same borough, except on some matter touching our rights or our 

HELSTON, 1260. Quod non placitent nisi infra burgum suum de 
rebus vel tenuris pertinentibus ad villam suam, preterquam de placitis 
ad coronam domini regis pertinentibus et placitis de terris forinsecis. 

(That they shall not plead except within their borough of matters or tene- 
ments pertaining to their town, except for pleas pertaining to the crown of 
our lord the king, and pleas relating to foreign lands.) 

MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et quod non implacitentur nee de aliquo 
placito iudicentur extra burgum suum. 

(And that they shall not be impleaded nor judged for any plea outside their 
own borough.) 

CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274 

Line 2. After iudicentur insert de terris vel tenementis suis nee de aliquo 
placito quod sonat in transgressione facta intra limites predicte 

(Concerning their lands or tenements nor concerning any plea 
for trespass done within the bounds of the town aforesaid.) 

BRECON, 1277-82. Quod nullus ipsorum placitet seu implacitetur 
extra libertatem suam de aliquibus placitis terrarum seu tenementorum, 
debitorum, convencionum, vel aliquarum transgressionum existentium 
sive factorum in libertate predicta. 

(That none of them shall plead or be impleaded without their liberty con- 
cerning any pleas of lands or tenements, debts, contracts, or other trespasses 
situate or committed within the liberty aforesaid.) 

[TRURO, 11661. Et concessi eis quod non placitent in hundredis 
nee in comitatibus neque pro aliqua summonitione eant ad placitandum 
alicubi extra villam de Triuereu. 

(And I have granted to them that they shall not plead in hundreds nor in 
shire-moots nor for any summons shall they go to be impleaded anywhere 
outside the town of Truro.)] 

1 Vol. I, p. 



Line 3. For villam de Triuereu read burgum suum de Lostwythiel et 
Add de aliquo placito preterquam de placitis ad coronam Domini 
Regis Anglie spectantibus, que tamen attachiari debent per 
eosdem burgenses usque ad adventum justicie. 

LINCOLN, 1272. Sciatis quod cum per cartam nostram quam in- 
speximus concesserimus civibus nostris Lincoln, quod nullus eorum 
placitet extra civitatem Lincoln, de aliquo placito preter placita de 
tenuris exterioribus, exceptis monetariis et ministris nostris, Nos eisdem 
civibus gratiam ampliorem, ad ipsorum instanciam, facere volentes, 
concessimus eis...quod omnia placita civitatis ejusdem et non alia de- 
cetero placitentur et teneantur in aula placitorum civitatis ejusdem que 
Gyldehalle vocitatur et non alibi contra voluntatem civium ipsorum vel 
successorum suorum, exceptis placitis de tenuris exterioribus et mone- 
tariis ac ministris nostris. 

(Know ye that whereas by our charter which we have inspected, we have 
granted to our citizens of Lincoln, that none of them should plead without the 
city of Lincoln for any plea except pleas of foreign tenements, except the 
minters and our ministers, We willing to do more abundant favour to the 
same citizens, at their request, have granted to them... that all the pleas of the 
same city and no others shall be held in the Plea hall of the said city which is 
called the Guildhall, and not elsewhere against the will of the same citizens, 
except pleas concerning foreign tenements and the minters and our ministers.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1285 (c). Cum Celebris memorie Dominus 
Johannes dudum Rex Anglie, avus noster, per cartam suam (quam) 
inspeximus concessisset dilectis sibi burgensibus de Jernemua quod 
nullus eorum placitet extra burgum de Gernemua de ullo placito preter 
placita de tenuris exterioribus, ac verbum illud placitet per justicias et 
alios de consilio nostro ex virtute illius verbi et voluntate concedentis 
active interpretetur et passive, Nos eisdem burgensibus quoad declaracio- 
nem maiorem verbi predicti graciam facere volentes, concedimus eisdem 
burgensibus pro nobis et heredibus nostris quod nullus eorum de cetero 
placitet vel implacitetur extra burgum suum predictum de ullo placito, 
nisi de placitis tenuras suas exteriores tangentibus sicut predictum est. 

(Whereas Lord John of blessed memory, formerly King of England, our 
grandfather, by his charter which we have inspected, granted to his beloved 
burgesses of Yarmouth that none of them should plead outside the borough 
for any plea except pleas of foreign tenements, and that word "plead" has 
been interpreted actively and passively by our justices and by others of our 
counsel, on account both of the meaning of the word and the will of the grantor. 
We, willing to favour the said burgesses as to the wider declaration of the 
meaning of the said word, grant to the said burgesses for ourselves and our 
heirs, that none of them shall for the future plead or be impleaded outside 
his aforesaid borough for any plea, except for pleas relating to his foreign 
tenements as is aforesaid.) 


TRIM, 1290. [On 18 April 1290 Edward I ordered that the burgesses 
of Trim were not to be forced to plead outside their town.] 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Quod non implacitentur extra porti- 
motum ejusdem burgi, nee in aliquo placito extra burgum suum trac- 
tentur de transgressionibus infra burgum factis. 

(That they be not impleaded outside the portmoot of the same borough, nor 

be dealt with in any plea outside their borough for trespasses done within the 


OVERTON, 1292. Quod si aliquis dictorum burgensium aliquid 

fecerit in eodem burgo contra coronam nostram, quod non determinetur 

aliquo loco nisi infra libertatem ville predicte coram justicia nostro. 

(That if any of the said burgesses do anything in the same borough against 
(the rights of) our crown, it shall not be determined {i.e. tried) in any place 
except within the liberty of the aforesaid town before our justice.) 

KNUTSFORD,c. 1292. Et quod omnia placitade transgressionibus, 

attagiamentis, conventionibus fractis placitentur in eadem curia {i.e. the 


(And that all pleas concerning trespasses, attachments, and breaches of 
agreements be pleaded in the same court.) 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Quod omne placitum quod 

in predicto burgo ortum sit, quod ad me pertinet, in ipso burgo inter 

ipsos et per ipsos placitetur. 

(That every plea, which may arise in the said borough and belongs to me, 
shall be pleaded in the same borough between themselves and by themselves.) 

HULL, 1299. Et quod non implacitent seu implacitentur alibi quam 

infra eundem burgum coram custode supradicto de aliquibus tenuris 

intrinsecis seu transgressionibus aut contractibus infra eundem burgum 


(And that they shall not plead or be impleaded elsewhere than within the 
said borough before the warden abovementioned concerning any tenements 
within the borough, or transgressions committed or contracts made within 
the said borough.) 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299- 

Line 2. For custode supradicto read majore et ballivis supradictis. 

(5 a) Non-intromittat Clause 1 

HEREFORD, 1227 (a)^. Ita quod nullus vicecomitum nostrorum in- 
tromittat in aliquo super eos de aliquo placito vel querela aut occasione 
vel de aliqua re ad predictam villam pertinenti ; salvis nobis et heredibus 
nostris in perpetuum placitis coronae nostrae quae attachiari debent per 
eosdem cives nostros usque in adventu justiciariorum nostrorum. 

^ See also sect. 14 below and VI i (Newcastle-under-Lyme, 1251). 
^ Cf. Hereford, 1215 (vol. i, p. 121). 


(So that none of our sheriffs intermeddle in any way with them concerning 
any plea or plaint or pretext or any matter pertaining to the town aforesaid; 
saving to us and our heirs for ever the pleas of our crown, which ought to be 
attached by our said citizens until the coming of our justices.) 
BRIDGENORTH, 1227 Tft). 

Line i. Before intromittat insert se. 

Line i. For nostrorum read Kancie. 
SHREWSBURY, 1227 (a). As Gloucester. 
WORCESTER, 1227. Do. 

HELSTON, 1260. Readonly quae attachiari...justiciariorum (lines 4, 5), 

which words qualify the reservation of pleas of the 
crown in the clause on p. 153. 
CONWAY, 1284. 

Line i. Before intromittat insert se. 

4. For quae. ..end read sicut predictum est. 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 
BERE, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 

OVERTON, 1292. As Hereford, 1227, but after pertinenti read nisi in 
defectum burgensium predictorum aut ballivorum 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. As Carnarvon. 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNEi, 1234 («)• Quod in nullo sint respon- 

dentes vicecomiti nee constabulario de his quae ad ipsos pertinent, sicut 

carta predicti patris nostri, quam inde habent, rationabiliter testatur. 

(That in nothing shall they be answerable to the sheriff or the constable 
concerning those matters which pertain to themselves, even as the charter of 
our father aforesaid, which they have, reasonably testifies.) 

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, 1298. Ita quod nullus vicecomes, coro- 

nator aut alius ballivus seu minister noster forinsecus in predictis terris 

et tenementis in Pampeden in aliquibus ad dictam libertatem pertinenti- 

bus de cetero se intromittat, nisi in defectu burgensium et proborum 

hominum predictorum vel ballivorum suorum. 

(So that no sheriff or coroner or other bailiff or foreign minister of ours 
shall intermeddle in the aforesaid lands or tenements in Pandon in any matters 
pertaining to the said liberty, except in default of the said burgesses and good 
men or of their bailiffs.) 

BERKELEY, c. 1235-6. Item, concessi eisdem quod nulla attagia- 

menta infra burgum attagiata sint nisi per prepositum vel'^ ballivum 

burgi; ita quod nee ego nee heredes mei predietos burgenses meos nee 

successores suos super hiis predictis de cetero... vexabimus. 

^ Cf. Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1215 (vol. I, p. 122), a charter having reference merely 
to the fee-farm and to certain escheats. 

* Mr Ballard read "et." See critical note, p. xxxv; 


(I have also granted to them that no attachments shall be attached within 
the borough, except by the reeve and bailiff of the borough, so that neither 
I nor my heirs shall henceforth vex my aforesaid burgesses nor their successors 
concerning these aforesaid privileges.) 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Quod nuUus faciat aliqua attachia- 

menta infra metas suas, nisi prepositi predicti vel coronatores electi ad 

placita corone nostre custodienda. 

(That no-one shall make any attachments within their boundaries, except 
their reeves aforesaid or the coroners elected to keep the pleas of our crown.) 

YORK, 1252^. Ita quod nullus vicecomes aut alius ballivus noster 

prout ipsos cives in aliquo se intromittat infra libertatem predicte civi- 

tatis de firma et summonitionibus antedictis. 

(So that no sheriff or other minister of ours shall intermeddle in any matter 
relating to the said citizens within the liberty of the aforesaid city concerning 
the farm and summonses aforesaid.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (b). Ita quod nullus vicecomes vel alius 
ballivus seu minister noster, preter ipsos burgenses, eos distringat vel 
de ullis attachiamentis aut summonicionibus vel de aliquo alio se intro- 
mittat infra limites predicti burgi quod ad ipsos burgenses pertineat, nisi 
in solucione predicte firme vel predictorum debitorum ad predictum 
terminum defecerint. 

(So that no sheriff or other bailiff or minister of ours, except the said bur- 
gesses, shall distrain on them, or intermeddle concerning any attachment or 
summons or concerning any other matter within the limits of the borough 
aforesaid pertaining to the said burgesses, unless they make default in the 
payment of the aforesaid farm or debts.) 

BAMBURGH, 1255. Ita quidem quod decetero in nullo respon- 

dentes sint vicecomiti aut constabulario loci de firma predicta vel aliis 

libertatibus suis infra villam de Bamburg. Et quod iidem vicecomes uel 

constabularius in nullo intromittat se de firma ilia vel de aliis ad libertates 

suas infra villam spectantibus quamdiu ipsi homines de Bamburg' nobis 

sufficienter per manum suam responderint de premissis. Saluis tamen 

nobis, etc. 

(In such a way indeed that henceforth they shall be answerable in nothing 
to the sheriff or constable of the place touching the aforesaid farm or their 
other liberties within the town of Bamburgh. And that the said sheriff or 
constable shall in nothing intermeddle with the farm or with other things 
relatmg to their liberties within the town, so long as the men of Bamburgh 
shall sufficiently answer to us by their hand in the matters mentioned. Saving, 

NOTTINGHAM, 1255 (b). (20 July.) Ita quod nullus vicecomes 
aut alius ballivus aut minister noster de cetero intromittat se de hujus- 

^ See p. 172 below for preceding clause. 


modi summonitionibus aut districtionibus faciendis in predicta villa, 
nisi per defectum eorundem burgensium aut ballivorum ejusdem burgi. 
(So that no sheriff or other bailiff or servant of ours shall in future meddle 
with the execution of such summonses or distresses in the aforesaid town, 
except by default of the same burgesses or of the bailiffs of the same borough.) 
WORCESTER, 1256. (23 February.) 
CAMBRIDGE, 1256(6). (n April.) 
Line 2. Omit aut minister noster. 

For de hujusmodi... villa read de aliquibus ad libertates suas 
IPSWICH, 1256. (15 April.) 

Line 3. After summonitionibus insert aliquibus attachiamentis. 
4. Omit eorundem. 
DUNWICH, 1256. (20 April.) As Ipswich. 
SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (6). (25 May.) Do. 
Line 2. After noster insert preter burgenses. 

3. After districtionibus insert aut aliquibus aliis. 

4. Omit nisi... end. 

ORFORD, 1256 (b). (12 June.) As Ipswich. 

Line 3. After villa insert de aliquo ad eandem villam pertinente. 
SOUTHAMPTON, 1256 (b). (14 July.) As Ipswich. 

Line 4. After defectum read dictorum. 
OXFORD, 1257 (a). (26 March.) As Ipswich. 

Line 3. After districtionibus insert aut aliquibus aliis. 

NORWICH, 1256. (25 March.) Et quod nullus vicecomes aut alius 

ballivus noster de cetero intret civitatem predictam ad districciones 

faciendas pro aliquibus debitis, nisi sit pro defectu civium predictorum. 

(And that no sheriff or other bailiff of ours henceforth enter the said city 
to make distraints for any debts, except through the default of the citizens 

NORWICH, 1305. Et quod summoniciones, districciones etattachia- 

menta ac alia officia regalia quecunque que infra eandem civitatem vel 

suburbium ejusdem emerserint facienda fiant per ballivos nostros ejusdem 

civitatis. Ita quod nullus vicecomes, coronator aut alius ballivus vel 

minister forinsecus aliquod officium regale in civitate predicta, videlicet, 

infra fossata ejusdem civitatis et ripariam de Wensum vel in suburbio 

predicto, exerceat seu aliqualiter exequatur, nisi in defectu ballivorum 

nostrorum civitatis ejusdem. 

(And that summonses, distraints and attachments and other royal duties 
whatsoever which shall arise within the said city and its suburb shall be executed 
by our bailiffs of the said city, so that no sheriff, coroner or other bailiff or 
minister from without the city shall exercise or in any manner execute any 
royal duty in the city aforesaid, to wit, within the ditches of the said city and 
the river Wensum, except in default of our bailiffs of the said city.) 

BATH, 1256. (24 Julyi.) Ita quod nullus vicecomes aut alius ballivus 

^ The privilege had been granted in the same words on the 20 May previous to 
the "probi homines" of Basingstoke for the manor and inhundred of Basingstoke. 

IVa5«] jurisdictional privileges 159 

vel minister noster de cetero ingrediatur civitatem predictam ad aliquas 

summonitiones, districtiones vel aliqua alia facienda, nisi per defectum 

civium predictorum vel heredum suorum. 

(So that no sheriff or bailiff or other servant of ours shall henceforth enter 
the aforesaid city to execute summonses or distresses or any other matters, 
except through the default of the said burgesses or their heirs.) 

HEREFORD, 1256(a). (8 August.) 
GLOUCESTER, 1256. (10 August.) 
SHREWSBURY, 1256(a). (10 August.) 
BRIDGENORTH, 1256 (a). (16 August.) 
KINGSTON-ON-THAMES, 1256 (c). (13 September.) 

Line 2. Omit de cetero. 
Omit aliquas. 
NORTHAMPTON, 1257- (18 January.) 

Line 3. After facienda insert que ad eorum officia pertinent. 

CANTERBURY, 1256 (b). Quod nuUus vicecomes vel constabu- 

larius seu alius ballivus aut minister noster aliquam summonicionem 

vel districcionem faciat in civitate predicta pro debitis nostris vel aliis 

ad libertatem eiusdem civitatis pertinentibus, nisi per defectum balli- 

vorum eiusdem civitatis. 

(That no sheriff nor constable nor other bailiff or minister of ours shall 
make any summons or distraint in the city aforesaid for our debts or for other 
matters touching the liberty of the said city, except through the default of 
the bailiffs of the said city.) 

OSWESTRY, 1263. Et quod nuUus minis trorum nostrorum in 

libertatibus et utilitatibus dictorum burgensium nostrorum intromittat 

nee ingrediatur, sed in casu defeccionis dictorum burgensium et eorum 


(And that none of our ministers interfere or enter upon the liberties and 
advantages of our said burgesses, except in case of default on the part of our 
said burgesses and their successors.) 

BRECON, 1277-82. Quod nullus ballivorum nostrorum nee here- 
dum nostrorum se intromittat super eos de aliquo placito vel querela vel 
occasione vel aliqua re altera ad predictam libertatem pertinentem, Salvis 
nobis et heredibus nostris placitis felonie, videlicet: murdris, homicidis, 
latrociniis, tradicionibus nihilominus infra dictum burgum audiendis et 
terminandis, excepto tempore predicto dictarum duarum nundinarum. 

(That no bailiff of us or our heirs intermeddle w^ith them concerning any 
plea or plaint or case or any other matter pertaining to the aforesaid liberty. 
Saving to us and our heirs, all pleas of felony to vi^it, murders, homicides, 
larcenies and treasons, to be heard and determined within the said borough, 
except the aforesaid time of the said two fairs.) 

LISKEARD, 1275. Quod nullus ballivorum nostrorum predictum 
burgum intret ad placitandum placita eiusdem burgi, nisi pro eorum 
defectu hoc evenire contigerit. 


(That none of our bailiffs shall enter the aforesaid borough to plead any 
pleas, unless this shall happen through their default.) 

NETHER WEARE, 1278-9. Etiam volumus quod ministri nostri 
ex parte nostra infra burgum^ predictum nuUam ministracionem faciant 
absque assensu vel consensu ballivi eiusdem ville de Netherwere. 

(We also will that no ministers of ours shall execute any ministry within 
the aforesaid borough without the assent or consent of the bailiff of the said 
town of Nether Weare.) 

OVERTON, 1292. Et volumus quod burgenses nostri ville predicte 
in omnibus sint adeo liberi quod nullus ballivus extraneus aliquam habeat 
potestatem infra libertatem ville predicte ad aliquam districcionem 

(And we will that our burgesses of the town aforesaid be so free in all things 
that no foreign bailiff have any power of making any distraint within the 
liberty of the town aforesaid.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Inhibemus eciam quod nullus ballivorum 
nostrorum ad aliqua predicta facienda contra concessionem nostram 
predictam compulsionem in eos facere presumat. 

(We forbid also any of our bailiffs to presume to use compulsion against 
them to compel them to do any of the aforesaid acts contrary to our aforesaid 

HULL, 1299. ^^^ quod nullus vicecomes vel alius ballivus seu 
minister noster burgum ilium ingrediatur ad officium aliquod ibidem 
faciendum pro aliquo ad burgum ilium pertinente nisi in defectu custodis 
eiusdem ville. 

(So that no sheriff or bailiff or minister of ours shall enter that borough to 
execute any duty there for any matter touching that borough except in default 
of the warden of the said town.) 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 

Line 3. For custodis read majoris et ballivorum. 

CHESTER, 1300. Quod nullus ballivus vel minister noster alius 
quam ballivi eiusdem civitatis summoniciones, attachiamenta vel dis- 
tricciones aliquas infra libertatem civitatis predicte faciat seu officium 
ballivi exerceat, nisi in defectu eorundem civium vel ballivorum pre- 

(That no bailiff or minister of ours other than the bailiffs of the same city 
shall make any summonses, attachments or distraints within the liberty of the 
city aforesaid or shall do the office of a bailiff, except in default of the same 
citizens or of the bailiffs aforesaid.) 

^ Corrected from "burgagium." 


(5 b) Intromission by Sheriff ordered 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 123 1 (a). Rex vicecomiti Oxon. salutem. 
Scias quod cum in villa nostra Oxon. ubi convenit multitudo studencium 
plures sunt clerici rebelles et incorrigibiles qui cum delinquunt a cancel- 
lario et magistris se corrigi nolunt et castigari. Et plures malefactores 
(inter quos quidam sunt sub specie clericali mentientes se esse quod non 
sunt) a cancellario et magistris scolarum cum delinquunt juxta morem 
scolarium se justiciari non permittunt ; pro eorum audacia coercenda et 
studencium tranquillitate prospicienda de consilio nostro pro vidimus 
quod quoties predicti cancellarius et magistri perpenderint et invenerint 
inter se huiusmodi clericos rebelles et malefactores significent illud tibi 
ut tu assumptis tecum quos videris ad hoc assumendos, ad mandatum 
eorundem cancellarii et magistrorum in propria persona tua accedas 
usque Oxon., et secundum quod predicti cancellarius et magistri tibi 
dicent, in clericos rebelles et malefactores predictos manum mittas, et 
ipsos secundum consilium predictorum cancellarii et magistrorum vel 
ipsos in prisona nostra retineas vel eos a villa Oxon. expelli facias et 
amoveri. Et ideo tibi precipimus quod ad mandatum cancellarii et 
magistrorum Oxon. de predictis clericis rebellibus et malefactoribus, 
prout dicti cancellarius et magistri tibi dicent, in forma predicta pro- 
visionem nostram exequaris. Ita quod predicti clerici rebelles et male- 
factores pro defectu coercionis tue occasionem non habeant delinquendi, 
propter quod decetero ad te nos graviter capere debeamus. 

(The king to the sheriff of Oxfordshire, greeting. Know ye that in our town 
of Oxford, where assembles a multitude of students, are very many rebeUious 
and incorrigible clerks, who refuse to amend their ways and be corrected by the 
chancellor and masters when they do wrong. And very many malefactors 
(among whom are certain in clerical guise who lie and say that they are what 
they are not) do not permit themselves to suffer justice at the hands of the 
chancellor and masters of the schools, according to the custom of the scholars, 
when they do wrong : to restrain their boldness and to safeguard the peace of 
the scholars we have provided that as often as the said chancellor and masters 
take counsel and find among themselves any rebellious and evildoing clerks 
of this kind, they shall give you notice, that you, taking to yourself those whom 
you think fit to select for this purpose, at the command of the same chancellor 
and masters, may go to Oxford in your own person, and in accordance with 
what the chancellor and masters shall tell you lay hands on the aforesaid 
rebellious and evildoing clerks, according to what the said chancellor and 
masters tell you, and according to the advice of the said chancellor and masters, 
either detain them in our prison there or cause them to be expelled and re- 
moved from the town of Oxford. And therefore we command you that at 
the request of the chancellor and masters of Oxford you execute our provision 
concerning the aforesaid rebellious and evildoing clerks, as the said chancellor 
and masters tell you, in manner aforesaid. So that the aforesaid rebellious 
and evildoing clerks shall have no opportunity of offending for want of restraint 
on your part, for which henceforth we may be obliged to deal heavily with you.) 

B.Il II 



Line 10. For tibi read episcopo et episcopus postea tibi. 

12. For eorundem...magistrorum read ejusdem episcopi. 

13. After quod insert predictus episcopus tibi significabit et. 
17. For canceIlarii...Oxon read episcopi Eliensis. 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 123 1 (b). Rex vicecomiti Oxon. salutem. 

Quoniam ut audivimus plures morantur clerici apud Oxon. qui sub 

nullius magistri scolarum sunt disciplina et tuitione, sed potius mentiun- 

tur se esse scolares cum non sint, ut tutius et fortius (visa ad hoc oppor- 

tunitate) queant malignari; Tibi precipimus quod assumptis tecum 

probis et legalibus hominibus de comitatu suo, accedas ad villam nostram 

Oxon. et per totam villam clamari facias ex parte nostra quod nullus 

clericus moretur in villa ilia qui non sit sub disciplina vel tuitione ali- 

cujus magistri scolarum. Et si aliqui tales fuerint in villa ilia, eam exeant 

infra quindecim dies postquam hoc clamatum fuerit. Et si ultra ter- 

minum ilium inventi fuerint in eadem villa huiusmodi clerici, capiantur 

et in prisona nostra mittantur. 

(Whereas as we have heard there are clerks sojourning at Oxford who are 
not under the discipline and protection of any master of the schools, but 
rather lie in saying that they are scholars when they are not so that (seeing 
their opportunity for so doing) they may be able to sin, We command you that 
taking upright and legal men of your county with you, you go to our town of 
Oxford and proclaim throughout the whole town our will that no clerk sojourn 
in that town who is not under the discipline and protection of some master 
of the schools, And if there are any such in the town they shall depart within 
fifteen days, after this proclamation, and if any clerks of this kind are found 
after that term they shall be taken and sent to our prison.) 

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY, 1242. Rex vicecomiti Cantebrigg'. 
Cum nonnunquam contenciones inter clericos et laicos oriantur per quas 
et contra coronam nostram et alias multociens maleficia perpetrantur, 
volentes tam clericorum quam laicorum paci et tranquillitati prospicere, 
prout ad regiam pertinet dignitatem, tibi precipimus quatenus cum 
clericus aliquis de universitate scolarium Cantebrigg' studencium, male- 
ficiis pocius se quam studio vacans, a predicta Universitate fuerit de 
malicia notatus ita quod carceri sit mancipandus, et burgenses dicte 
ville ad incarceracionem illam faciendam aut impotentes fuerint aut 
negligentes, Tu malefactorem ilium aut malefactores illos ad mandatum 
cancellarii universitatis predicte, capi facias et carceri mancipari et in 
eo salvo custodiri donee a cancellario eiusdem universitatis petantur 
quod a carcere liberentur: tunc sic ipsos petenti eosdem facias liberari, 
et ita discrete et diligenter hoc preceptum nostrum exequaris quod in 
nullo te negligentem reputare possimus. 

(Whereas sometimes disputes arise between clerks and laymen, by which 
misdeeds are frequently committed against our crown and otherwise, we, 


wishing to provide for the peace and tranquilHty as well of clerks as of laymen, 
as befits our royal dignity, enjoin upon you that when any clerk of the uni- 
versity of scholars studying at Cambridge, preferring mischief to study, shall 
be accused of ill doing by the aforesaid university, so that he ought to be 
imprisoned, and the burgesses of the said town are either unable or unwilling 
to imprison him, you shall cause that evildoer or those evildoers to be taken 
at the command of the chancellor of the aforesaid university and to be im- 
prisoned and kept safely therein until by the chancellor of the same university 
you are requested to liberate them from prison : then to him who thus requests 
them, you shall cause them to be delivered : and you shall so discreetly and 
diligently fulfil this our command, that in no way We may consider you 

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY, 1269. Quia ballivi et burgenses 
nostri Cantebrigg' non solum negligentes existunt verum eciam impo- 
tentes ad malefactorum insolencias, et alia magistris et scolaribus uni- 
versitatis eiusdem ville nociva modo debito reprimenda, et quod sicut 
pro certo intelleximus contingit dictos magistros et scolares multociens 
impediri, ita quod actus scolasticos in quiete, studentibus maxime 
necessaria, nequeunt exercere, Nos dictorum magistrorum et scolarium 
tranquillitati et paci prospicere cupientes, Volumus et precipimus quod 
vicecomites nostri Cantebrigg' qui pro tempore fuerint, quando ballivi 
aut burgenses predicti negligentes vel impotentes inventi fuerint in pre- 
missis, huiusmodi malefactores ac pacis nostre dicteque universitatis 
turbatores cum sufficienti posse comitatus predicti si necesse fuerit, ab 
huiusmodi presumpcionibus temerariis penitus desistere et predicta 
nociva reprimi faciant, cum ex parte universitatis predicte inde fuerint 
requisiti. Ita quod dicti magistri et scolares ibidem studiis liberalibus 
applicati, sub protectione manus nostre optatis liberius prospicere valeant 

(Whereas the bailiffs and burgesses of Cambridge are not only negligent 
but also powerless to repress in due manner the insolence of evildoers and 
other nuisances to the masters and scholars of the university of the said town, 
so that, as we know of a certainty, it happens that they cannot pursue their 
studies in quiet, which is especially necessary to students. We, willing to 
guard the tranquillity and peace of the said masters and scholars, will and order 
that our sheriffs of Cambridgeshire for the time being, whenever the aforesaid 
bailiffs and burgesses are found to be negligent or powerless in the premises, 
shall, with a suflScient force of the shire aforesaid if it be necessary, cause such 
illdoers and disturbers of the peace of ourselves and the said university to 
desist entirely from their rash presumptions, and shall cause the aforesaid 
nuisances to be repressed, when they shall be required in this behalf on the 
part of the university aforesaid, so that the said masters and scholars, applying 
themselves to their studies, may progress more freely under the protection 
of our hand^.) 

^ The disturbances still continuing, the king's eldest son Edward brought about 
an agreement between the university and the town in April, 1270, for the election of 
a joint committee of scholars and burgesses empowered to exact oaths and take other 
measures to keep the {C.ChJi. 11, 415). 

II — 2 


(6) Freedom from suit to Shire and Hundred Courts 

LIVERPOOL, 1229. Et quod nullam sectam comitatuum et wapen- 
taciorum faciant de tenuris suis quas tenent infra burgum predictum. 

(And that they do no suit of shires or wapentakes for their tenements which 
they hold within the borough aforesaid.) 

WIGAN, 1246. 

Line 2. For tenuris read terris. 

FAVERSHAM, 1252. Quietancia de shiris et hundredis. 
(Quittance of shires and hundreds.) 

READING, 1253. Quod omnes burgenses de Radinges qui sunt in 
gilda mercatoria in Rading' imperpetuum quieti sint de shyris et hun- 
dredis et omnibus placitis, querelis, theloneis, passagiis et cariagiis. 

(And that all burgesses of Reading who are in the merchant guild in Reading 
shall be for ever quit of shires and hundreds and from all pleas, plaints, tolls, 
passage money and cartages.) 

CINQUE PORTSi, 1278. Quod sint quieti de schyris et hundredis. 

(That they shall be quit of shire and hundred courts.) 
FAVERSHAM, 1302. As Cinque Ports, 1278. 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Quod sint quieti et Uberi de 
sciris et hundredis et de omnibus sectis ad sciros et hundredos in Insula. 

(That they shall be quit and free from shires and hundreds and from all 
suits to shires and hundreds in the Island.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Volumus eciam quod predicti burgenses 
nullam sectam Pembrochie^ faciant, nisi contingat eos per breve im- 

(We will also that the aforesaid burgesses shall make no suit at Pembroke ^, 
unless it happen that they are impleaded by writ.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. See Va8. 

(7) Reservation of Pleas to Crown 

GLOUCESTER, 1256. Quod iidem burgenses non implacitentur 
de aliqua re tangente libertatem communitatis suae predictae villae 
Glouc. nisi coram nobis vel justiciariis nostris^. 

(That the said burgesses shall not be impleaded concerning any matter 
touching the liberty of their community of the aforesaid town, except before 
us or our justices.) 

^ Cf. Rye and Winchelsea, 1191 (vol. 1, p. 123). j 

^ The County Court was held at Pembroke. ( 

3 Cf. C.Ch.R. II, 333 (St Osyth). 1 


IVa8] jurisdictional privileges 165 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Salua semper in omnibus regia dignitate, 
et saluis nobis et heredibus nostris placitis corone nostra vite et mem- 

(Saving always in all things our royal dignity, and saving to us and our 
heirs the pleas of our crown of life and members.) 

(8) Proceedings before Justices in Eyre^ and 
Justices Assigned 

BRISTOL (Redcliffe), 1247. Sciatis nos concessissc.burgensibus 

nostris de la Redclive in suburbio Bristoll' quod in perpetuum respon- 

deant cum burgensibus nostris Bristoll' coram justiciariis nostris, sicut 

dicti burgenses nostri de Bristoll' respondent et ubi respondent et non 


(Know ye that we have granted to our burgesses of Redcliffe in the suburb 
of Bristol that they shall for ever answer with our burgesses of Bristol before 
our justices, as the said burgesses of Bristol answer and where they answer 
and not elsewhere.) 

SHAFTESBURY, 1252. Sciatis nos concessisse pro nobis et here- 
dibus nostris dominicis burgensibus nostris de Shaftesburia quod in 
singulis itineribus justiciarum itinerantium ad omnia placita in comitatu 
Dorset veniant justiciae nostri in villam de Shaftesburia ad placitandum 
communia placita dominicos burgenses nostros eiusdem ville tangentia. 
Ita quod iidem burgenses nostri non respondeant de aliquo extra pre- 
dictam villam suam unde prius alibi coram justiciis itinerantibus in eodem 
comitatu respondere consueverunt. 

(Know ye that we have granted for us and our heirs to the burgesses of our 
demesne at Shaftesbury, that in every eyre of our justices in eyre for all 
pleas in the county of Dorset, our said justices shall come to the town of 
Shaftesbury for pleading the common pleas touching the burgesses of our 
demesne of the said town. So that our said burgesses shall not answer for 
anything outside the aforesaid town, in respect of which they were wont to 
answer elsewhere before justices in eyre in the said county.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (b). Volumus eciam quod justicii nostri, 
cum itinera verint ad communia placita in comitatu Ebor', vel aliquis 
eorum, veniant ad predictum burgum ad communia placita eiusdem burgi 
placitanda eodem burgo, salvis nobis et heredibus nostris amerciamentis 
inde provenientibus. 

(We will also that when our justices are travelling in the county of York 
for common pleas, they or one of them shall come to the aforesaid borough to 
plead the common pleas of the said borough within the said borough, saving 
to us and our heirs, the amercements thence arising.) 

^ See also IV c 2 (York, 1256 (a)). 


OXFORD, 1257 (a). Et quod iidem burgenses non respondeant de 

aliquo placito vel assisis de aliquibus tenuris infra villam illam vel de 

transgressionibus factis in eadem villa vel in suburbio eiusdem coram 

justiciariis vel ballivis seu ministris nostris extra quattuor portas Oxonie, 

nisi transgressiones ille tangant nos vel familiares nostros^. 

(And that the same burgesses shall not answer concerning any plea or 
assizes concerning any tenements within that town, or concerning any tres- 
passes committed in the same town or its suburb before our justices or bailiffs 
or ministers outside the four gates of Oxford, unless those trespasses affect 
us or the members of our household.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1260. Sciatis quod, pro laudabili servicio quod 
barones nostri Quinque Portuum nuper in transfretatione nostra ad 
partes Francie et redeundo de eisdem partibus et in aliis transfretationi- 
bus nostris nobis devote impenderint, Concessimus eis de consilio mag- 
natum qui sunt de consilio nostro et hac carta nostra confirmamus pro 
nobis et heredibus nostris quod ipsi de omnibus terris quas in presenti 
possident quieti sint imperpetuum de omnibus summonicionibus coram 
justiciis nostris ad quecunque placita itinerantibus in quibuscunque 
comitatibus terre ille existent. Ita quod occasione hujusmodi communium 
summonicionum faciendorum de itineribus justiciarum nostrorum non 
teneantur dicti barones venire coram eisdem justiciis itinerantibus, nisi 
aliquis ipsorum aliquem specialiter implacitet vel ab aliquo implacitetur. 

(Know ye that for the praiseworthy service which our barons of the Cinque 
Ports have devotedly rendered to us in our recent passage to the parts of 
France and in our return from the same parts and in other passages. We, by 
the advice of the magnates who are of our counsel, have granted to them, and 
do confirm by this our charter, for us and our heirs that they, concerning all 
the lands which they at present possess, shall be quit of all summonses before 
our justices in eyre for any manner of pleas in whatever counties those lands 
are situate. So that by reason of the common summonses to be made for the 
eyres of our justices, the said barons shall not be bound to come before the said 
justices in eyre, unless any of them specially sues any person or is sued by any.) 

Lines 1-6. Omit as far as quod. 

Line 6. For in presenti possident read tempore Domini Henrici Regis 
patris nostri in anno regni sui 44010 possiderunt. 
7. For omnibus read communibus. 
9. For terre ille read huiusmodi terre sue. 
Omit occasione... nostrorum (line 10). 

11. i^or dicti barones rc'atf ipsi. j; 
Omit itinerantibus. 

12. For aUquem read haronum. 

CINQUE PORTS, 1290-. As Cinque Ports, 1278, but reading omnibus 

in line 7. 
FAVERSHAM, 1302^ Do. 

^ See also IV a 4 (Oxford, 1257 (a)). 

^ For lands only which the barons and their ancestors had in 1260. 

IVa9,io] jurisdictional privileges 167 

WORCESTER, 1264. Ita tamen quod justic' nostri itinerantes in 
comitatu predicto teneant et placitent infra ciuitatem predictam omnia 
placita eiusdem ciuitatis et libertatis illius tarn de corona nostra quam 
aliis sicut coram justic' nostris placitari et terminari debent et con- 
sue ve runt. 

(Provided, however, that our justices in eyre in the aforesaid county shall 
hold and plead within the aforesaid city all pleas of the said city and its liberty 
as well of our crown as others, as they ought and have been wont to be pleaded 
and determined before our justices.) 

HULL, 1302. (After quoting IV a 14 from the charter of 1299.) 

Volentes eisdem burgensibus gratiam in hac parte facere uberiorem, 

concessimus eis pro nobis et heredibus nostris quod nos et heredes nostri 

mittemus justicias nostras usque burgum predictum de malefactoribus 

ibidem deprehensis et detentis deliberandis, secundum leges et con- 

suetudines regni nostri. 

(Wishing to do to the said burgesses more abundant favour in this behalf, 
we have granted to them for us and our heirs that we and our heirs will send 
our justices as far as the aforesaid borough to deliver the malefactors there 
captured and detained, according to the laws and customs of our realm.) 

BAKEWELLy 1286. Et quod coram iusticiariis et alibi, prout con- 

sueuerunt, per duodecim liberos respondeant in hiis que tangunt villam 

seu libertatem de Bauquell'. 

(And that they answer before the justices and elsewhere in matters which 
concern the town or liberty of Bakewell by twelve free men, as they have 
been accustomed (to do).) 

(9) Formation of Sokens 

BURTON-ON-TRENT, 1286. Placiam vero que fuit Johannis le 

Norreis, que se extendit juxta predictam viam, concessimus elemosinario 

nostro qui pro tempore fuerit pro duodecim denariis annuatim ad pre- 

dictos terminos nobis persolvendis, habeantque tenentes in dicta placia 

libertates antedictas et teneant tenementa sua sibi et heredibus vel 

assignatis suis, ut supradictum est, imperpetuum. 

(However, the place which belonged to John le Norreis, which extends 
alongside the aforesaid way, we have granted to our almoner for the time being 
for J 2d. to be paid to us annually at the aforesaid terms, and the tenants in 
the said place shall have the liberties aforesaid and shall hold their tenements 
to them and their heirs or assigns, as is aforesaid, for ever.) 

(10) Sokens in London 

LONDON, 1247. (After a grant of premises in Aldermanbury and 
three advowsons.) Concessimus eciam... predicto Ade (de Bassing) et 
heredibus vel assignatis suis omnes libertates et liberas consuetudines 


quas Henricus rex, avus noster, concessit Reynero de Aldremannebur' 

qui totum predictum managium aliquando tenuit, et quas postea Ricar- 

dus rex, avunculus noster, concessit Gervasio de Aldremannebur', patri 

predictorum donatorum Gervasii et Alani, videlicet quod predictus Ada 

et heredes vel assignati sui habeant et teneant omnes terras et possessiones 

suas infra civitatem London' et extra, ubicunque fuerint, cum advoca- 

tionibus ecclesiarum predictarum bene et in pace &c. in boscis et planis 

&c. in cunctis locis et in rebus cunctis infra burgum et extra cum soka 

et saka et thol et theam, infangenethef et utfangenethef, hamsocne, 

grithbruche, blodwite, fridwite, fichtwite, heyngwite et leyrwite de 

omnibus causis que sunt vel esse possunt: et quod liberi sint ab omni 

scotto et geldo, tallagiis, auxiliis omnium vicecomitum et omnium minis- 

tralium eorum, et de skyris et hundredis, sectis et assisis: et quod non 

ponantur in placitum de aliqua terra vel tenura sua nisi coram nobis vel 

capitali justicia nostro: et si forte contigerit quod appelentur de vita 

vel membris, non tractantur nisi secundum libertates civitatis London', 

nee pro aliqua quietancia aut libertatibus predictis eis concessis per 

dictam quietanciam de libertatibus civitatis London'. 

(We have also granted... to the aforesaid Adam and his heirs or assigns, all 
the liberties and free customs which king Henry our grandfather granted to 
Roger of Aldermanbury who formerly held the whole property, and which 
king Richard our uncle afterwards granted to Gervase of Aldermanbury, the 
father of the aforesaid donors, Gervase and Alan, to wit, that the aforesaid 
Adam and his heirs or assigns shall have and hold all the lands and possessions 
within London and without wherever they are situate with the advowsons^ of 
the aforesaid churches, well and peacefully, &c., in woods and fields, &c., 
with sake and soke, infangthef and outfangthef, hamsocn, grithbreche, blood- 
wite, fyrdwite, fightwite, hengwite and leyrwite (the fines for breach of peace, 
bloodshed, neglect of fyrd, fighting, allowing a thief to escape^, and inconti- 
nence) from all causes which now exist or may exist hereafter: and that they 
be quit from all scot and geld, from tallages and aids of sheriffs or their minis- 
ters, and from shires and hundreds, suits and assizes: and that they be not 
impleaded concerning any land or tenement of theirs except before Us or 
our chief justice: and if by chance it happens that they are appealed of life 
or limb, they shall not be tried except according to the liberties of the City 
of London, and not according to any quittance or the aforesaid liberties granted 
to them by the said quittance of the liberties of London.) 

(13) Liberty to have Prison in Borough^ 

CANTERBURY, 1256(6). Quod nullus de civitate vel portsoka 
captus vel rettatus de aliquo crimine vel forisfacto, pro quo debeat 

^ The advowsons were those of St Mary of Aldermanbury, St Mary Magdalen in 
MiUistreet, and St Michael of Basingshaw ; but in 1303 the first two had been transferred 
to the Canons of St Paul's {Lib. Cust. i, 233). Cf. Stow, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, 
I, 287-8; n, 337. (B.) 

* Liebermann, Gesetze der Angelsachsen, i, 496. 

^ See footnote, p. 30. 


imprisonari, imprisonetur alibi quam in prisona eiusdem civitatis nee 
alibi judicetur quam in civitate, sicut prius fieri consuevit. 

(That none of the city or portsoken arrested or accused of any crime or 
forfeiture, for which he ought to be imprisoned, shall be imprisoned else- 
where than in the prison of the said city, nor shall be tried elsewhere than in 
the city, as was formerly the custom.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1261. Et quod in eadem villa sit quedam 
gaola ad prisonas nostras et malefactores secundum legem et consue- 
tudinem regni nostri incarcerandos et custodiendos in eadem. 

(And that in the same town there shall be a gaol for the incarceration and 
custody therein, according to the law and custom of our realm, of our prisoners 
and malefactors.) 

CONWAY, 1284. Volumus etiam et concedimus quod dicti bur- 
genses habeant liberam prisonam suam in burgo predicto de omnibus 
transgressionibus ibidem, exceptis casibus vitae et membrorum, in 
quibus casibus omnes tam burgenses quam alii imprisonentur in castro 
nostro ibidem. 

(We will also and grant that the said burgesses shall have their own free 
prison in the borough aforesaid for all trespasses there, except cases of life 
and limb, in which cases all, both burgesses and others, shall be imprisoned 
in our castle there.) 

HARLECH, 1284. 

Line 3 . For et read vel. 
BERE, 1284. 
FLINT, 1284. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. 
OVERTON, 1292. 

Line 3. Omit exceptis... end. 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et si aliquis propter latrocinium seu aliam 
iniquitatem vel feloniam captus et detentus fuerit infra feodum seu 
libertatem de Bauquell' volo et concedo quod secundum antiquam con- 
suetudinem sumptibus meis et periculo in prisonam meam detrudatur 
et conseruetur quousque per indicium curie mee adiudicetur. Et si ad 
gaolam domini regis duci debeat similiter ad sumptus meos et periculum 
meum deducatur et vicecomiti seu eiusdem locum tenenti tradatur. 

(And if anyone be taken and detained within the fee or liberty of Bakewell 
for theft or other offence or felony, I will and grant that, in accordance with 
ancient custom, he shall be put in my prison and kept there at my cost and risk 
until his case be decided by a judgment of my court. And if he ought to be 
taken to the king's gaol he shall similarly be taken at my cost and risk and 
handed over to the sheriff or his deputy.) 


KIRKHAM, 1296. Et quod habeant in eodem burgo carcerem, 

pilloriam et tribleget et alia huiusmodi iudiciaria instrumenta quae ad 

liberum burgum pertinent, per quae malefactores et transgressores 

contra libertates ipsius burgi possint^ custodiri et castigari. 

(And that they shall have in the said borough prison and pillory and ducking 
stool (?)- and other judicial instruments of this kind belonging to a free 
borough, by which illdoers and transgressors against the liberties of the said 
borough may be kept in custody and punished.) 

HULL, 1299. Quod quedam prisona nostra fiat et habeatur in 
eodem burgo ad malefactores ibidem deprehensos castigandos, et furce 
similiter extra burgum predictum super solum nostrum erigantur, Ita 
quod predictus custos de infangenethef et utfangenethef justiciam facere 

(That there shall be a prison in the said borough for the chastisement of 
illdoers there captured, and gallows likewise shall be erected without the 
borough aforesaid on our ground so that the aforesaid warden may execute 
justice in cases of infangthef and outfangthef.) 
"RAVENSEROD," 1299. 

Line 4. For predictus custos read predicti major et ballivi. 
Line 5. For possit read possint. 

CHESTER, 1300. Et si quis captus vel attachiatus fuerit infra 
libertatem civitatis predicte pro quacunque re, ducatur ad prisonam 
nostram eiusdem civitatis, scilicet, apud Northgate et non alibi, et ibidem 
detineatur et custodiatur quousque secundum legem et consuetudinem 
civitatis eiusdem inde deliberetur. 

(And that if any is arrested or attached within the liberty of the city aforesaid 
for any thing, he shall be taken to our prison in the same city, to wit, to North- 
gate, and not elsewhere, and shall be there kept and detained until he shall 
be thence delivered according to the law and custom of the same city.) 

NORWICH, 1305. Et quod nullus de civitate predicta vel alius in 
eadem civitate indictatus vel arrestatus, pro quocunque delicto vel causa 
fuerit, alibi quam in prisona nostra ejusdem civitatis imprisonetur, set 
omnes ibidem indictati vel arrestati in prisona ilia detineantur secundum 
legem et consuetudinem regni nostri, nisi exinde amoveantur per speciale 
preceptum nostrum vel heredum nostrorum vel eciam per preceptum 
justiciarii nostri de foresta qui pro tempore fuerit, si fortassis de aliqua 
transgressione foreste indictatus fuerint et ea occasione capti et detenti. 

(And that none of the aforesaid city or any other indicted or arrested in the 
said city, for whatsoever offence or cause it be, shall be imprisoned elsewhere 
than in our prison in the said city, but all indicted or arrested there shall be 
detained in that prison according to the law and custom of our realm, unless 

^ Corrected from "pessione." 

^ "Gibbet or cuckstoole" in seventeenth century translation. 


they be removed thence by special order of us or our heirs or also by order 
of our justice of the forest for the time being, if perchance they have been 
indicted for some forest trespass, and on that account taken and kept in 

(14) Return of Writs and Direct Relations with 

the Exchequer 

(a) Return of Writs 

CANTERBURY, 1252. Quod ipsi et heredes sui inperpetuum 

habeant returnum omnium breuium nostrorum de omnibus rebus ad 

libertatem ciuitatis nostre Cantuarie pertinentibus, tarn infra suburbium 

eiusdem ciuitatis quam infra eandem ciuitatem. 

(That they and their heirs shall have for ever return of wTits in all things 
touching the liberty of our city of Canterbury, as well within the suburb of 
the said city as within the city itself.) 

Line 3. Omit tarn... end. 

NOTTINGHAM, 1255 (b). (20 July.) Quod [ipsi et heredes sui] 
imperpetuum habeant returnum brevium nostrorum de summonitioni- 
bus scaccarii nostri de omnibus ad burgum nostrum Notingham' perti- 

(That they and their heirs shall for ever have return of our writs of sum- 
monses of our exchequer touching all matters pertaining to our borough of 

WORCESTER, 1256. (23 February.) 

Lines 3, 4. For de omnibus... end read et omnium aliorum brevium 
nostrorum predictam civitatem contingentium. 
BASINGSTOKE (a). (20 May.) As Worcester. 

Line 3. For civitatem read manerium et inhundredum. 
SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). (25 May.) As Worcester. 

Line 3. After civitatem insert et manerium. 
ORFORD, 1256 (6). (12 June.) As Worcester. 
BATH, 1256(a). (24 July.) Do. 
HEREFORD, 1256 (a). (8 August.) Do. 
KINGSTON-ON-THAMES, 1256(c). (13 Sept.) As Worcester. 

Line 3. jReaJ villam suam. 
OXFORD, 1257(a). (26 March.) As Worcester. 

Line 2. After nostrorum read villam Oxonie et libertates ejusdem tan- 
NORWICH, 1256. (25 March.) 

Line 2. After returnum insert omnium. 

For nostrorum... end read tarn de summonitionibus scaccarii 
nostri quam de aliis civitatem nostram de N. et libertatem 
ejusdem civitatis tangentibus. 
NORTHAMPTON, 1257. (18 January.) As Norwich. 
YARMOUTH, GT, 1256 (a). (25 March.) After returnum read omnium 
brevium nostrorum villam nostram de Gernemua et libertates 
ejusdem tangentium. 


CAMBRIDGE, 1256(6). (11 April.) As Yarmouth. 
IPSWICH, 1256. (15 April.) Do. 
DUNWICH, 1256. (20 April.) Do. 
SOUTHAMPTON, 1256 {b). (14 July.) Do. 
SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). (10 August.) Do. 

Line i. Read eorum heredes and insert burgenses ejusdem villae. 
GLOUCESTER, 1256. (10 August.) As Shrewsbury (reading villam 

BRIDGENORTH, 1256(a). (16 August.) Do. 
CANTERBURY, 1256 (b). (21 October.) As Yarmouth. 

After tangentium insert tam infra suburbium quam infra 
HULL, 1299. As Yarmouth. 

Line 2. For villam... end read burgum ilium qualitercunque tangentium. 
"RAVENSEROD," 1299. As Hull. 

DERBY, June (?), 1256. Et pro returno brevium regis habendo^. 

(b) Direct Relations with the Exchequer 

YORK, 1252. Et quod reddant nobis et heredibus nostris et respon- 

deant ad scaccarium nostrum de summonitionibus ejusdem scaccarii 

ipsos cives contingentibus, similiter per manum suam propriam. 

(And that they pay to us and our heirs and answer at our exchequer for 
summonses of the same exchequer touching the said citizens, likewise by their 
own hand.) 

YORK, 1256 (a). Et quod dicti cives et eorum heredes per manum 
suam propriam respondeant ad scaccarium nostrum de omnibus debitis 
ipsos et dictam civitatem contingentibus. Et deducantur in compotis et 
retornis suis ad idem scaccarium secundum leges et consuetudines 
eiusdem scaccarii, sicut vicecomites nostri Anglie in suis compotis 
ibidem deducuntur. 

(And that the said citizens and their heirs shall answer by their own hand 
at our exchequer for all debts touching themselves and the said city. Ajid 
they shall be treated in their accounts and returns at the same exchequer 
according to the laws and customs of the said exchequer, as our sheriffs of 
England are there treated in their accounts.) 
NORWICH, 1256. (25 March.) 

Line i . Read iidem cives and omit eorum heredes. 
Read manus suas proprias. 

2. After debitis insert et demandis. 

3. For et dictam civitatem read ipsos cives. 
3-6. Omit Et deducantur... deducuntur. 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. (18 January.) As Norwich. 
Line i. For iidem cives read ipsi. 

2. After debitis insert summonitionibus. 

3. Omit cives. 

For contingentibus read tangentibus. 

^ One of the clauses (abbreviated) of the lost charter for which Derby paid a fine 
of 70 marks (Originalia Roll, 40 Hen. Ill, m. 4). 


SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (b). Et quod dicti burgenses et eorum 

heredes decetero respondeant per manus suas proprias singulis annis 

ad scaccarium nostrum S. Michaelis de tota firma predicti burgi et de 

omnibus debitis ipsos burgenses contingentibus. 

(And that the said burgesses and their heirs shall from henceforth answer 
by their own hands every year at our Michaelmas exchequer for the whole of the 
farm of the borough aforesaid and for all debts touching the same burgesses.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). Et quod per manus suas proprias 
respondeant singulis annis ad scaccarium nostrum sancti Michaelis de 
omnibus firmis, debitis et auxiliis burgum et manerium predicta con- 

(And that by their own hands they shall answer each year at our Michaelmas 
exchequer for all rents, debts and aids touching the aforesaid borough and 

OXFORD, 1257. (26 March.) 

Line i. Read per manum suam propriam. 

2. Omit sancti Michaelis. 

3. Omit omnibus. 

Omit et manerium predicta. 

4. Add et de omnibus placitis villam et suburbia ejusdem tan- 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1256 (a). (25 March.) Et quod ballivi 

ipsius ville respondere possint per manum suam propriam ad scaccarium 

nostrum de omnibus debitis suis et summonicionibus ejusdem scaccarii 

predictam villam de Gernemua contingentibus. 

(And that the bailiffs of the same towns shall answer by their own hand at 
our exchequer for all their debts and the summonses of the same exchequer 
touching the aforesaid town of Yarmouth.) 

CAMBRIDGE, 1256 (b). (11 April.) 
Line i . Omit ballivi ipsius ville. 

2. Read per manus suas proprias. 

3. For debitis read demandis. 
IPSWICH, 1256. (15 April.) 
DUNWICH, 1256. (20 April.) 
SOUTHAMPTON, 1256(6). (14 July.) 
GLOUCESTER, 1256. (10 August.) 

Line 2. For ipsius read ejusdem. 
SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). (10 August.) 

Line i. Omit ballivi... ville. 

2. For respondere possint read respondeant. 
BRIDGENORTH, 1256. (16 August.) As Shrewsbury. 
WORCESTER, 1264. Do. 

(f) Attachment and Summons in Mesne Boroughs ^ 

FARNHAM, 1247. Item, facere debent omnia attachiamenta et 
omnes summoniciones et omnes deforciationes quae accidunt in burgo 
^ Omitted by Ogle. Supplied from Charter Roll. ^ See IV a 3 (Wigan, 1246). 


predicto et in villa predicta, exceptis illis quae tangunt ballivum nostrae 


(Item they shall make all attachments and summonses and deforcements 
which may arise in the aforesaid borough and vill, saving those which relate 
to the bailiff of our liberty.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nullus insuper balliuus noster forinsecus habeat 
potestatem attachiandi quemquam de burgo nostro de Sweyn' infra 
libertatem burgi memorati. 

(No foreign bailiff of ours shall have power to attach anyone of our borough 
of Swansea within the liberty thereof.) 

(15) University Jurisdiction 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1244. Noveritis nos pro quiete vniuersi- 
tatis studencium Oxon. de speciali gracia nostra concessisse cancellario 
et vniuersitati predicte quod, quamdiu nobis placuerit, in causis cleri- 
corum ex mutuis datis aut receptis, aut taxacionibus seu locacionibus 
domorum, aut equis conductis, venditis seu commodatis, seu pannis et 
victualibus ortum habentibus seu aliis quibuslibet rerum mobilium con- 
tractibus in municipio aut suburbio Oxon. factis, nostra prohibicio non 
currat set huiusmodi cause coram cancellario vniuersitatis Oxon, non 
obstante prohibicione nostra, decidantur. 

(Know ye that for the quiet of the university of the students of Oxford and 
of our special favour, we have granted to the chancellor and university afore- 
said that during our pleasure, in cases of clerks relating to loans given or 
received, or assessments or lettings of houses, or the hiring or sales or loans 
of horses, or cloth or victuals held back(?) or other contracts of any kind 
relating to moveable things within the town or suburb of Oxford, our pro- 
hibidon shall not run, but cases of this kind shall, notwithstanding our pro- 
hibition, be decided before the chancellor of the university of Oxford.) 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1255. Si laicus inferat clerico gravem 
vel enormem lesionem, statim capiatur; et si magna sit lesio, incarceretur 
in castro Oxonie, et ibi detineatur quousque clerico satisfiat, et hoc 
arbitrio cancellarii et vniuersitatis Oxon. si clericus protervus fuerit: 
si minor vel levis sit iniuria, incarceretur in villa. 

Si clericus inferat gravem vel enormem lesionem laico, incarceretur 
in predicto castro quousque cancellarius predicte vniuersitatis ipsum 
postulaverit ; si minor vel levis sit iniuria, incarceretur in carcere ville 
quousque liberetur per cancellarium. 

(If a layman commit a grievous or serious injury on a clerk {i.e. a scholar), 
he shall be arrested immediately : and if the injury be great, he shall be im- 
prisoned in Oxford castle and detained there until he has satisfied the clerk, 
and this according to the judgment of the chancellor and university of Oxford 
if the clerk be exacting : if the injury be light, he shall be imprisoned in the 


If a clerk commit a grievous or serious injury on a layman, he shall be 
imprisoned in the castle aforesaid till he be demanded by the chancellor: if 
the injury be light, he shall be imprisoned in the prison of the town till he 
be released by the chancellor.) 


Line 3. For in castro Oxonie read in villa ipsa. 
For satisfiat read fuerit satisfactum. 
3-5. Omit et... villa. 
7. For castro read villa. 
8-9. Omit si...cancellarium. 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1286. Sciatis quod concessimus dilectis 
nobis magistris et scolaribus vniuersitatis Oxon. quod suus cancellarius, 
qui pro tempore fuerit, de accionibus personalibus et quibuscunque 
contractibus initis et ineundis inter ipsos magistros et scolares ac eorum 
quemlibet et Judeos nostros ibidem libere possit cognoscere, et in ipsos 
Judeos, quos super huiusmodi accionibus et contractibus conuinci con- 
tigerit coram ipso censuram ecclesiasticam si necesse fuerit exercere. Ita 
quod cum Judeus aliquis super aliqua lesione alicui scolari vniuersitatis 
predicte contra pacem nostram illata aut etiam inferenda coram cancellario 
memorato fuerit legitima probacione convictus, volumus et concedimus 
per presentes quod idem malefactor per vicecomitem nostrum Oxon. 
vel constabularium castri nostri ibidem statim ad denunciacionem pre- 
fati cancellarii capiatur et salvo custodiatur in nostra prisona donee de 
lesione huiusmodi leso fuerit satisfactum prout eisdem magistris et 
scolaribus de lesionibus ibidem per laicos sibi factis per cartas progeni- 
torum nostrorum regum Anglie plenius est concessum...quamdiu nobis 

(Know ye that we have granted to our beloved masters and scholars of the 
university of Oxford that their chancellor for the time being may freely have 
cognisance of personal actions and contracts of any kind entered or to be 
entered into between the same masters and scholars and any of them and our 
Jews there, and to punish by ecclesiastical censure those Jews who over 
actions and contracts of this kind may chance to be convicted before him. So 
that when any Jew is convicted by lawful proof before the said chancellor of 
any injury done or even contemplated against any scholar of the university 
against our peace, we will and grant by these presents that the said malefactor 
shall be taken immediately by our sheriff of Oxford(shire) or the constable 
of our castle there at the denunciation of the said chancellor, and shall be 
kept safe in our prison until for such injury satisfaction shall be made to the 
injured party, as is granted to the same masters and scholars concerning 
injuries done to them by lay folks by the charters of our progenitors, kings 
of England. During our pleasure.) 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1275. Sciatis quod de gracia nostra 
speciali concessimus scolaribus universitatis Oxon. quod in omnibus 
accionibus personalibus possint convenire burgenses et alios laicos 


municipii^ nostri Oxon. coram cancellario ejusdem universitatis et quod 

per prohibicionem nostram super hoc nequaquam impediantur. 

(Know ye that of our special favour we have granted to the scholars of the 
university of Oxford that in all personal actions they may summon the bur- 
gesses and other lay-folk of our municipality of Oxford before the chancellor 
of the same university, and that they shall in no way be hindered by our 
prohibition in this matter.) 

(16) Grant of Gallows 2 

LYDHAM, 1270. Concessimus etiam eidem Adae quod in solo suo 

proprio infra manerium suum predictum quasdam furcas penales erigere 

et in eis latrones cum manu opere captos et convictos suspendere possit, 

ad execuciones iudiciorum latronum et dampnatorum ibidem faciendas, 

prout alibi in regno nostro fieri consuevit, si sine preiudicio nostri vel 

libertatis aliorum de partibus illis fieri possit, et furcas illas sic erectas 

tenere sibi et heredibus suis imperpetuum. 

(We have granted also to the said Adam that on his own soil within his 
manor aforesaid he may erect gallows and on them hang robbers caught with 
the stolen property and condemned, (and may use such gallows) for executing 
judgments on robbers and condemned persons as is wont to be done elsewhere 
in our realm, if it can be done without prejudice to the liberties of ourselves 
or of others of those parts, and he may hold those gallows so erected to him 
and his heirs for ever.) 

DERBY, 1216-72. Habent furcas per feoffamentum dicti Henrici 

regis et regis Johannis patris sui^. 

(They have a gallows by the feoffment of the said king Henry and of his 
father king John.) 

(17) Demand of Court 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. Et si aliquis burgensis attachiatus 

fuerit extra metas predicti burgi, major et burgenses ejusdem burgi 

habeant de eo curiam suam, et justiciam conquerenti exhibeant, sicut 

comes, baro vel alius magnas Hibernie curiam suam de hominibus suis 

habere debet, secundum legem terre nostre Hibernie. 

(And if any burgess be attached without the bounds of the aforesaid borough, 
the mayor and burgesses of the said borough shall have their court of him, 
and shall do justice to the complainant, in the same way as any earl, baron 
or other magnate of Ireland ought to have his court of his own men, according 
to the law of our land of Ireland.) 

YORK, 1262. (Letters Patent, after reciting the clause in IV a 4 
from the charter of 1256.) Nos dictis civibus fidelibus nostris pro lauda- 
bili servicio suo nobis impenso, concedimus...quod ipsi inperpetuum, 

^ " Municipium " used only in university charters. 

* See also Hull, 1299, in subsect. 13 above. ^ Rot. Hundr. i, 6i. 


per unum vel duos de concivibus suis patentes literas communitatis sue 

super hoc deferentes, tarn coram nobis quam justiciis nostris de Banco 

et quibuscunque aliis justiciis, ballivis seu ministris nostris curiam et 

libertatem suam exigere possint, et eam habere de omnibus personis, 

rebus et querelis de quibus ad ipsos curiam suam per cartam predictam 

habere pertinet, et unde curiam suam per cartam eandem hactenus 

habere consueverunt. 

(We, in consideration of the praiseworthy service rendered to us by our 
loyal citizens aforesaid, have granted that they may for ever, by one or two 
of their fellow citizens bearing letters patent of their community in this behalf, 
claim their court and liberty both before us and before our justices de Banco, 
and before any other justices, bailiffs or ministers of ours whomsoever, and 
shall have that court in respect of all persons, matters and plaints concerning 
which it pertains to them by the charter aforesaid to have their court, and for 
which they have had their court hitherto by virtue of the same charter.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Et si quis burgensis implacitatus fuerit in 

curia mea capitali de manerio et feodo de Warton, dicti burgenses 

curiam burgi de eo habebunt, si curiam hora competente postulaverint. 

(And if any burgess be impleaded in my chief court for the manor and fee 
of Warton, the said burgesses shall have court of him, if they claim their 
court at a reasonable time.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. A curt prendre. E pur ceo ke vsage est en la 

vile ke vn home ki tegne del Cunte en chef, si il seit enplede, il memes ou 

son seignor de ki il tent en chef purrunt venir e demander curt de li, 

auint souent ke puis ke la partie en sa suite fut longement trauaile e la 

Curt ausi, dunk a deprimis vint il v sun seignor e demaunda sa Curt e le 

aueit, e en cele Curt derichef fist tut nuuels delais : sur ceo est ore purueu 

ke cely ki voile curt demaunder vegne e la demaunde dedenz la terce curt 

de la parole atache, e auaunt ke la parole seyt querele ou respundu. E si 

ceo nun, perde sa curte de cele querele. E puis quant auera sa curt, face 

pleine dreiture. E si il ne le face, vegne le pleintif arere a la cheue curt 

e pruisse par dous leaus humes en quel cele curt li est faili de dreiture. 

E seit le seignor garni a venir a ce oyir si volt, e son aduersaire ausi. E 

si la defaute de la curt seit proue voysent auaunt en la principal en la 

cheue curt cum ad este vse auaunt. 

(And whereas it is customary in the town that if a man who holds of the 
Earl in chief, be impleaded, he himself or the lord of whom he holds in chief, 
could come and demand court of him, it often happened that when a party 
had travailed long in his suit and the Court also, then for the first time he 
came, or his lord came, and demanded his court and got it, and in this (the 
Earl's) court, going back to the beginning he made entirely new delays : there- 
fore it is now provided that he who wishes to demand court must come and 
demand it within the third court after attachment of plaint and before the 
plaint is disputed or answered : and if he does not do so, let him lose his court 
of that suit. And then, when he shall have his court let him do full right. And 

B.ii ' 12 


if he does not do it, let the plaintiff come back to the chief court and prove by 
twelve lawful men wherein that court has failed him of right : and let the lord 
be warned to come and hear this if he will, and his adversary also. And if the 
default of the court is proved, let them proceed in the principal (plea) in the 
chief court, as has been customary heretofore.) 

(18) Appeal in Defect of Justice in Borough Court 

RICHMOND, 1268. Et si aliquis de dicto burgo vel de burgensibus 

suis querimoniam faceret quod ei in curia sua minus juris fecissent, 

seneschallus ipsius Johannis secundum consuetudinem legum burgi inde 

faceret emendationes. 

(And if any of the said borough or the said burgesses made complaint that 
they had done injustice to him, the steward of the said John should make amends 
to him in that behalf according to the custom of the laws of the borough.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Ita tamen quod cum ipsi barones in 
justicia facienda et recipienda defuerint, custos noster et heredum nos- 
trorum Quinque Portuum, qui pro tempore fuerit, portus et libertates 
suos in defectum eorundem ingrediatur ad plenam justiciam ibidem 

(Provided that when the said barons fail in doing or receiving justice, our 
warden of the Cinque Ports for the time being shall enter their ports and liberties 
in their default for the purpose of doing there full justice.) 


(19) Lord's Justice^ 

HAVERFORDWEST, 12 19-31. Quod nuUus ipsorum ponatur in 
placitum de burgagio suo nisi coram nobis et per breve de recto. 

(That none of them be impleaded concerning his burgage, except before us, 
and in pursuance of a writ of right.) 

FARNHAM, 1247. Item, de omni secta curiae nostrae erunt quieti, 

preter quod ad duo hundreda de Lagheday ad castrum nostrum de 

Farnham per annum, et ad capitula regalia respondere debent sine 


(Item, they shall be quit of every suit to our court, except that they must 
answer at the two yearly hundred moots of Lawday at our castle of Farnham, 
and to the royal inquest (i.e. the chapters of inquiry at the View of Frank- 
pledge) without vexatious treatment. 

FAVERSHAM, 1261 . Sciatis quod cum multis retroactis temporibus 
esset contentio suborta inter abbatem de Faversham et barones ejusdem 
villae super libertatem de infangenethef et utfangenethef infra villam 
de Faveresham habendam, quam dictus abbas ex parte una sibi vindicavit 
et quam dicti barones ex parte altera ad se pertinere dixerunt, tandem 

^ See also VI 3 (Uttoxeter, 1252) where the court leet is reserved. 

IVaiq] jurisdictional privileges 179 

abbas et barones coram nobis unanimiter concesserunt quod ipse abbas 

et successores sui imperpetuum habeant et teneant in curia sua de Favere- 

sham placita dictae libertatis et etiam omnia alia placita infra villam 

eandem ad libertatem quinque portuum pertinentia sine omni contra- 

diccione et impedimento, Sal vis placitis ad curiam nostram de Shepe- 

weye pertinentibus et salva baronibus nostris [de Dovere] libertate sua. 

(Know ye that whereas for a long time past there had arisen a dispute 
between the abbot of Faversham and the barons of the said town concerning 
the Hberty of infangthef and outfangthef within the town of Faversham, which 
the abbot claimed on the one part and the barons on the other part said be- 
longed to them, At length the abbot and barons unanimously granted in our 
presence, that the said abbot and his successors should for ever have and hold 
in his court of Faversham the pleas of the said liberty and also all other pleas 
in the same town pertaining to the liberty of the Cinque Ports without any 
contradiction and hindrance, Saving the pleas pertaining to our court of 
Shepway and saving to our barons [of Dover] their liberty.) 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Salvis mihi et heredibus meis de dictis bur- 

gensibus terciis misericordiis de assisis panis et cervisie fractis^, et 

sanguine, et hutesio in dicto burgo levato; soluantur mihi annuatim ad 

duos anni terminos scilicet, ad proximam curiam post festum S. Michaelis 

et ad proximam post Pascha. 

(Saving to me and my heirs the third amercements for breaches of the 
assizes of bread and beer, for bloodshed, and for hue and cry raised in the 
said borough, which they shall pay to me at two terms of the year, to wit, at 
the next court after Michaelmas and at the next court after Easter.) 

WARTON , iz^d-ji. Salvis domino amerciamentis et placitis dicti 

(Saving to the lord the amercements and pleas of the said borough.) 

BRIDGETOWN ROMERO Y, 1268. Preterea volo quod predicti 
burgenses et heredes sui aut assignati sequantur curiam meam de Brigg' 
sicut ceteri burgenses mei de Brigg' eam sequntur, una cum seruiciis, 
usibus et aliis consuetudinibus que quidem burgenses mei de Brigg' 
facere consueuerunt mihi et predecessoribus meis, secundum tenorem 
carte patris mei filii Johanne de Valletorta eisdem burgensibus de Brigg' 

Et si predicti burgenses et heredes sui aut assignati predicta seruicia 

non faciunt sicut eorum carta testatur, quod bene liceat mihi et heredibus 

meis aut assignatis compellere predictos burgenses et heredes suos aut 

assignatos per totum manerium de Bery quousque satisfecerint mihi 

et heredibus meis aut assignatis racionabiliter secundum consuetudinem 

burgi de Brigg'. 

(Moreover, I will that the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs or assigns 
shall follow (do suit to) my court of Brigg', as my other burgesses of Brigg' 

^ Corrected from "factis." 

12 — 2 


follow it, together with the services, uses and other customs which my bur- 
gesses of Brigg' have been accustomed to do to me and my predecessors,, 
according to the tenor of the charter of my father, the son of Joan of Valletort, 
made to the same burgesses of Brigg'. 

And if the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs or assigns shall not do the 
aforesaid services, as their charter witnesses, that it shall be well lawful to 
me and my heirs or assigns to compel the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs 
or assigns throughout all the manor of Bery, until they shall have reasonably 
satisfied me and my heirs or assigns according to the customs of the borough 
of Brigg'.) 

WARTON, 1246-71. Et quod possint^ placitare in curia mea pro 
debitis suis sine forisfactura. 

(And that they may plead in my court for their debts without forfeiture.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. In primis volo et concedo omnibus et singulis 
burgensibus et libere tenentibus et eorum heredibus seu assignatis pre- 
dicte ville mee de Bauquell' quod sint liberi et soluti a secta curie mee 
de Bauqueir, salua mihi et heredibus meis una apparencia eorundem ad 
magnam curiam meam post festum sancti Michaelis infra predictam 
villam seu manerium de Bauquell' singulis annis per balliuum meum 
tenendam. Ita quod legitime summoniti ad curiam meam veniant cum 
implacitati fuerint per aliquem de eisdem iuste conquerentem seu mag- 
num breue de recto vel pro aliquo incarcerato adiudicando indicium 
dependens fuerit in predicta curia mea, in quo eorum presencia fuerit 

(In the first place I will and grant to all and each of the burgesses and free- 
holders and their heirs or assigns of my aforesaid town of Bakewell that they 
be free and released of suit to my court of Bakewell, saving to me and my heirs 
one appearance on their part at my great court to be held yearly after Michael- 
mas within the said town or manor of Bakewell by my bailiff. Provided that, 
if lawfully summoned, they shall come to my court when impleaded by one 
who has a just plaint against them or when there is a great writ of right or a 
judgement on a prisoner pending in my aforesaid court at which their presence 
is necessary.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. ^^ omnes tenentes in villa residentes 

venient bis per annum ad curiam meam et heredum meorum, et pre- 

sentabunt et respondent de articulis pacem domini regis tangentibus, 

exceptis braciatoribus et effusione sanguinis ac huthes'^ que non pre- 

sentabuntur, et ibi venient, nisi alibi sint, ad pacem domini regis, et 

habeant racionales summoniciones^, et venient ad curiam quando breve 

domini regis est in curia et ad iudicandum latrones, si necesse fuerit, per 

racionabiles summoniciones quindecim dierum. 

(And all tenants residing in the town shall come to the court of myself and 
my heirs, and shall make presentment and answer concerning the articles 
touching the peace of our lord the king, except brewers and bloodshed and 

^ Corrected from "presint." 2 j g huthesium (hue and cry). 

* " Simmoniciones," MS. here and below. 


hue and cry which shall not be presented, and (unless they are elsewhere) 
they shall come there to the peace of our lord the king, and they shall have 
reasonable summons, and they shall come to our court when a writ of our 
lord the king is in the court and to judge robbers, when it is necessary, by 
reasonable summons of fifteen days' notice.) 

YEOVIL, 1305-6. And that every one of them (the burgesses) shall 
do suit at the three-weeks court or at the portmote of the rector {persona, 
who was lord of the town). [It was further acknowledged that the rector 
by right of his church had view of frankpledge twice yearly, at Michael- 
mas and Hokeday, with all the profits.] 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nullus insuper balliuus noster decetero [teneat?] 
hundredum vel curiam sine commissione nostra speciali aut commissione 
senescalli nostri, si ipse habeat potestatem per commissionem nostram 
expressam alium loco suo substituendi. 

(Moreover, no bailiff of ours shall in future (hold) a hundred or court 
without our special commission or the commission of our steward if he has 
power by our express commission to appoint a deputy.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Quod si nos vel heredes nostri fuerimus in 
tenura alterius iuris plenariam iusticiam faciemus cuilibet conquerenti 
per billetum nobis porrectum, si in partibus illis fuerimus. Sin autem 
tradatur billetum senescallo nostro qui pro tempore fuerit et si satis- 
faccio competens facta non fuerit, extunc immediate de cancellaria nostra 
breue concedatur in omni causa dissaisine, set in aliis casibus quibus- 
cunque liberum tenementum tangentibus, nobis in partibus Anglicanis 
aut alibi remotius agentibus, billetum in forma premissa senescallo 
porrigatur, set si necesse fuerit breuis exhibicio, usque ad duos menses 
completes differatur, et tunc quidem in liberacione breuis et execucione 
facienda contra nos velud contra quemcumque alium in forma iuris per 
consideracionem hundredi nostri procedatur, quod si per cartam ad 
warentiam vocati fuerimus iusticiam consimiliter faciemus in forma 
memorata. Nee alicui vendemus aut negabimus iusticiam. 

(But if we or our heirs shall be in possession of another's right, we will do 
full justice to every complainant by bill delivered to us, if we be in those 
parts. But if not, let the bill be delivered to our steward for the time and if 
competent satisfaction be not done, then a writ shall at once be granted from 
our chancery in every case of disseisin, but in any other cases touching a free 
tenement, we being in England or elsewhere more remote, let the bill be 
presented to the steward in the form premised, but if a writ should be granted, 
let the matter be deferred for two full months, and let it proceed by the de- 
livery of a writ and execution against us as against other in form of law by 
the consideration of our hundred (court). But if we are required by charter 
to give warranty, we will do justice similarly in the form described. Nor 
will we sell or deny justice to any.) 


SWANSEA, 1306. Preterea volumus...quod cancellaria nostra in 

partibus Goher iugiter habeatur et aperta ac presto sit omnibus et 

singulis breuia petentibus sine denegacione aut aliqua difficultate, nee 

pro quocunque breui amplius quam septem denarii donetur. Si vero 

petens breue de forma sibi concessa per cancellarium nostrum non fuerit 

contentus, fiat ei breue secundum sui ordinacionem periculo suo, dum 

tamen iuri consonum videatur, et transcriptum breuis pro uno denario 

petentx exhibeatur. 

(Moreover, we will... that our chancery in the parts of Gower shall be 
continuously held and open and ready for all and singular seeking writs, with- 
out denial or raising difficulties, nor shall more than yd. be given for any 
writ. If, however, the applicant for a writ be not content with the form 
granted him by our chancellor, let a second writ be made for him according 
to his direction at his own risk, provided it seems legal, and let the transcript 
of the writ be delivered to the applicant on payment of i d.) 

(20) Renunciation of Free Borough Court 

WARRINGTON, 1300^. Omnibus hominibus presentibus et 
futuris hoc scriptum visuris vel audituris omnes libere tenentes et 
communitas totius ville de Werinton' salutem in Domino sempiternam. 
Noveritis nos concessisse, remisisse et omnino pro nobis et heredibus 
nostris quietum clamasse domino nostro capitali Willelmo le Botiller^ 
domino de Werinton', curiam burgensium de Werinton cum omnimodis 
libertatibus, pertinentiis et apendiciis suis. Ita quod nos nee heredes 
nostri, nee aliquis per nos nee jure nostro, aliquid jus, clameum vel 
calumpniam ratione alicujus donacionis vel concessionis aut alicujus 
alterius tituli versus predictam curiam cum omnibus pertinentiis, liber- 
tatibus et apendiciis suis nunquam de cetero exigere, vendicare poterimus 
in perpetuum vel optinere. In cujus rei testimonium huic present! 
scripto sigillum communitatis predicte ville de Werinton' pro nobis et 
heredibus nostris apposuimus. Hiis testibus, domino Henrico de Ky- 
chel' (Keighley), etc. 

^ Warrington had been created a borough, with a free court (so the burgesses later 
alleged), by the grandfather and namesake of the William le Botiller of this charter who 
opposed the claim to the court and after long litigation secured this renunciation and 
the suit of the inhabitants to his own baronial court (V.C.H., Lanes, ni, 319). In return 
he had in 1292 granted them a charter of privileges, but as " free tenants " not burgesses'. 
The editors of the Victoria County History translate communitas at the beginning of the 
renunciation of 1300 by "burgesses," but it probably only means that the freeholders 
were acting in their corporate capacity. Despite this formal avoidance of the term 
" burgesses," it continued to be used in deeds along with " burgages " and even borough 
court (1441) and the status of Warrington probably did not differ from that of many 
other small towns under strict seignorial control which were freely called boroughs 
and their inhabitants burgesses. But as the charter of 1292 should be read as a whole, 
we have relegated it to an appendix. It should be noted that Mr Beamont, who did 
not know of the earlier existence of the borough, quite misunderstood the intention and 
effect of the charters of 1292 and 1300 {Annals of the Lords of Warrington, Cheth. Soc, 
O.S. Lxxxvi, 120). 


(To all men present and futxire who shall see or hear this present writing 
all the free tenants and community of the whole town of Warrington, eternal 
salvation in the Lord. Know ye that we have granted, remised and wholly 
quitclaimed for us and our heirs to our chief lord William le Botiller, lord 
of Warrington, the burgess court of Warrington with all its liberties, appur- 
tenances and appendages. So that neither we nor our heirs, nor anyone on 
our behalf or in our right, shall ever in future be able to demand, challenge 
or maintain any right, claim or pretension to the aforesaid court with its 
appurtenances, etc., on the ground of any gift or grant or any other title to 
the same. In witness whereof we have affixed to the present writing, for us 
and our heirs, the seal of the community of the aforesaid town of Warrington.) 



(I) Trial by Battle^ 

LONDON, 1227 (d)^. Et quod nullus eorum faciat duellum. 

(And that none of them shall fight a duel.) 



DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. Add de aliquo appello. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 

[DUBLIN, 1192^. Quod nullus civis faciat duellum in civitate de 
aliquo appello quod quisquam versus earn facere possit. 

(That no citizen fight a duel in the city for any appeal which any can make 
against him.)] 

CORK, 1242. 
LIMERICK, 1292. 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Add de aliqua felonia super eundem 
burgum facta, 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10*. Item, nullus burgensismittatur ad duellum 

de uUo appello quod possit fieri contra eum, nisi de morte hominis et 

latrocinio vel de aliquo alio placito unde duellum rationabiliter fieri 


(No burgess shall be sent to the duel for any appeal that can be made against 
him, except for homicide and larceny or any other plea whereon duel ought 
rightly to be made.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

Add at end dummodo paratus sit vicinorum suorum pati inquisicionem. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. As Kilkenny. 

(2) Preservation of Judicial Customs 

LONDON, 1227 (d)^. De terris suis et tenuris quae infra urbem 
sunt, rectum eis teneatur secundum consuetudinem civitatis. 

(Concerning their lands and tenures within the town, right shall be done to 
them according to the custom of the city.) 
LONDON, 1268. 

Line i. For quae infra urbem sunt read infra urbem predictam. 

^ See also IV c 8 (Denbigh). ^ Vol. i, p. 133. 

* Vol. I, p. 134. * Vol, I, p. 134. 

* Cf. vol. I, p. 134. 



MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268. 

LYME [REGIS], 1285. Do. 

NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line i. For urbem read metas suas. 

2. For civitatis read burgi de Drogheda. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 

Line i . For urbem read Waterford. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

Line i. After terris suis insert tenementis. 

[LONDON, 1155^. De placitis ad coronam pertinentibus se possint 
disrationare secundum antiquam consuetudinem civitatis. 

(Of the pleas pertaining to the crown, they shall clear themselves according 
to the ancient custom of the city.)] 
LONDON, 1227 (J). 
LONDON, 1268. 

Line i. After pertinentibus add de hiis maxime que infra civitatem 
predictam et ejus suburbium fieri contingant. 
2. After civitatis add predicte, eo tamen excepto quod super tumu- 
los mortuorum de eo quod dicturi essent mortui, si viverent, 
non liceat precise jurare, sed loco mortuorum qui ante obitum 
suum electi fuerint ad eos disrationandos qui de rebus ad coro- 
nam spectantibus appellati fuerint vel recta ti, alii liberi et 
legales eligantur qui idem sine dilacione facient quod per 
defunctos memoratos, si viverent, fieri oporteret. 

(With this exception, however, that it shall not be lawful to 
swear precisely, over the tombs of the dead concerning what the 
dead men would have said, if they were alive, but in the place of 
the dead men, who before their death were elected to clear those 
appealed or arraigned of matters relating to the crown, other free 
and lawful men shall be chosen to do without delay the same that 
ought to have been done by the said dead men, if they had lived.) 
MELCOMBE REGIS, 1280. As London, 1268. 
For predicte read London. 

After excepto insert quod excipitur in libertatibus civium London. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 
ROCHESTER, 1227. As London, 1227 {d). 
WARENMOUTH, 1247. Do. 

Line 2. After civitatis add Wintoniensis. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line i. After coronam add nostram. 
2. Omit antiquam. 

After civitatis add nostrae Dublin. 

HEREFORD, 1256 {h). Et tunc in casu illo {i.e. re tangente com- 
munitatem civitatis predicted) deducantur secundum libertates suas 
approbatas et hactenus usitatas. 

^ Vol. I, p. 135. ^ See p. 189. 


(And in that case (i.e. matters touching the community of the city) they 
shall be tried according to their liberties approved and hitherto accustomed 
to be used.) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1256 (a). 

CANTERBURY, 1256 (b). 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (a). 

SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). 

YORK, 1256 (a). 


CONWAY, 1284. 
Line 2. Omit suas. 

3. After hactenus insert racionabiliter. 

After usitatas add in civitate nostra Herefordie. 

CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 

CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 

HARLECH, 1284. Do. 

BERE, 1284. Do. 

FLINT, 1284. Do. 

RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 

BEAUMARIS, 1296. Do. 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Ita quod si quis versus illos placitare 
voluerit, ipsi non respondeant neque placitent aliter quam placitare 
solebant tempore Domini Henrici Regis proavi nostri,... 

Et quod non placitent alibi nisi ubi debuerint et ubi solebant, scilicet, 
apud Shipweam^. 

(So that if anyone wishes to plead against them, they shall not answer nor 
plead otherwise than they were wont to plead in the time of King Henry, our 
great-grandfather.. . . 

And that they shall not plead elsewhere than where they ought and were 
wont, to wit, at Shepway.) 


(3) Wager of Law; Witness 

[DUBLIN, 1192^. Sed purgabit se per sacramentum quadraginta 

hominum ipsius civitatis, qui legales sunt. 

(But he shall purge himself by the oath of forty men of the said city, who 
are lawful.)] 

WATERFORD, 1232. For quadraginta read \iginti quatuor. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. As Dublin. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Quod ipsi burgenses se possint 

acquietare per viginti et quattuor legales homines ejusdem burgi. 

(That the same burgesses may acquit themselves by twenty-four lawful 
men of the same borough.) 

^ The first clause is almost an exact copy of the clause in the charter to Rye and 
Winchelsea of 1191, and the second is a copy of that in the Hythe charter of 11 56 
(vol. I, p. 136). 

^ See vol. I, p. 138. The oath is substituted for trial by battle (sect. i). 

IVb4] jurisdictional privileges 187 

SCARBOROL^GH, 1253 i^Y- Quod iidem cives.,.se defendant ab 

omnibus appellationibus per juramenta xxxvi hominum civitatis, nisi 

quis appellatus fuerit de corpore regis. 

(That the said burgesses shall defend themselves from all appeals by the 
oath of 36 men of the city, unless any is appealed of the body of the king.) 

MANCHESTER, 1301. (i) Nullus potest vicinum suum ducere ad 
sacramentum, nisi habeat sectam de aliquo clamore. 

(2) Si aliquis villanus burgenses calumpniatus fuerit de aliquo, 
burgenses non debent respondere ei, nisi habuerit sectam de burgensibus 
vel aliis legalibus hominibus. 

(3) Si aliquis alii aliquid acomodaverit sine testimonio, non re- 

spondebit quicquam ei, nisi habuerit testimonium: et si testimonium 

habuerit, per sacramentum duorum hominum potest negare. 

((i) No one shall have power to put his neighbour to the oath, unless he 
produces vv^itnesses to some complaint. 

(2) If any villain accuses any burgesses of any matter, the burgesses are not 
bound to answer him, unless he has burgesses or other lawful men as witnesses. 

(3) If any one has lent anything to another without witnesses, the borrower 
shall not answer for anything, unless he produce witnesses: and if he has 
witnesses, the borrower may deny the loan by the oath of two men.) 

CARLOW, 1223^. Liceat eisdem burgensibus meis debita sua per 

sectam legalium virorum dirationare et probare. 

(It shall be lawful for my said burgesses to deraign and prove their debts 
by a suit of lawful men.) 

MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

(4) Trial by Jury 
(a) Exemptions from Jury and Jury Service 

WATERFORD, 1232^. Et quod nulla recognitio fiat in villa. 
(And that no trial by jury shall be held in the town.) 
CORK, 1242. 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. Et quod nulla inquisitio de rebus forin- 

secis fiat per predictos burgenses, sed per liberos tenentes patrie, sicut 

hucusque fieri consuevit. 

(And that no inquest concerning foreign matters be made by the aforesaid 
burgesses, but by the freeholders of the country, as was hitherto wont to be 

LAUGHARNE, 1278-82. 

Line 2. For sicut... end read nee per forinsecos de burgensibus. 
HAVERFORDWEST, 1291. As Carmarthen^ 

^ See York, 1189-99, vol. i, p. 137. " See Kilkenny, 1202-10, vol. i, p. 140. 

^ See Bristol, 1188, vol. i, p. 139. * So also Cardigan, 1284. 


OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1265. Cum grave sit et tediosum clericis 
laicum feodum habentibus poni in assisis, juratis seu recognicionibus, 
ipsis scolis insistentibus, nos huiusmodi clericis Oxonie studentibus, ad 
instanciam vninersitatis ejusdem ville, graciam facere volentes specialem 
ipsis concedimus quod, quamdiu studiis ibidem inhereant, et sub habitu 
clericali in suo studio laudabiliter proficiant, non ponantur in assisis, 
juratis seu recognicionibus aliquibus, Et ideo vobis mandamus quod 
dictos clericos contra banc concessionem non molesters vel molestari 

(Whereas it is grievous and wearisome for clerks having lay fees to be placed 
in sworn assizes or recognitions {i.e. inquests) while they are attending the 
schools, we, willing to do special favour to the clerks of this kind studying at 
Oxford, at the instance of the university of the said town, grant to them, that 
so long as they "stick to" their studies there, and wearing the garb of clerks 
are profiting from their studies in a praiseworthy manner, they shall not be 
placed in sworn assizes or recognitions of any kind, and therefore we command 
you that ye do not molest the said clerks, nor permit them to be molested 
contrary to this grant.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Et quod non ponantur in assisis, juratis 
vel recognicionibus aliquibus ratione forinsece tenure sue contra volun- 
tatem suam. 

(And that they be not placed in assizes, juries or recognitions of any kind 
by reason of their lands of foreign tenure (i.e. outside the liberties of the ports) 
against their will.) 


BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Quod predicti burgenses non 

ponantur in assisis, juratis vel recognitionibus aliquibus ratione intrinsece 

tenure sue contra voluntatem suam extra burgum predictum. 

(That the aforesaid burgesses shall not be placed in sworn assizes, juries 
or recognitions without the borough aforesaid by reason of their tenements 
within the borough against their will.) 

NORWICH, 1305. Et etiam quod non summoneantur nee ponantur 

in assisis, juratis vel inquisitionibus aliquibus de tenuris intrinsecis, 

seu super quocunque facto, contractu, calumpnia, seu querela in dicta 

civitate aliqualiter emergente, nee recognitiones aliquas in assisis vel 

juratis illis faciant extra civitatem predictam, nisi factum illud nos vel 

heredes nostros specialiter tangat. 

(And also that they be not summoned nor put on any assizes, juries or 
inquests touching internal tenements, or with respect to any deed, contract, 
claim or plaint in any way arising in the said city, nor make any recognitions 
in those assizes or juries outside the aforesaid city, unless the fact specially 
touches us or our heirs.) 

LYNN, 1305. 

Lines 2-4. de tenuris... emergente transferred to line 5 after predictam. 
Line 4. After burgo insert vel portu ejusdem. 

IVb4] jurisdictional privileges 189 

(b) Use of Juries and Exclusion of Non-burgesses 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1248. Quod si inferatur iniuria pre- 
dictis scholaribus, fiat inde inquisicio^ tarn per villatas vicinas quam 
per burgenses predictos. 

(That if any injury be done to the aforesaid scholars, inquest shall be made 
therein as well by the neighbouring townships as by the burgesses aforesaid.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et eleccionem suam propriam de com- 
burgensibus suis, ut in inquisitionibus et assisis, sine impedimento 
alicujus, prout ab antique et postquam feofati sunt habere consueverunt. 

(And their own election by their fellow burgesses, as in inquisitions and 
assizes, without hindrance by any, as they were wont to have of old and after 
they were enfeoffed.) 

HEREFORD, 1256 (b). Quod non convincantur per aliquos forin- 
secos super aliquibus appellis, rettis, injuriis, transgressionibus, crimini- 
bus, calumpniis aut demandis eis impositis aut imponendis, sed solum- 
modo per concives suos, nisi de aliqua re tangente communitatem 
civitatis predictae^. 

(That they shall not be convicted by any strangers upon any appeals, in- 
dictments, injuries, trespasses, charges, claims, or demands made or to be 
made against them, but only by their fellow burgesses, unless concerning 
matters touching the community of the borough.) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1256 (a). For concives read comburgenses. 
SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). 
YORK, 1256 (a). 

Line 4. For nisi... end read nisi communitas civitatis predicte fuerit in 

culpa de aliquo premissorum, vel res ipsa communitatem 

illam tangat. 
SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (a). As York. 
CANTERBURY, 1256(6). Do. 

Line 3. For demandis read forisfactis. 
CONWAY, 1284. As Hereford. 

Line 3. After imponendis insert a Kaemarvan usque ad aquam de Cloyt^. 
4. For concives read burgenses nostros predictos. 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway, but for a Kaern....Cloyt read infra 

comitatum de Karnarvan et ripam de Devy*, videlicet ab aqua 

de Aberconewey usque aquam de Devy. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. As Conway, but /or a Kaern....CIoyt read a rypa de 

Kaernarvan quae vocatur Seyntes^ usque ad rypam de Devy. 
HARLECH, 1284. As Criccieth. 
BERE, 1284. As Carnarvon, but for infra... Devy (1. 3) read a ripa de 

Abermau usque ad ripam de Devy. 

^ The copy in the Registrum Privilegiorum (1770) reads "execucio," but the copy in 
the Plea Roll reads "inquicicio," as does Hare's Privilegia, fo. 2 v. (B.) 
* See Introduction, p. Ixii, and for the rest of the clause, p. 185. 
^ Clwyd. * Dovey. * Seiont. 


FLINT, 1284. As Carnarvon, but /or Karnarvan...Devy read Flynt et inter 

ripas de Coneway et Dee. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. As Flint. 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. As Carnarvon, but for Karnarvan read Angleseye 

and omit et ripam...Devy (1. 4). 

NORWICH, 1305. Et quod cives illi vel successores sui predict! 
super aliquibus appellis, rettis, calumpniis, transgressionibus, contracti- 
bus, aut demandis intrinsecis per aliquos forinsecos minime convin- 
cantur, set solummodo per concives suos, nisi factum illud tangat nos 
vel heredes nostros seu totam communitatem ejusdem civitatis. 

(And that the said citizens or their successors shall not be convicted at all 
by any foreigners upon any internal appeals, accusations, claims, trespasses, 
contracts or demands, but only by their fellow citizens, unless the fact touches 
us or our heirs or the whole community of the city.) 

LYNN, 1305. 

Line 3. After demandis insert aut aliis factis quibuscumque. 

5 . Add vel dominos burgi illius aut ministros suos ; et tunc fiat 
sicut hactenus in huiusmodi casu fieri consuevit. 

(c) Seignorial use of the Jury Limited 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et ego Johannes Wake et heredes mei 
vel ballivi nostri non ponemus burgenses ad sacramentum, nisi per 
eorum voluntatem, sine precepto domini Regis nisi bis per annum. 

(And I John Wake and my heirs and our bailiffs will not put the burgesses 
to their oath more than twice a year without a precept of our lord the King, 
except by their own will.) 

(5) Mainprise, the Mainpast, Husband and Wife 

(a) Mainprise 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item, burgensis reitatus de aliquo 
forinseco, replegietur vicinis suis. 

(Item, a burgess accused by any foreigner, shall be bailed by his neighbours.) 

SALT ASH, before 1246. Quod nuUus de predictis burgensibus meis 
capiatur et ad castrum meum ducatur, si de transgressione quam fecerit 
sufficientes plegios poterit invenire de paribus suis. 

(That none of my aforesaid burgesses be arrested and taken to my castle, 
if he is able to find sufficient sureties from among his peers for the trespass 
which he has committed.) 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. Quod si aliquis eorum alicui infra bur- 
gum suum forisfecerit, non ducatur infra portas castelli, dum possit 
invenire bonos et salvos plegios de stando juri, nisi pro transgressione 
pro qua plegiabilis non fuerit. 

IVb5] jurisdictional privileges 191 

(That if any of them incur a forfeiture within that borough to anyone, he 
shall not be taken within the gates of our castle, so long as he can find good 
and safe pledges to stand his trial, except for an offence for which he is not 
bailable ^) 

LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. 
Line 3. Omit nisi... end. 
CARDIGAN, 1284. 

Line 2. After castelli add nostri ibidem ad detinendum pro forisfactura 
3. For nisi... end read nisi [in casu^] transgressionis in quo replegia- 
bilis non extiterit. 
HAVERFORDWEST, 1 29 1. As Cardigan. 

WARTON, 1246-^1 . Quod nullus burgensis capietur nee imprisone- 

tur aliqua de causa dum plegios possint (sic) et velint invenire. 

(That no burgess be taken or imprisoned for any cause, if he can and will 
find pledges.) 

CONWAY, 1284. Verumptamen si aliqui dictorum burgensium 
rettati, accusati vel indictati fuerint super aliquam transgressionem in 
hujusmodi casibus (i.e. apparently "vitae et membrorum"^), nolumus 
quod ea occasione imprisonentur quamdiu bonam et sufficientem manu- 
cap cionem invenerint ad standum inde recto coram capitali justicia 
nostro vel aliis justiciis nostris ad hoc deputatis. 

(But if any of the said burgesses are arraigned, accused, or indicted of any 
trespass in cases of this kind {i.e. punishable by death or mutilation), we will 
that they shall not be imprisoned on this account so long as they find good 
and sufficient surety to stand their trial before our chief justice or our other 
justices appointed for this purpose.) 



HARLECH, 1284. 

BERE, 1284. 

FLINT, 1284. 

RHUDDLAN, 1284. 


OVERTON, 1292. After transgressionem insert ubi non fuerit periculum 
amissionis vitae vel membrorum. 

TENBY, 1265-94. Volumus eciam quod si contingat aliquem 

burgensium predictorum aliqua occasione attachiari, quod longius non 

ducatur nisi ad portam Castelli Tenebie si plegios competentes de stando 

iudicio et legi possit ibidem invenire, nisi pro felonia unde debeat vitam 

vel membra amittere. 

(We will also that if it happen that any of the aforesaid burgesses should be 
attached for any reason, he shall not be taken farther than to the gate of the 
Castle of Tenby, if he can find sufficient sureties for his appearance, unless 
he is arrested for a felony for which he ought to lose life or limb.) 

^ See also IV c 8. - Supplied from Haverfordwest. 

^ Cf. p. 169. But query whether it was intended to allow bail in cases of felony. 


SWANSEA, 1306. Nee prefati burgenses nostri imprisonentur dum 

possint sufFicientem invenire pleuinam ad respondendum in hundredo 

nostro, nisi pro morte hominis nequiter et per feloniam interfecti captus 

super factum recenter commissum et qui modo debito fuerit indictatus, 

latro cum manuopere latrocinii duodecim denarios excedentis de- 

prehensus, incendiarius domorum...ecissorum nequiter in felonia facien- 

do captus et rite indictatus, utlagatus patrie abjurator, fractor prisone 

castri nostri de Sweyn' in eodem propter feloniam aut per judicium 

curie in ferro detentus, falsor monete cum instrumentis monetariis 

captus, vel excommunicatus ad instanciam episcopi incarceratus. 

(Nor shall our aforesaid burgesses be imprisoned so long as they can find 
sufficient security that they will answer in our hundred (court), except one 
arrested soon after the deed for the death of a man wickedly and feloniously 
slain and who shall have been indicted in due form, a thief taken with the 
proceeds of a theft exceeding i2d^, a burner of houses,... taken committing 
felony wickedly and duly indicted, an outlaw who abjures his country, a 
breaker of prison from our castle of Swansea who is kept in fetters there for 
felony or by judgement of the court, a coiner taken with tools for coining, or 
an excommunicated person imprisoned at the instance of the bishop.) 

(b) The Mainpast 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1248. Et quod quilibet burgensis 

Oxonie pro familia sua respondeat: ita quod, si aliquis de familia sua 

mortem vel gravem iniuriam vel alicui clerico vel suis inferat, male- 

factorem exhibeat idem burgensis ut fiat de eo iusticia, alioquin infligatur 

pena secundum consuetudinem regni. 

(And that every burgess shall answer for his household, in such manner, 
that, if any of his household inflict death or grave injury on any clerk or on any 
of his (servants), the same burgess shall inform against the malefactor, so 
that justice may be done on him; otherwise a penalty shall be inflicted on him 
according to the custom of the realm.) 

CORK, 1242^. Et quod dicti burgenses pro transgressione seu foris- 
factura servientum suorum catalla et bona sua in manibus ipsorum 
inventa, aut alicubi loconim per ipsos servientes deposita, quatenus sua 
esse sufficienter probare poterunt, non amittant. 

(And that the said burgesses shall not, for the trespass or forfeiture of their 
servants, lose their chattels and goods found in the hands of the same servants 
or deposited anywhere by the same servants, so far as they can sufficiently 
prove that they are theirs.) 

BATH, 1256 (a). 

BEVERLEY, 1256. ^ 

BRISTOL, 1256. 

MONMOUTH, 1256. 

HEREFORD, 1256 (b). 

^ The limit between grand and petty larceny {H.E.L. u, 495-6). 
* See p. 92. 



SHREWSBURY, 1256 (a). 
GUILDFORD, 1257 (a). 
OXFORD, 1257 (b). 

Lines i, 2. For Et...forisfactura read Quod propter delicta et trans- 

Line 2. For catalla et bona read bona vel catalla. 

Lines 2-4. Omit in manibus...poterunt. 
CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. 

Line i. For dicti burgenses read ipsi. 

2. For ipsorum read eorundem servientium. 

3. Before deposita insert in terra nostra. 

After quatenus insert ipsi burgenses bona ilia vel catalla. 
LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. As Carmarthen. 
CARDIGAN, 1284. Do. 
CONWAY, 1284. 

Line i. For dicti read iidem. 

After burgenses insert nostri. 

4. For poterunt read poterint. 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 

BERE, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 
OVERTON, 1292. Do. 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. Do. 
CHESTER, 1300. 

Line 2. After ipsorum insert servientium. 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Et quod ipsi aut eorum bona non ares- 
tentur alicubi in regno nostro, nee ipsi bona ilia amittant pro aliqua 
transgress ione seruientum suorum. 

(And that they or their goods shall not be arrested anywhere in our realm, 
nor shall they lose those goods, for any trespass of their servants.) 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Quod si quis servientium suorum 
felloniam fecerit vel aliquod aliud crimen commisserit pro quo bona 
et catalla sua perdere debeat, nihilominus bona et catalla ipsorum bur- 
gensium in manibus dictorum servientium suorum ubicunque infra 
regnum seu potestatem nostram inventa ipsorum sint burgensium 
quatenus sufficienter ea probare poterint esse sua. 

(That if any of their servants do any felony or commit any other crime for 
which he ought to lose his goods and chattels, nevertheless the goods and 
chattels of the said burgesses in the hands of the said servants wherever 
they may be found within our kingdom or power shall remain the goods 
of the said burgesses so far as they can satisfactorily prove them to be 




(c) Husband and Wife 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Quilibet potest esse ad placitum pro sponsa 
sua et familia sua, et sponsa cujuslibet potest firmam suam reddere 
preposito, facienda quod facere debeat, et placitum sequi pro sponso 
suo, si ipse forsan alibi fuerit. 

(Every one can appear in a suit for his wife and family, and the wife of any 
can pay his farm to the reeve, performing what he ought to perform, and can 
appear in a suit for her husband, if perchance he should be elsewhere.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i. After Quilibet insert burgensis. 

2. Omit suam. 

4. For forsan read forsitan. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 
Line 2. Omit suam. 

3. For facienda read et facere. 

4. Omit ipse. 

Line i . After Quilibet insert debet et. 

3. Omit facienda... debeat. 

4. For forsan alibi read forsitam aliunde. 

(6) Prohibition of Forced Bail 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. Quod nullus burgensis cogatur replegiare ali- 
quem, nisi ipse voluerit, quamvis sit super suam terram manens. 

(That none of the burgesses be forced to replevy anyone, unless he will, 
although he dwells on his land.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. 

Line i. For nuUus burgensis read burgensis ne. 
2. For ipse read bene. 

For sit manens read maneat. 
CORK, 1242. 
LIMERICK, 1292. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. 

Line i. After burgensis insert ejusdem burgi. 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Nullus burgensis cogatur plegiare ali- 
quem, etiam si de eo tenuerit, nisi sponte velit. 

(No burgess shall be forced to bail anyone, even if he holds of him, unless 
he is willing.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

Line 2. For velit read voluerit. 

^ Vol. I, p. 141. ~ Vol. I, p. 141. 

IVb7] jurisdictional privileges 195 

(7) Royal Writs 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Et quod nuUus implacitetur de aliquo 
tenemento infra metas predict! burgi, nisi per breve de recto, et inde 
plenum rectum in hundredo predict© conquerentibus teneatur, secun- 
dum consuetudinem burgi predicti. 

(And that no one be impleaded concerning any tenement within the bounds 
of the aforesaid borough, but by the writ of right, and that full right be done 
to the complainants thereon in the hundred aforesaid, according to the custom 
of the borough aforesaid.) 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. Et quod nullus burgensis ejusdem 

burgi respondeat infra burgum ilium pro aliquo brevi, nisi pro brevi 

de recto, de aliquibus tenementis infra metas ejusdem burgi; salvis 

provisionibus factis loco brevium que currunt in terris forinsecis. 

(And that no burgess of the same borough answer within the borough to 
any writ, except the writ of right, concerning any tenements within the bounds 
of the same borough, saving the provisions made in lieu of writs which run 
in lands outside the borough.) 

GLOUCESTER, 1256. Et quod nulla brevia nostra currant infra 

libertatem ejusdem villae Glouc. nisi ea quae ibidem currere debent et 

hactenus currere consueverunt. 

(And that none of our writs run within the liberty of the town aforesaid, 
except those which ought and were wont to run there.) 

SOUTHAMPTON, 1256 (b). 

Line I. /?eaJ nullum breve... currat. 

2. For ejusdem... Glouc. read predicte ville. 

After nisi read breve de recto, breve de nova disseisina et breve 
de dote unde nihil fiet^, ut consuetum est. 

^ Rectius habet. See Glanvill, De Legibus Angliae, lib. vi, cc. 14, 15. 




(i) Times for Holding Courts 

[LONDON, 1194^. Et quod hustengus semel tan turn in hebdomada 

(And that the hustings be held once only in the week.)] 
ROCHESTER, 1227 (Portmot). 

Line i . For hebdomada read quindecim diebus. 

LONDON, 1268. Quod in singulis septimanis teneatur hustengum 
semel in ebdomada, et hoc tantummodo per unum diem. Ita tamen ut 
que illo die terminari non poterint, continuantur in crastinum et non 

(That the husteng shall be held every week, once in the week, and that for 
one day only, so that the matters which cannot be terminated on that day 
shall be adjourned to the morrow and no further.) 


LYME [REGIS], 1285. 

NOVA VILLA, 1286. 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. Quod hundredum tantum semel teneatur in 

(That the hundred (court) be held once only in the week.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. After hundredum insert BristoU'. 

CARLOW, 1223. For Quod read vero and omit tantum (as Kilkenny)^. 

MOONE, 1223. Do. 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Do. {but reading tantum). 

ROSBERCON, 1289-95. Do. 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. For tantum read apud Drogheda. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Omit tantum. 


CORK, 1242. 

LIMERICK, 1292. After tantum read in eadem civitate. 

SALT ASH, before 1246. Et nullus predictorum burgensium ex 
consuetudine sequatur hundredum nisi ter in anno, scilicet die Lune 
proxima post festum S. Hilarii, et die Lune proxima post clausum Pasche, 
et die Lune proxima post festum Sanctae Fidis, nisi contra preceptum 
domini regis, vel pro efForciamento iudicii, vel in placito fuerit, et tunc 
habeat summonicionem die Sabbati quod die Lune sequenti veniat ad 
hundredum de placito in quo est responsurus. Et si aliqua summonicio 
de domino rege vel eius ballivo evenerit, per summonitorem castri mei 

^ Vol. I, p. 142. " Vol. I, p. 143. 


fiat ilia summonicio preposito eiusdem ville et postea per prepositum 


(And none of the aforesaid burgesses shall customarily attend the hundred 
court except thrice in the year, to wit, on the Monday next after the feast of 
St Hilary, and on the Monday after the close of Easter, and on the Monday 
next after the feast of St Faith, unless to meet a summons from our lord the 
king or his bailiff, or for afforcing a judgment, or because he is in a plea, 
and then he shall have a summons on the Saturday to attend the hundred on 
the following Monday concerning a plea in which he is to answer. And if 
there should happen any summons from our lord the king or his bailiff, the 
summons shall be made on the reeve of the same town by the summoner of 
my castle, and by the reeve on the burgesses.) 

POOLE y c. 1248. Ballivi eciam mei et heredum meorum sexcies in 

anno placita nostra in predicto burgo nostro tenebunt de modiis et 

assisis fractis, et omnibus aliis que ad nos de jure possunt pertinere, 

scilicet, in crastino Circumcisionis, et in octabis Purificationis Beate 

Marie, et in crastino Annunciationis eiusdem, et proximo die Sabbati 

post Hokeday, et die Martis proxime post festum Sancti Trinitatis, et 

triduo ante festum Sancti Petri quod dicitur ad vincula. Quod si in 

aliquibus dictorum terminorum, vel infra, placita aperta in eodem burgo 

emerserint, secundum consuetudinem burgorum et civitatum domini 

regis dicta placita per ballivos nostros pertractentur et in judicium de- 

ducantur, et amerciamenta exinde perveniencia ad modum delicti per 

ballivos predictos nostros ad opus nostrum capiantur. 

(Also, my bailiffs and those of my heirs shall hold our pleas six times in 
the year in our aforesaid borough, for wrong measures and breaches of assizes, 
and for all other things which can rightfully pertain to us, to wit, on the morrow 
of the Circumcision, and in the octave of the Purification of the Blessed Mary and 
on the morrow of the Annunciation, and on the Saturday next after Hokeday '^j 
and on the Tuesday next after the feast of the Holy Trinity, and three days 
before the feast of St Peter ad Vincula. And if in any of the aforesaid terms, 
or, between them, open pleas shall have arisen in the said borough, according 
to the custom of the boroughs and cities of our lord the king they shall be 
dealt with and brought to judgement by our bailiffs, and the fines thence 
arising according to the nature of the offence shall be taken for our use by our 
aforesaid bailiffs.) 

READING, 1254. (Fine.) Concesserunt etiam predicti burgenses... 

quod bene licebit dicto abbati et successoribus suis vel eorum ballivis 

placitare in predicta gildhalla omnia placita que ad predictam villam de 

Rading' pertinent placitanda. Et quod habeant omnes emendas tam de 

gildanis quam de aliis. Et quod clavis gildhalle remaneat custodi gild- 

halle, qui ipsam tradet dicto abbati vel ballivis suis sine contradiccione 

quando ibi placitare voluerint. 

(The aforesaid burgesses have also granted that it shall be lawful for the 
said abbot and his successors or their bailiffs to plead in the aforesaid Guild- 

^ Second Tuesday after Easter. 


hall all pleas which pertain to the said town of Reading. And that they shall 
have all the fines, both from the members of the Guild and from others. 
And that the key of the Guildhall shall remain with the keeper of the Guildhall, 
who shall deliver it to the abbot or his bailiffs without dispute, when they wish 
to plead there.) 

CHARD, 1271-2. Quod nullus eorum teneatur sectam facere nisi 
ad duo hundreda annuatim in predict© burgo, scilicet ad hundredum 
Sancti Michaelis et ad hundredum de Hokeday, salvis placitis in eisdem 
hundredis inchoatis et terminandis de tribus in tres septimanas, et pro 
brevibus domini regis placitandis, pro latronibus indictandis, et etiam 
ad legalem summonitionem pro pace et juribus domini regis et nostris 
attingandis {sic). 

(That none of them shall be bound to do suit except at two hundred courts 
annually within the aforesaid borough, to wit at the hundred of Michaelmas 
and the hundred of Hokeday, except for pleas begun in the same hundreds 
and to be determined from three weeks to three weeks, and for pleading the 
writs of our lord the king, and for indicting thieves, and also on legal summons 
for dealing with the peace and rights of our lord the king and ourselves.) 

CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274. Et quod faciant curie nostre tres ap- 
parantias annuatim certis diebus, breve tamen de recto ^ in dicta curia 
currente, facient sectam de quindena in quindena, pro omnimodis aliis 
serviciis et demandis. 

(And that they make three appearances at our court yearly at fixed times, 
but that, if a writ of right is current in our court they shall make suit from fort- 
night to fortnight, for all other services and demands.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. Et quod dicti burgenses mei faciant sectam 
ad curiam meam magnam bis in anno, videlicet ad proximam curiam 
post Pascha et ad proximam curiam post festum S. Michaelis: et quod 
portimotus teneatur in eodem burgo de tribus septimanis in tres septi- 

(And that the said burgesses shall make suit to my great court twice in the 
year, to wit, at the next court after Easter, and at the next court after Michael- 
mas; and that the portmoot be held in the same town from three weeks to 
three weeks.) 

SHEFFIELD, 1297. Preterea volo et concede quod curia dicte ville 
de Schefeld de tenentibus meis predictis teneatur infra predictam villam 
de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas per balliuos meos, sicut actenus 
usitatum est tempore antecessorum meorum. 

(Furthermore, I will and grant that the court of the said tov^Ti of Sheffield of 
my aforesaid tenants shall be held within the aforesaid town every three weeks 
by my bailiffs, as hitherto has been accustomed in the time of my ancestors.) 

^ "directo" in Ormerod ; corrected from Yates' Hist, of Congleton, p. 109. 


(2) Place of Trial 

[LONDON, 1199^. Et de omnibus debitis suis quae accommodata 
fuerint apud Londonias, et de vadimoniis ibidem factis, placita teneantur 
apud Londonias. 

(And of all their debts which are lent in London and of mortgages there 
made, pleas shall be held at London.)] 

LONDON, 1227 (d). For apud Londonias read ibidem. 

LONDON, 1268. Add secundum consuetudinem justam et consuetam. 

WARNEMOUTH, 1247. As London, 1227 (d). 

MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268, but after consuetam 

add in civitate London'. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 
BRISTOL, 1252. 

Lines i, 2. Omit omnibus and for factis read datis. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line 2. For ibidem factis read ibi vadiatis (otherwise as Bristol, but 
retaining omnibus). 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 
WATERFORD, 1232. As Bristol, 1252 (Dublin, 1192)2. 
CORK, 1242. Do. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

Line 3 . Add salvis nobis et heredibus nostris placitis ad coronam nostram 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Et si forte placitum emerserit de vadi- 
moniis vel de namiis pro debitis captis, in hundredo deducatur. 

(And if by chance a plea shall arise concerning mortgages or distresses 
taken for debts, it shall be tried in the hundred.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 

Line i. Omit vadimoniis. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

Line i. For emerserit read emersum. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10*. Ipsum autem hundredum in villa teneatur. 

(Moreover, this hundred shall be held in the town.)] 
CARLOW, 1223, and MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

FAVERSHAM, 1252. Nee alicubi placitent nisi ubi debuerint et 

ubi solebant, scilicet apud Shipweiam. 

(Nor shall they plead anywhere but where they ought to do and where they 
have been wont to do, namely at Shipway.) 


1 Vol. I, p. 144. 2 Ibid. 

" Ibid. * Ibid. p. 145. 


YORK, 1256 (a). Et quod dicti cives non respondeant de aliqua 

terra vel tenemento infra libertatem dicte civitatis existente, vel de aliqua 

transgressione facta in eadem libertate, coram aliquibus justiciis nostris 

itinerantibus apud Ebor' alibi quam in gilda aula sua et hec ad certas 

dies, de quibus per ipsos justicias premuniti fuerint^. 

(And that the said citizens shall not answer for any land or tenement within 
the liberty of the said city, or for any trespass committed in the same liberty, 
before any of our justices in eyre at York, elsewhere than in their Guildhall, 
and this on certain days of which they have been given notice by the said 

NEWPORT (I. of W.), 1262-93. Omne placitum quod in predict© 

burgo ortum fuit, quod ad me pertinet, in ipso burgo inter ipsos et per 

ipsos placitetur. 

(And every plea arising in the aforesaid borough which concerns me shall 
be pleaded in the borough itself between them and by them.) 

LINCOLN, 1272. Nos eisdem civibus gratiam ampliorem, ad 

ipsorum instanciam, facere volentes concessimus eis et hoc carta nostra 

confirmavimus quod omnia placita civitatis ejusdem et non alia decetero 

placitentur et teneantur in aula placitorum civitatis ejusdem que Gylde- 

halle vocitatur, et non alibi contra voluntatem civium ipsorum vel 

successorum suorum, exceptis placitis de tenuris exterioribus et mone- 

tariis ac ministris nostris. 

(We wishing to do the said citizens greater favour, at their instance, have 
granted to them and confirmed by this our charter that all pleas of the said 
city and no others shall henceforth be pleaded and holden in the pleas hall of 
the said city which is called Guildhall, and not elsewhere against the wishes 
of the citizens themselves or their successors, except pleas touching tenements 
outside the town and our moneyers and officials^. 

(3) Who may not sue 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-29. Quod de cetero nulli audiantur 

super peticionem aliquorum burgagiorum in villa Hauerford qui ad 

summonicionem nostram non comparuerunt ad burgagia sua re-edifi- 

canda et ad respondendum de arreragiis nobis inde contingentibus^. 

(That in future none shall be heard on a claim for any burgages in the town 
of Haverford, who have not appeared at our summons to rebuild their bur- 
gages and to answer for the arrears due thence to us.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. Holsake'^. E pur ceo ke vn vsage fu en la vile 
ke si un hume se pleinsist de vn altre, taunt cum sa pleinte fust pen- 

* See also IV b 8. 

^ The clause follows a confirmation of the London clause (IV a 4 and vol. i, p. 116) 
which Lincoln first secured in 1194. Cf. VI 14. 

^ Corrected from Miss Bateson's copy, E.H.R. xv, 519. 

* Quoted B.C. 11, 9. Possibly of Scandinavian origin, from hald-sak, an action 
which detains (Bateson, u.$.). 


daunte, son aduersaire de nul pleinte, dunt il se pleinsist de li, serreit oy, 
dunt auint souent, ke si un hume eust batu vn altre, si celi ki le tort aueit 
fet peust cure auaunt al baillif et pleindre sey, e celi ki tut le damage 
eust rescu venist apres e se pleinsist, ia ne sereit oy pur la pleinte lautre ; 
sur ceo est purueu ke chescun en sa pleinte vers altre seit oy, e chescun 
estoise a dreit uers altre si cum dreit veut auer. E mes par eel vsage ke 
fu apele Holsake home seit delae de son dreit siure. 

(And whereas there was an usage in the town that if a man impleaded 
another, so long as his plaint was pending, his adversary should not be heard 
in any plaint made against him, whence it often happened that when a man 
had beaten another, if he who had done the wrong could run in front to the 
bailiff and make plaint, and he who had received all the damage came after 
and made plaint, the latter would not be heard because of the plaint of the 
other: wherefore it is provided that each shall be heard in his plaint against 
the other, and that each stand to right against the other, as right will have it. 
And no more by that usage, which was called Holsake, shall a man be delayed 
of suing his right.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nee pro aliquo delicto in dicto burgo commisso 
aliquis de dicto burgo existens indictetur per Wallenses aut aliquos de 
familia nostra existentes^. 

(Nor for any offence committed in the said borough shall anyone of the 
said borough be indicted by Welshmen or any of our household.) 

(4) Essoins 

POOLE, c. 1248. Si vero contingat aliquos dietorum burgensium 
nostrorum terminis pretaxatis curie nostre per maris impedimentum 
interesse non posse, ballivi nostri absentiam suam nullo modo reputabunt 
defalcatam, set cum redierint et aliqua placita aperta contra eos interim 
fuerint emersa, secundum predictam eonsuetudinem coram ballivis 
nostris juri parere compellantur. 

(Moreover, if it happen that any of our said burgesses cannot attend our 
court at the appointed terms by reason of hindrance caused by the sea, our 
bailiffs shall in no manner consider their absence as a default, but when they 
return, and any open pleas shall have been commenced against them in the 
meantime, they shall be compelled to obey the law according to the aforesaid 
custom before our bailiffs.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. ForjaV^. A ceo si le defendaunt eit plegges 
troue ou mainpernors de estre a la Curt a certein ior e ne i puisse estre, 
eyent les plegges ou les meinpernors sil uoilent a ior vn forfal pur ly en 
lu de assoyne, cum auaunt fu use, e le eyent puis auaunt a un altre ior. 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 145. 

^ Forfal = Danish Forfald, hindrance: here, a sufficient excuse (Bateson, Records 
oj Leicester, i, 153). Quoted B.C. i, 152. 


(Also, if the defendant has found pledges or mainpernours for his appear- 
ance at the Court on a certain day and he cannot be there, let the pledges or 
the mainpernours, if they wish, have on the day a forfal for him, instead of 
an essoin, as was formerly the custom, and let them have him there on another 

LEICESTER, 1277. Have Laive. A ceo quel oure ke les parties 
vegnent primes ensemble en Curt, le defendaunt, sil veut, die Hauelawe 
e par taunt passe a cele iornee cum auaunt fu use, issi ke mes par haue- 
lawe dire en vne querele ne seit delay grante for vne fiez. Et quant il 
auera dit Hauelawe, trusse plegges ou mette sum estal en pleggage, si 
il seit estale, de venir a la prochein Curt siwant cum fu auaunt vse. E si 
dune ne vegne, seit destreint par la grant destresce cum auaunt est dit 
des kil vegne, e quant il vent, seit en la merci si il ne puisse ses defautes 

(Also at the time when the parties first come together in Court, let the 
defendant, if he will, say Have Law, and thereby go free on that day as was 
formerly the custom, but by saying Have Law in one suit, delay may not be 
granted more than once. And when he has said Have Law, let him find pledges 
or, if he be stalled, put his stall in pledge to come to the next court following 
as was formerly the custom. And then if he does not come, let him be dis- 
trained by the great distress as is said above till he does come, and when he 
comes, let him be in mercy if he cannot save his defaults.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. -^ P^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ merchaunz furent souent as 

grant feyres de la terre, fu vse ke taunt cum les grant feyres sistrent nul 

plai ne fust tenuz, nent plus de ceus ke furent a meson ke de ceus ke 

furent a feyres, est ore purueu ke les curz seient tenues e dreiture seit 

fete de ceus ke a meson sunt, e ceus ki a feyres sunt seient assoinez par 

les feires, ceo est asauer par ceus feires dunt assoine soleient estre auaunt 

ces oiires, si issi ne seit ke ceus ke as feires sunt auaunt lor aler la eient 

fet atornez ke lor dreit puissent siure ou defendre. 

(And whereas merchants were often at the great fairs of the land, it was 
customary that when the great fairs were held, no plea was held neither of 
those that were at home nor of those who were at the fairs, it is now provided 
that the Courts be held and right done on those who are at home, and that 
those who are at fairs be essoined by reason of the fairs, that is to say by those 
fairs of which essoin was usual before now, unless it be that those who are 
at fairs, before their going have appointed attornies who may sue or defend 
their right.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. ^^ unusquisque burgensium essoniabit 

alium ad curiam sine calumpnia, quando fuerint absentes. 

(And each of the burgesses shall essoin another at the court without chal- 
lenge, if they are absent.) 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si aliquis implacitatus fuerit ante dies 
Laghmot et tunc venerit, oportet eum respondere et non debet se essoniare 

1 Quoted 5.C. I, 151. 


sine forisfactura. Et si tunc primo implacitatus fuerit, tunc habebit 
primum diem. 

(If any person be impleaded before the day of the Lawmoot and attend on 
that day, he ought to answer then and not excuse himself without forfeiture. 
But if he be then impleaded for the first time, he shall be allowed a delay till 
the next court day.) 

(5) Default of Appearance, etc. 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Si aliquis implacitatus fuerit de vicino suo vel 
de aliquo alio de aliquibus que ad burgum pertineant et iii dies secutus 
fuerit, si testimonium habuerit de preposito et de vicinis suis quod ad- 
versarius suus defectus sit ad hos iii dies, nullum postea det ei responsum 
de illo placito, et alter cadat in misericordiam. 

(If any be impleaded by his neighbour or any other concerning any things 
pertaining to the borough and attend court for three days, if he have testimony 
from the reeve and his neighbours that his adversary made default in appear- 
ance for those three days, he shall thereafter give no answer to that plea, and 
the plaintiff shall incur an amercement.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. Before tres insert per. 

4. For defectus sit read defecerit. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 4. For sit read fuerit. 

Line 2. Omit alio... pertineant. 

3. After vicinis suis insert de Portmanmot. 

5. Omit et... misericordiam. 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Si aliquis burgensis aliquem burgensem im- 

placitaverit de aliquo debito, et ipse cognoverit debitum, prepositus 

ponat ei diem, scilicet octavum, et si non venerit ad diem reddat mihi 

duodecim denarios pro forisfactura diei, et debitum reddat et preposito 

quatuor denarios. ' 

(If any burgess implead another burgess for debt and the latter admit the 
debt, the reeve shall fix the eighth day for him, and if he do not appear on that 
day he shall pay me twelve pence for the forfeiture of the day, and shall pay 
the debt and four pence to the reeve.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. For ipse read debitor. 

3. Omit scilicet. 

4. Before diei insert illius. 
Before preposito insert similiter. 

STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 3. Omit mihi. 

Line 2. For prepositus read prefectus. 

3. For mihi read predicto domino. 

4. For preposito quatuor read prefecto octo. 


SALFORD, c. 1230. Si vero prepositus ville aliquem burgensem 
calumpniaverit de aliquo placito, et calumpniatus non venerit ad diem, 
nee aiiquis pro eo infra Laghemot, in forisfactura mea est de duodecim 

(But if the reeve of the vill accuse any burgess of any plea, and the accused 
person does not appear on the day, nor any one for him, at the Lawmoot, 
he has incurred a forfeiture to me of twelve pence.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 3. For Laghemot read le Halmote. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line i. Before prepositus insert aiiquis. 

3. For Laghemot read Le Portmonesmot. 

Line i. For prepositus read prefectus. 

3. For mea read predicto Domino. 

4. Add et predictus dominus habeat placitum suum super eum in 


LEICESTER^ 1277. E pur ceo ke vse fu ke le pleintif purreit fere 

trois defautes e ia le meins aler auaunt en sa querele, purueu est ke si le 

pleintif ne siwe mie sa querele al iors ke done li sunt, seit en la merci 

e ses plegges de siwre, si il les eit, e son aduersaire a mesme le ior passe 

sauns ior par sa defaute. 

(And whereas it was customary that the plaintiff might make three defaults 
and nevertheless go on in his suit, it is provided that if the plaintiff does not 
follow up his plea on the days which are appointed for him, let him be in 
mercy and his pledges to sue, if he has any, and let his adversary go free that 
same day without a day by his default (i.e. let the case be adjourned sine die, 
that is, dismissed.) 

(6) Miskenning, Good and Faulty Defence, Disabilities 

of Defence (Thwartnay) 


LONDON, 1227 {dy. In civitate in nullo placito sit miskenninga. 

LONDON, 1268. Et quod non occasionentur proptermiskennyngam 
in suis loquelis, videlicet si non omnino bene narraverint. 

(And that they be not made to suffer on account of miskenning in their 
suits, that is, if they have not pleaded exactly right.) 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

Line i. After quod insert predicti burgenses aut mercatores^. 

^ See vol. I, p. 147. 

^ This must not be interpreted as equating burgess and merchant; the previous 
clause (V A 12) refers to merchants (B.). 



[BRISTOL, 1188^. Et quod in nullo placito possit quis causari per 


(And that in no plea shall any be challenged for miskenning.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. 

Line i. After quod insert nuUus burgensis. 

For nullo read ullo and for quis causari read occasionari. 
WATERFORD, 1232. As Bristol, 1188. 
CORK, 1242. 

Line i . For in read de. 
LIMERICK, 1292. 

[KILKENNY, 1202-102. Nullus burgensis trahatur in placitum per 


(No burgess shall be drawn into any plea by faulty pleading.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 

Add the Kilkenny addendum: Liceat omni burgensi placitare sine 
MOONE, 1223. Do. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279- Do. 

Line i. For placitum read causam. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. As Carlow. 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item, burgensis reitatus de felonia 
vel latrocinio si dicit "ego defendo feloniam vel latrocinium et quicquid 
super me dicitur," bonam facit defensionem. 

(Item, a burgess who is accused of felony or larceny, and says " I deny the 
felony or larceny and whatever is charged against me," makes a good defence.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. Swareles'^. E pur ceo ke vse auaunt ces oures, 
quant les parties deueient pleder e le pleintif aueit dit sa querele, si le 
defendant taunt tost cum la parole ly fust issue de la buche ne deist 
Thwerthutnay, il fu tenu cum non defendu e ceo apelerent Swareles, 
ne ne li fu suffert de en parler ne de cunseil demaunder ne nul hume ki 
suist les vsages pur li parler, dunt muz en furent perdaunz ke ne saueient 
les vsages, sur ceo est ore purueu ke quant les parties aperent e deyuent 
pleder, le pleintif die pleynement sa querele, saunz chalenge u hoket, 
par li meimis s'il sache, ou par altre ke seit auoe, si memes ne sache, issi 
ke par oubliance de tens ne par altre circumstance chalenge la querele 
ne seit abatue. Mes si le defendaunt demaunde declaracion de tens ou 
de altre chose ke necessaire seit a la pleinte pur meuz estre acerte a 
respundre, seit la declaracion fete mesme lure saunz chalenge. Puis 
quant le pleintif auera querele, le defendaunt eit resnable espace a 
respundre k'il ne seit suspris. E s'il se voile conseiller e enparler, le face 
par cunge e reuegne e die ceo ke il quide ke li puisse valer, tut saunz 
chalenge ne hoket, par li meimes, ou par altre ke seit auoe, s'il memis ne 
sache. E s'il quide ke son primer respuns ne suffise mie, die altre chose, 

1 Vol. I, p. 147. * Corr. Vol. i, p. 148. Cf. B.C. 11, 2 (Thomastown). 

^ "Without danger of formal objections." * See Addenda. 


ou il se voile atrenk tenir e jugement prendre. E si par auenture quant 

le pleintif auera querele, le defendant ne puisse dedire ceo ke il auera 

dit ver ly, ou ne voile respundre, puis k'il serra amoneste par le bailif, 

si il ne die resnable enchesun pur quei respundre ne deit, seit cum non 

defendu e cum Svvareles cum fu auaunt vse. 

{The Undefended. And whereas it was customary heretofore, when the 
parties ought to plead and the plaintiff" had said his plaint, if the defendant, 
as soon as the plea had left his mouth, did not say Thwerthutnay, he was held 
to be non-defendant, and that was called Swarless, and he was not suffered 
to plead nor to ask counsel nor have any man who knew the usages to speak 
for him, whereby many lost their suits from not knowing the usages. There- 
fore it is now provided that when the parties appear and ought to plead, the 
plaintiff' shall fully state his plaint without challenge or hindrance, by himself 
if he knows how, or if not by another who is avowed, so that the suit shall not 
be abated by non-statement of time or by other circumstance challenged. 
But if the defendant demands declaration of time, or other thing necessary to 
the plaint that he may be better certain of answering, the declaration shall 
be made at the same hour without challenge. Then when the plaintiff shall 
have pleaded, the defendant shall have reasonable time to answer so that 
he be not taken by surprise. And if he wishes to take counsel and plead, he 
shall do so by leave and come back again and say what he thinks will avail him, 
and all without challenge or hindrance, by himself if he knows, and if not, 
by another who is avowed. And if he thinks that his first answer will not 
suffice, let him say something else, to which he is willing to hold absolutely 
and upon which he will take judgement. And if perchance when the plaintiff 
has pleaded, the defendant cannot deny what he has said against him, or is 
unwilling to answer, then after he has been admonished by the bailiff, unless 
he gives reasonable excuse why he should not answer, let him be treated as 
non-defendant and as Swarless^, as was the custom heretofore. 

{b) Disabilities of the Defence (Thwartnay). 
LEICESTER, 1277. Twerthrounay. Gens name's . E pur ceo ke 
auaunt fu vse ke le defendaunt ne poeit a la pleinte le pleintif autre chose 
respundre for tut granter ou tut dire Thvi^erthutnay, E quant il aueit dit 
le nay, deueit estre a sa ley sei sisme meyn, dune son aduersaire, ou horn 
pur li, elireient gent que ne irreient od li pur fauur de I'autre partie ou 
pur haine de li, E si il ne poeit sa ley fere od tele gentz nomez, serreit 
ateint de tote la parole, fust ele verraie ou fause: Pur ceo est purueu, 
primes en plai de dette, si le defendaunt le dedie e le demaundant eit 
proue de sa dette par escrit, taile ou par uiue uoix, seit rescu a la proue 
fere, issi ke, si il n'eit for tayle ou viue voix, iurge il primes e puis ses 
tesmoines ke il meine, e seyent examinez de oye e de veue les tesmoines, 
si eus furent a la dette prendre ou a la taile fere, ou si eus furent la ou la 
dette ou la taile fu grante, e solum ceo ke eus prouent, recouere sa dette 
ou perde. E seyent les tesmoines lele gents, ne mie suspecenus custu- 
mers ne lowyz a faus sermenz aler. E si il nome tesmoines e eus pur 
fauur ou pur atie se sustreent de la uerite dire, seient destreint par le 

* Quoted B.C. u, 5. Danish svar = answer. 


baillif a uenir e dire lor uerite, e ausi cum est auaunt dit seyent examine, 
ou si les parties par assentement se uoilent mettre en enqueste de veisins 
ke seuent la uerite de ceste chose, soit lenqueste prise. E si le pleintif ne 
eit for sa simple voiz, seit le defendaunt a sa ley par taunz cum la curt 
agardera de bone gent e leaus, ne mie lowyz ne custumers a faus sermenz 
aler. E s'il face sa ley al ior ke done li est, passe quit. E si il defaile, seit 
cum ateint de la parole. En mesme la manere en plai de trespas si le 
defendant die Thwerthutnay seit a sa ley e en mesme la manere la face. 
E ke nul desormes seit destreint a sa ley fere par gent nomez cum fu 
auaunt use. E si le defendaunt en plai de trespas se voile mettre en 
enqueste de son fet, seit I'enqueste prise par gent convenables hors pris 
ses nusurs. E si ior del enqueste seit done e le defendant ne vegne, seit 
destreint de estre a I'autre curt. E si a cele curt ne vegne, seit lenqueste 
prise par sa defaute e iugement rendu e execucion fete^. 

(Thzvart-nay . Folks tiamed. And whereas it was heretofore the custom that 
the defendant could not answer any other thing to the plaintiff's plea except 
to admit everything or to say fully a thwart-nay, and when he had said the 
Nay, he had to be at his law, himself the sixth hand (i.e. to find five com- 
purgators) , then the plaintiff or a man for him would choose folk that would 
not go with him for favour of the other party or for hatred of him, and if he 
(the defendant) could not make his law with such folks named, he would be 
attainted of the whole plea, whether it were true or false: Therefore it is 
provided, first that in plea of debt, if the defendant denies it and the demandant 
has proof of his debt by writing or tally or word of mouth, let him be received 
to make the proof, so that if he has nothing but tally or word of mouth, let 
him swear first, and then the witnesses whom he brings, and let the witnesses 
be examined of hearing and of sight, if they were at the taking of the debt 
or the making of the tally, or if they were at the place where the debt or the 
tally was confessed, and according to what they prove, let him recover or lose 
his debt. And let the witnesses be lawful folk, nowise suspected of being 
accustomed nor hired to go to false oaths. And if he name witnesses and they 
by favour or by malice withdraw themselves from saying the truth, let them 
be distrained by the bailiff to come and say their truth, and also let them be 
examined as aforesaid ; or if the parties by consent wish to put themselves upon 
an inquest of their neighbours, who know the truth of the matter, let the 
inquest be taken. And if the plaintiff has nothing but his simple voice, let 
the defendant be at his law by so many as the Court shall award of good and 
lawful folk, no way hired or accustomed to go to false oaths. And if he makes 
his law on the day which is given him, let him go quit. And if he fail, let him 
be as one attainted of the plea. Similarly, in plea of trespass, if the defendant 
says the Thwart-nay, let him be at his law, and make it in the same way. And 
let no one henceforth be distrained to make his law by folk named, as was 
formerly accustomed. And if the defendant in plea of trespass wishes to put 
himself on an inquest as to his deed, let the inquest be taken by suitable folk, 
his enemies excepted. And if a day for the inquest is given, and the defendant 
does not come, let him be distrained to be at the next court. And if he does 
not come to that court, let the inquest be taken by default and let judgement 
be given, and execution done. 

^ Quoted B.C. i, 163. 


(8)1 Attachment and Imprisonment^ 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Si aliquis burgensis vel alius appellat aliquem 

burgensem de latrocinio, prefectus attachiat eum ad respondendum et 

stare judicio in Portemanmot, salvo jure meo. 

(If any burgess or any other accuse any burgess of larceny, the prefect shall 
attach him to answer and stand his trial in the Portmanmoot, saving my 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i. For appellat read implacitaverit. 

2. For latrocinio read suspicione latrocinii. 
For prefectus read prepositus. 

3. Before '}udicio insert '\n. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 2. For prefectus read prepositus. 
3. After stare insert inde. 

Line i. Omit burgensis vel alius. 
For appellat read vocat. 
3. For Portemanmot read Curia Domini. 
Omit salvo jure meo, 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si aliquis alium vulneraverit in burgo, pre- 
positus debet attachiare eum, si inventus fuerit extra domum suum^, 
per vadium et plegios. 

(If any wound another in the borough, the reeve ought to attach him by 
bail and sureties, if he is found outside his house.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Purvou est ke si nul seit en cuntre 

wage et plege e attacher ne se voilleye, sun corps seit pris et mene a la 

prisun dek il eyt furni ce ke a dreiture appent*. 

(It is provided that if any resist gage and pledge and will not be attached, 
his body shall be taken and brought to the prison till he shall do what per- 
taineth to right.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Derechef, purvou est ke si nul veyt 

arme, sun cors seit pris et mene a la prisun et iloc seit des armes des- 

puille, et de iloc replevi cike taunt ke les amendes seyint fet de ce ke il 

a armes porte en tens de pes cuntre le defens le rey. 

(Moreover, it is provided that if any man goes armed, his body shall be 
taken and brought to the prison, and he shall be there despoiled of his arms, 
and shall be replevied thence as soon as his amends are made for that he has 
borne arms in time of peace contrary to the prohibition of the king.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Derechef, purvou est ke si nul seit 
si malement naufre u batu par unt ke il seit desespere de sa vie, le cors 

^ Subsection 7 in vol. i — Entry of Judgement — is not represented in this. 

^ See also IV a 3 (Wigan) and IV b 5 (a). 

' For immunity in the house see IV a i . 

* Quoted B.C. i, 102. 


del autre seyt pris et mis en la prisun dek om sache si le blesce deit 

vivere u nuy, et si il murge, ke felun demorge en prisun dek avenue des 

justices, et ke il eit sun jugement. 

(Moreover, it is provided that if any be so badly wounded or beaten by any 
that his hfe is despaired of, the body of the other shall be taken and put in 
prison till it is known whether the wounded man will live or no, and if he die, 
the felon shall remain in prison till the arrival of the justices, and then he shall 
have his judgement.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Derechef, purvou est ke si nul 

naufre autre de arme molu u de autre chose u vilement le bate, ke il ne 

seit mene a la prisum et de iloc replevi a ester a dreyture au jur certeyn 

assigne par le bailif de la vile, et fere ce ke appent a dreyture pur tou- 

manere de trespas surlum le ordre de dreit. 

(Moreover, it is provided that if any man wound another with sharpened 
weapon or other thing or grievously beat him, he shall be led to the prison 
and thence replevied to stand his trial at a certain day assigned to him by the 
bailiff of the town, and to do what pertains to right for all manner of trespass 
according to the order of right.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Derechef, purvou est ke si nul seit 

custumer aler wakeraunt par nuytauntre par la vile pur male fere, son 

cors seit pris et mis a la prisun dek il eyt truve saufs pleges de la pes 

garder et meintener et le trespas amender. 

(Moreover, it is provided that if any is accustomed to go wandering by 
night through the town to do evil, his body shall be taken and put in prison 
till he has found sureties for his keeping and maintaining of the peace and 
amending his fault.) 

CONGLETON.izyz-c. 1274. Etquodballiviejusdem ville si aliquem 

felonem ceperint, eum tenebunt, si velint, in cippis per tres dies, et 

postea reddent eum ad castrum nostrum de Halton cum catallis secum 

inventis, salva eis le peelf ' que pertinet^ serjancie. 

(And that if the bailiffs of the said town take any felon 2, they shall, if they 
will, keep him in the stocks for three days, and afterwards they shall deliver 
him at our castle of Halton with the chattels found on him saving to them 
the fee pertaining to the sergeancy.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. Eateries. Homesokene de fouz. E pur ceo ke 
fous funt barez en la vile, bateries, homsokene, e sunt bauz a ceo fere 
pur ceo ke eus ne vnt ren par vnt estre justizes, si le trespas seyent 
encuntre la pes, seent justizes par lor cors a ester a dreit. E si eus ne se 
amendent e seyent custumers a tels ultrages fere, seient fet voyder la vile^. 

1 "Pertinent" in Plea R. 15-16 Hen. VIII. 

^ Yates here inserts "the felony being known, they may lawfully behead him, and 
the felony being unknown" {Hist, of Congleton, p. 109). These words were omitted in 
the exemplification of this charter granted by Henry VIII in 1518 (ib. p. no); evidently 
Ormerod's version is derived from this exemplification (B.). Not however directly (T.). 

3 Quoted 5.C. 1,83. 

B.II 14 


{Batteries. Burglary by crowds. And whereas crowds make riots in the town, 
batteries [and] burglaries, and are bold to do this because they have nothing 
by which to be brought to justice, if the trespasses are against the peace, let 
them have justice done upon them in their bodies, to stand to right. And if 
they do not amend and are accustomed to do such outrages, let them be 
banished from the town.) 

WELSHPOOL, 1241-C. 1286. Quod possint omnes latrones, homi- 
cidas et malefactores in dicto burgo inventos attachiare et in prisona sua 
imprisonare et prescriptos judicare. 

(That they may arrest all robbers, homicides and malefactors found in the 
said borough and imprison them in their own prison and judge them.) 
LLANFYLLIN, after 1286. 

WELSHPOOL, 1241-C, 1286. Et ne aliquis ballivus noster in dictis 

burgensibus meis et eorum heredibus contra libertates et consuetudines 

legis Britannia^ manum imposuerit, quas eisdem burgensibus et eorum 

heredibus quiete concessi. 

(And that no bailiff of mine shall lay hands on the said burgesses and their 
heirs contrary to the liberties and customs of the law of Britain (PBreteuil) 
which I have granted to the same burgesses and their heirs.) 

LLANF YLLIN, after 1286. 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Et qils eyent les attachementz de lour burgeis 

dedenz la ville ensemblement od la garde de la prison dedenz la ville, 

sauve a nous et a noz heirs les pledz, les amerciementz, les rauncouns, 

et le Juyse et totes les choses qa Juyse apendent. 

(And that they shall have the attachments of their burgesses within the 
town, and likewise the guard of the prison within the town, saving to us and 
our heirs the pleas, the amercements, the ransoms, and the judgement(jWfaMw) 
and all the things which pertain thereto^.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et si aliquis captus fuerit pro suspicione 

latrocinii vel pro latrocinio per ballivos meos seu heredum meorum sine 

assensu burgensium, tunc de custibus et in periculo ballivorum et non 

mei seu heredum meorum salvo custodiatur donee debito modo de- 

liberetur vel ad gayolam domini regis mittetur, et si per concessum 

ballivorum et burgensium capiantur, tunc de custibus burgensium et in 

periculo eorundem custodiantur in prisona mea et heredum meorum 

donee deliberentur, ut prius dictum est, et deducentur ad gayolam 

domini regis de custibus burgensium, et burgenses nihil dabunt pro 

allocacione prisone mee vel ferrorum meorum. 

(And if any one is taken for suspicion of larceny or for larceny by my 
bailiffs or those of my heirs without the consent of the burgesses then, at the 
costs and at the risk of the bailiffs and not of myself and my heirs, he shall 
be kept safe until he is delivered in the wonted manner or is sent to the gaol 
of our lord the king; and if they are taken by the agreement of the bailiffs 

^ E.H.R. XV, 318. ^ I.e. the pillory and the ducking stool. 


and burgesses, then at the costs and risk of the burgesses they shall be kept 
in my prison and in that of my heirs until they are delivered, as aforesaid, and 
they shall be taken to the gaol of our lord the king at the costs of the burgesses, 
and the burgesses shall pay me nothing for the hire of my prison or of my 

(9) Presidents of Borough Courts 

(a) Mayor and Jurat: ^ 

LEICESTER, 1277. Comaunde est ausi ke le meyre e tuz les iurez 

ke en vile sunt, si eus ne eyent resnable desturber, seient al plez e a 

dreiture fere e iugement rendre. 

(It is also commanded that the mayor and all the jurats who are in the town, 
unless they have reasonable hindrance, shall be present at the pleas to do right 
and to give judgement.) 

(b) The Lord's Steward or Bailiff 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Omnia predicta placita erunt determinata 

coram ballivis domini comitis per visum burgensium. 

(All the aforesaid pleas shall be determined in the presence of the bailiffs 
of our lord the earl by the view of the burgesses.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line i . After placita read que ad burgum pertinent. 
2. For domini comitis read nostris. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 2. Omit coram... domini. 
Add et mei ballivi. 

Line 2. Omit ballivis... end and read seneschallo per rotulacionem clerici 
predicti domini. 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Et quod seneschallus noster, vel alius ballivus 

€x parte nostra assignatus, in eadem villa burgemota teneant ad facienda 

omnibus jura, et commoda nostra ad nos et successores nostros et ad 

ecclesiam nostram Wyntonie spectantia fideliter custodienda et in 

omnibus observanda, una cum ballivis nostris dicti burgi, secundum 

dictarum villarum de Suthampton et de Portesmue approbatas con- 


(And that our steward, or other bailiff appointed on our part, shall hold 
the burgemoots in the same town for doing justice to all, and for faithfully 
keeping our profits relating to us and our successors and our church of Win- 
chester and observing them in all things, along with our bailiffs of the said 
borough, according to the approved customs of the said towns of Southampton 
and Portsmouth.) 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. Et nullum placitum in dicto burgo tenea- 

tur nee determinetur nisi coram me vel ballivo meo. 

(And that no plea be held or determined in the said borough except before 
me or my bailiff.) 

^ Mayor and bailiffs in other cases, e.g. York (IV a 4, sub 1256). 



(10) Withdrawal of Appeal 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si aliquis faciat clamorem de aliqua re et 
non invenerit vadium et plegios et postea velit dimittere clamorem, sine 
forisfactura erit^. 

(If any prefer a claim and does not give bond and sureties (to prosecute it) 
and afterwards wishes to withdraw his claim, he shall not incur a forfeiture.) 

(11) Attornies and Counsel ^ 

LONDON, 1268. Ita tamen quod tarn forinseci quam alii attornatos 
facere possint tam agendo quam defendendo sicut alibi in curia nostra. 

(Provided, nevertheless, that both foreigners and others may appoint 
attornies, both for suing and defending, as elsewhere in our court.) 
^'^LCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. 
x.i:ME [REGIS], 1285. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. 

LEICESTER, 1277. Pies de atonies. E pur ceo ke aturnez ne 
soleyent estre pris fors en curt e en presence des parties e ce pur le 
pleintif sulement, dunt muls de gent enperdirent (sic) lor altres bosoignes 
ou lor paroles, est purueu ke I'une partie ou 1 'autre ke voile puisse aturne 
fere, e ceo ausi bien en absence de son aduersaire cum en sa presence. 
E ke I'atorne seit rescu en son liu a fere taunt cum il meismes freit, 
fors sul a la lei fere, ceo est asauer en paroles ke par aturne puissent 
estre plede, e ce deuant deus iures ke I'atorne puissent temoiner si mester 

{Pleas of attornies. And whereas attornies have not been wont to be taken 
except in court and in the presence of the parties and that for the plaintiff 
only, by which many people have lost their other business or their pleas, it 
is provided that the one party or the other, so wishing, may make attorney 
and this as well in the absence of his adversary as in his presence : and that the 
attorney be received in his place to do as he himself would do, except only in 
making oath, that is to say, in the pleas which may be pleaded by attorney; 
and that before two jurats who may bear witness to the attorney if need be.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. Ne nul iure ne baillif ke dreiture deit fere ou 
iugement rendre, seit meintenor de parole ne cuntor, si ceo ne seit pur 
sei mesmes ou ses aliez. E dunk ne sese il mie al iugement. 

(And let no jurat or bailiff who ought to do right or give judgement be a 
maintainer of pleas or an advocate, unless it be for himself or his allies, and 
then let him not sit at the judgement.) 

1 Quoted B.C. i, 86. 

* See also IVc 6 (a), Leicester (Swareles). ^ Quoted B.C. ii, lo. 


(12) Limitation of Adjournments 

SWANSEA, 1306. Preterea volumus et concedimus quod loquele 

in hundredis nostris de Sweyn' non continuentur nee protelentur de 

hundredo in hundredum sine assensu parcium aut ob defectum iudicii 

dilati, ita quod indicia primo die formentur si dicti hundredi sectatores 

reddere nouerint,sin autem in secundo vel tercio quartoque promulgentur, 

si fieri potest, et si tunc reddere nescierint, quinto et ultimo sine pro- 

rogacione aliqua reddantur. 

(Moreover, we will and grant that cases in our hundreds of Swansea be not 
continued or protracted from hundred to hundred without the assent of the 
parties or on account of delay in judgement, so that judgements shall be made 
on the first day if the suitors of the said hundred are able to render them, but if 
not on the second or third day and promulgated on the fourth, if possible, 
and if they are unable then to render them, on the fifth and last day they shall 
be rendered without adjournment.) 

(13) Enrolment of Recognizances of Debts 
in the Exchequer 

LONDON, 1268, Debita, insuper, que ex suis contractibus vel 
mutuis eis debebuntur, ad eorum securitatem in nostro scaccario, ad 
recognitionem eorum qui sibi in dictis debitis tenebuntur, faciant irro- 
tulari; Ita tamen quod nullum debitum irrotuletur per recognitionem 
alicujus qui non sit ibi notus, vel nisi constet de sua persona per testi- 
monium sex vel quatuor legalium hominum qui sint sufficientes ad 
respondendum tam de debito quam de dampno quod habuerint aliqui 
per hujusmodi recognitionem, si earn falso fieri contingat sub nomine 
ipsorum. Et pro libra qualibet in dicto scaccario irrotulanda, denarius 
unus solvatur ad opus nostrum pro onere sustentationis eorum quos 
hujusmodi irrotulationem intendere oportebit. 

(Their debts, moreover, which are owed to them on their contracts or 
loans, let them cause to be enrolled in our exchequer for their security, on 
the acknowledgement of their debtors. Provided that no debt shall be enrolled 
on the acknowledgement of any person who is not known there, or unless his 
identity is proved by the testimony of six or four lawful men who are sufficient 
to answer both for the debt and the damage which any person may suffer by 
this acknowledgement, if it be falsely made under their names. And for each 
pound to be enrolled in the said exchequer, one penny shall be paid to our 
use for the support of those whose duty it is to superintend enrolments of 
this kind.) 

LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 



(i) Freedom from Murder Fine, etc. 

LONDON, 1227 {dy. Concessi etiam eis quietanciam murdri infra 

urbem et Portsoca. 

(I have also granted them quittance of the murder-fine within the city 
and portsoke.) 

LONDON, 1268. 

MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

Line 2. For urbem et Portsoca read predictum burgum. 
ROCHESTER, 1227. As London. 

BRISTOL, 1252^. Quod sint quieti de murdro infra metas villae. 
(That they be quit of the murder-fine within the bounds of the town.) 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. After villae add suae. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 
WATERFORD, 1232. For villae read ejusdem civitatis. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Nullum autem homicidium infra metas 
villae factum in murdrum reputetur. 

(No homicide within the bounds of the town shall be considered as murder.)} 
CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

(2) Freedom from Arbitrary Amercement 

LONDON, 1227 (d)^. Nullus de misericordia pecuniae judicetur 

nisi secundum legem civitatis quam habuerunt tempore Henrici regis 

avi nostri. 

(None shall be judged of a money amercement except according to the 
law of the city, which they had in the time of king Henry my grandfather.) 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. Nullus judicetur de misericordia pecuniae nisi 

secundum legem hundredi, scilicet per forisfacturam quadraginta 


1 See vol. I, p. 150. 2 ggg Bristol, 1188, vol. i, p. 150. 

* Vol. I, p. 151. 4 See vol. i, p. 151. ^ Vol. i, p. 152. 

IVd3] jurisdictional privileges 215 

(None shall be judged of an amercement of money except according to the 
law of the hundred, that is to say, by a forfeiture of forty shillings.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. For judicetur... pecuniae read amercietur ad poenam 
pecuniarum. For per...quadraginta read ad summam viginti. 

WATERFORD, 1232. Add (as Dublin, 1200) unde is qui in misericordia 
incident quietus erit de medietate, et aliam medietatem dabit 
in misericordiam, exceptis tribus misericordiis, scilicet de pane 
et cervisia et vigilia, quae misericordiae sunt de duobus solidis 
et sex denariis, unde medietas condonabitur, et alia medietas 
reddetur in misericordiam. 

(Of which he who has fallen into the amercement shall be 
quit of one moiety, but shall pay the other moiety as an amerce- 
ment, excepting three amercements, that is, for bread, beer and 
watch, which amercements are two shillings and six pence, of 
which one moiety shall be pardoned, and the other moiety shall 
be paid as an amercement.) 

CORK, 1242. As Dublin, 1200. 

LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

Line 3. For de pane... vigilia read de assisa panis et servicie {sic) fracte 
et de vigiliis. 

[WINCHESTER, 1190^. Nullus de misericordia pecuniae judicetur 
nisi secundum antiquam legem civitatis quam habuerunt tempore 
antecessorum nostrorum. 

(None shall be judged of an amercement of money except according to the 
ancient law of the city which they had in the time of our ancestors.)] 

Line 2. For civitatis read predicte civitatis Wintoniensis. 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line i . After udicetur add in eodem hundredo. 

2. For legem... end read consuetudinem suam, videlicet pro 
misericordia duodecim denariorum. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 

GLOUCESTER, 1256. Et si contingat eosdem burgenses amerciari 

pro aliquo delicto coram nobis vel quibuscunque justitiariis seu ministris 

nostris, non amercientur nisi secundum formam^ magne carte nostre 

de libertatibus regno nostro Anglie concessis. 

(And if it shall happen that the said burgesses shall be amerced for any 
wrong before us or any of our justices or ministers, they shall not be amerced 
except according to the form of our great charter of liberties granted to our 
kingdom of England.) 

(3) Limitation of Amercements 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Item, nullus burgensis mittatur in miseri- 
cordiam pecuniae nisi per considerationem hundredi, et ilia misericordia, 
etiam in majoribus placitis, decem solidos non excedat, quorum medietas 
condonabitur, et alia medietas in misericordia reddetur. 

^ Vol. I, p. 152. ^ Magna Carta (1215), c. 20. ^ Vol. i, p. 155. 


In minoribus autem placitis, ut sunt de pane et cervisia et vigilia 
et hujusmodi, misericordia duos solidos non excedat, quorum medietas 
similiter condonabitur, et alia medietas in misericordia reddetur. f 

Si autem aliquis pro pane vel cervisia vel alio simili forisfacto in 
misericordia inciderit, prima vice duos solidos misericordia non excedat, 
quorum medietas, sicut ut predictum est, condonabitur et alia medietas 
in misericordia reddetur. 

Quod si secundo in idem forisfactum ceciderit, duos solidos pacabit ; 
si autem tertio in idem inciderit, judicium sustinebit vel dimidiam 
marcam pacabit. 

(No burgess shall be fined except by the consideration of the hundred, and 
that fine^, even in the greater pleas, shall not exceed ten shillings, of which 
one moiety shall be pardoned, and the other moiety be paid as fine. 

In lesser pleas, however, such as pleas of bread, beer and watch, and pleas 
of this kind, the fine shall not exceed two shillings, of which one moiety, etc. 
(as in first clause). 

Moreover, if any burgess incur a penalty for bread or beer, or any other 
like forfeiture, the first time the fine shall not exceed two shillings, of which 
a moiety, as aforesaid, etc. 

But if he incur the same forfeiture a second time, he shall pay two shillings ; 
if a third time, he shall suffer the judgement or pay half a mark.)] 

CARLOW, 1223, 

Lines 3, 6, 9. For excedat read excedet. 
Line 6. For hujusmodi read alio simili forisfacto. 
8. For alio simili forisfacto read hujusmodi. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

Lines 6, 9. For excedat read excedet 

9, 13. For inciderit read ceciderit. 
12, 14. For pacabit read pagabit. 
14. Add hundredo at end. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 
Line 7. Omit similiter. 

PENRYN, 1236. Et si in misericordiam nostram vel successorum 
nostrorum per judicium curie racionabiliter inciderint, dabunt nobis 
vel successoribus nostris sex denarios de emenda pro qualibet miseri- 
cordia, nisi forte, quod absit, in nos vel in aliquem ballivorum nostrorum 
ausu temerario manus injecerint violentas^. 

(And if they reasonably incur an amercement to us or our successors by 
judgement of the court, they shall pay us or our successors sixpence as amends 
for every amercement, unless perchance, which God forbid, they rashly lay 
violent hands on us or any of our bailiffs.) 

SALTASH, before 1246. Et si quis de predictis burgensibus meis 

in emendam meam inciderit, per sex denarios illud emendabit ad plus. 

(And if any of my aforesaid burgesses incur a fine to me, he shall make 
amends in six pence at the most.) 

^ See Addenda. ^ Qf Dunster and Chesterfield below and IV d 9. 


CHIPPING CAMPDEN, 1247. (Letters patent of Henry III con- 
firming.) Concessionem quam Ranulfus quondam comes Cestrie^ fecit 
eisdem burgensibus...quod si aliquis liberorum burgensium suorum de 
Campeden incident in misericordiam suam, quietus sit pro duodecim 
denariis, nisi fecerit sanguinem aut feloniam. 

(The grant which Ranulf, formerly earl of Chester, made to the same 
burgesses... that if any of his burgesses of Campden incurred a forfeiture to 
him, he should be quit for twelve pence, unless he committed bloodshed or 

GAINSBOROUGH, before 1250. I have alsoe graunted to the same 
burgesses that of all plaints in my court moved to me belonginge, where 
there shall be noe blood shed, if the amersment shall be made before 
judgement, it shall be but a v'ld., if it be made after judgement it shall 
be a xii^, ; and if they presume in anything against my seruant, they shall 
make as great an amends therefore as if it were agaynst myself e. But if 
any be convicte by witnesses that by depravinge his neighbour he hath 
called hym thiefe, he shall be punished to me a xii^. for the same. 

WEYMOUTH, 1252^. Et si forte quemcunque burgensium nos- 
trorum dicte ville pro quocunque alio forisfacto coram nobis vel ballivis 
nostris amerciari contigerit, per sacramentum quattuor legalium bur- 
gensium dicte ville in qualibet curia tenta per annum per suos pares 
eligendorum dictum estimetur amerciamentum, et hoc rationabiliter 
secundum delicti quantitatem et delinquentis facultatem. 

(And if by chance it shall happen that any of our burgesses of the said town 
shall be amerced for any other offence before us or our bailiffs, by the oath of 
four lawful burgesses of the said town to be elected by their peers in any court 
held during the year, the said fine shall be assessed, and that reasonably, 
according to the nature of the offence, and the means of the offender.) 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. Et quod omnes transgressiones infra 
liberum burgum suum facte per eorundem burgensium consideracionem 
emendentur, sicut hactenus consuevit. 

(And that all trespasses done within their free borough shall be amended 
{i.e. shall be amerced) by the assessment of the same burgesses, as has hitherto 
been the custom.) 

LAUGHARNE, 1278-82. 

Line 2. For liberum burgum suum read villam suam. 
3. After sicut insert in burgo Kaermardyn. 
CARDIGAN, 1284. 

Line 3. For hactenus read prius. 
HAVERFORDWEST, 1291. As Cardigan. 

^ Probably Ranulf de Blundeville (1181-1232). 
^ See also p. 222. 


READING, 12^^. (Fine.) Et si contingat quod aliquis predictorum 
burgensium de gilda mercanda pro aliquo delicto in misericordiam in- 
cident, secundum quantitatem delicti et ejus facultatem amercietur. 

(And if it happens that any burgess of the merchant guild shall incur an 
amercement for any offence, he shall be amerced according to the extent of 
his offence and his own means.) 

DUNSTER, 1254-7. Et si ceciderint in misericordiam pro aliquo 
delicto, ut sint quieti pro sex denariis, excepta manuum injectione in 
dominum aut dominam vel aliquem de familia castri. 

(And if they fall into any amercement, they shall be quit for 6d., except 
for assault on the lord or the lady or anyone of the household of the 

MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et si aliquis eorum in misericordiam 
nostram inciderit pro aliquo forisfacto, non det nisi duodecim denarios 
ante indicium, et post indicium, racionabilem misericordiam secundum 
quantitatem delicti, nisi forisf actum illud pertineat ad gladium nostrum. 

(And if any of them incur an amercement for any forfeiture, he shall pay 
only twelve pence before judgement, and after judgement, a reasonable 
amercement according to the extent of the offence, unless that forfeiture per- 
tain to our sword.) 

KNUTSFORD, c. 1292. 

Line i . For si aliquis eorum read quicunque dictorum burgensium. 
2. Omit nostram. 
4. Omit nostrum^. 
For illud read id. 

WARTON, 1246-71 . Quod forisfactura lingue (MS. ligne ; corrected 
from the Ulverston charter) sit eis in quatuor denariis, Et aliter, 
forisfacture secundum consuetudinem vicinorum burgorum. 

(That the forfeiture for abusive language be four pence. And otherwise, that 
forfeitures be according to the custom of neighbouring boroughs.) 

BRECON, 1277-82. Quod si predicti burgenses nostri aliquod 
falsum judicium fecerint vel aliquas alias transgressiones, exceptis 
quatuor articulis prenominatis^, non amercientur ultra decem libras, 
Salvo statu burgensium predictorum in omnibus libertatibus suis pre- 

(That if the aforesaid burgesses make any false judgement or any other 
trespasses, except the four offences beforenamed, they shall not be fined 
more than £10, Saving the estate of the aforesaid burgesses in all their 
liberties aforesaid.) 

^ William de Tabley naturally omitted this word, because the "pleas of the sword' 
pertained to the Earl of Chester. The Congleton charter omits the words after " delicti 
altogether (see below). 

^ Felonies (IV A 5). 


CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274. Et si aliquis eorum in misericordiai 
nostra incident ante indicium per defaltam, non excedat xii denarios; 
et post indicium racionabilem misericordiam^ secundum quantitatem 

(And that if any of them incur an amercement before judgement by default, 
twelve pence shall not be exceeded ; and, after judgement, a reasonable amerce- 
ment according to the extent of the offence.) 

LEICESTER, 1277. E si hom seit amercie seit le amerciement taxe 
mesme le ior ou lendemein, e ceo par iurez solum ces chateus e son 
trespas e ne mie a volunte de baillif, 

(And if a man be amerced let the amercement be assessed the same day or 
the morrow, and that by sworn men, according to his chattels and his trespass, 
and not at the will of the bailiff.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Quod cum legitime ad curiam meam sum- 
moniti et iudicialiter conuicti fuerint pro aliqua defalta vel transgressione 
secundum modum inter eosdem usitatum amerciandi, quilibet eorum 
ob aliquam causam amerciandus amercietur ad tres denarios tantum 
singulis vicibus, preterquam in transgressione effusionis sanguinis 
violente. In quo casu ad querelam lesi super huiusmodi transgressione 
factam et debita prosequcione (sic) super eodem delicto in forma iuris 
conuictus amerciabitur ad quinque solidos et quatuor denarios, satis- 
faciendo leso de dampno sibi illato, 

(That when they are lawfully summoned to my court and judicially con- 
victed of any default or trespass, in accordance with the mode of amercing in 
use among them, any of them who is to be amerced for any reason shall be 
amerced at three pence only each time, save in the trespass of bloodshed with 
violence. In which case, on the plaint of the injured person that such trespass 
has been done, the person duly prosecuted and convicted in form of law of 
that offence shall be amerced five shillings and four pence '^, and compensate 
the injured man for the damage inflicted on him.) 

ALTRINCHAM , c. 1290. Et si aliquis eorum in misericordia pro 
aliquo forisfacto incidit, amercietur per pares suos, et hoc secundum 
quantitatem delicti. 

(And if any of them incur an amercement for any forfeiture, he shall be 
amerced by his peers, and this according to the extent of the offence.) 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Et amerciamentum inde^ 
proveniens per ipsos amercietur et taxetur. 

Quod nuUus eorum, cum amerciari debeat de amerciamento quod 
ad me pertinet, ad plus quam ad triginta denarios amercietur, et hoc 
judicio et consideracione ipsorum burgensium. 

^ Ormerod (ni, 36) has "meremia"! 

^ The antiquity of the rule is revealed by the fact that this sum was half the old 
small mark of loj. 8<f. * See IV c 2. 


(And the fine thence arising shall be assessed and taxed by themselves. 

That none of them, when he ought to be amerced for a fine which belongs 
to me, shall be amerced at more than thirty pence: and this by the judgement 
and consideration of the burgesses.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et nuUus qui habet libertates vel sit 

burgensis non amercietur ad plus vel altius nulla de causa nisi ad tres 

denarios, hiis tantum exceptis, braciatoribus bis per annum si se ad- 

quietare non possunt quod non vendiderunt contra assisam domini 

regis, et pistoribus si furniaverint et vendiderint panem contra assisam 

domini regis, et eciam hiis qui effuderint sanguinem et super hoc con- 

victi fuerint per querellam et non aliter, et eciam hiis qui despectum 

fecerint mihi et heredibus meis vel assignatis seu ballivis nostris, si con- 

victi fuerint. Et si aliquis burgensium de istarum aliqua quattuor rerum 

convictus fuerit, secundum quantitatem delicti per pares suos amercietur, 

(And no person who has the liberties or is a burgess shall be amerced for 
any cause, at more or higher than three pence, save these only, brewers, if 
twice a year they cannot prove that they have not sold contrary to the assize 
of our lord the king, and bakers if they have baked and sold contrary to the 
assize of our lord the king, and also those who have shed blood and have been 
convicted of this by plaint and not otherwise, and also those who have been 
guilty of contempt to me and my heirs or assigns or to our bailiffs, if they are 
convicted. And if any one of the burgesses is convicted of any of these four 
ofTences, he shall be amerced by his peers according to the natiire of the offence.) 

SHEFFIELD, 1297. Et si ita contingat quod dicti tenentes mei vel 

aliquis eorum super transgressione aliqua in dicta curia mea sint amer- 

ciandi, volo et concedo pro me et heredibus meis quod amerciantur per 

pares suos, et hoc secundum quantitatem delicti. 

(And if it should happen that my said tenants, or any of them, are to be 
amerced for any trespass in my said court, I will and grant for myself and my 
heirs that they be amerced by their peers and according to the measure of the 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si aliquis burgensis in burgo aliquem bur- 
gensem vulneraverit in die Dominica vel a nona die Sabbati usque ad 
diem Lune ipse erit in forisfactura viginti solidorum : et si in die Lune 
vel in aliis diebus septimane vulneraverit aliquem ipse cadet in foris- 
factura duodecim denariorum versus predictum dominum^. 

(If any burgess wound another burgess in the borough on Sunday, or 
between noon on Saturday and Monday, he shall incur a forfeiture of twenty 
shillings: and if on Monday or the other days of the week he wound anyone, 
he shall incur a forfeiture of twelve pence towards the said lord.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Neque amerciamentum nisi per indicium et 

discrecionem parium suorum. 

(Nor (shall there be) an amercement except by the judgement and discretion 
of their peers.) 

^ See also IV a i . 


(4) Assize of Bread and Beer^ 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Volo etiam quod nulla assisa victualium 

fiat in burgo nisi per communem burgensium et ballivorum meorum 

considerationem . 

(I will that no assize of victuals be made in the borough except by the 
common consideration of the burgesses and of my bailiflFs.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 

Line 2. Omit et ballivorum meorum. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Quicunque fregerit assisam sive de pane sive 
de cervisia remanebit in forisfactura de duodecim denariis tribus vicibus, 
et ad quartam vicem faciet assisam ville^. 

(Whoever break the assize, whether of bread or of beer shall incur a for- 
feiture of twelve pence for three offences, and for the fourth shall suffer the 
penalty of the town.) 
BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. After forisfactura read nostra. 

3. Add pertinentem ad tale delictum secundum consuetudinem 
aliorum burgorum. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line i . After assisam insert ville. 

2. After forisfactura insert mea. 

3. After quartam read in forisfactura. 
For faciet read servare. 


Line i . For Quicunque fregerit read Qui fregit. 
2. For remanebit read ipse erit. 

For de duodecim denariis read duodecim denariorum. 
For tribus... end read ad opus domini. 

FARNHAM, 1247. Item, habere debent assisam panis et cervisie, 
ita quod panem capere debent ad domum pistoris et ponderare et pro- 
bare, et cervisiam tastare in burgo et in villa et per unam leucam in 
gyro, et emendas habere debent tarn panis quam cervisie, nisi pistor ad 
pilloriam vel brasiator ad tumbrellum debent condempnari, quod ad nos 

(Item, they ought to have the assize of bread and beer, so that they ought to 
take bread at the baker's house, and weigh it and test it, and taste beer in the 
borough and in the vill and for a league round, and they ought to have the 
amercements both for bread and beer, unless the baker should be condemned 
to the pillory or the brewer to the tumbrel, which punishments we reserve 
for ourselves.) 

^ See also V a 8 and VI 2 (Launceston, 1274); ^Iso V b i (Welshpool). 
" Vol. I, p. 159. 

* Professor Tait suggests that this last phrase represents the pillory or the ducking 
stool (Medieval Manchester, p. 90). 


OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1248. Et quod quotienscunque debeat 

fieri temptacio panis et cervisie ab eisdem burgensibus, precedente die 

denuntietur cancellario et procuratoribus universitatis predicte, ut per 

se vel per aliquos ad hoc deputatos per ipsos, si voluerint, intersint 

temptacioni predicte, alioquin, non valeat ipsa temptacio. Si vero dicti 

cancellarius et procuratores universitatis predicte per se vel per suos 

interesse noluerint, ad predictam temptacionem nihilominus procedatur. 

(And that as often as the examination of bread and beer ought to be made 
by the said burgesses, on the preceding day, notice shall be given to the 
chancellor and proctors of the aforesaid university, so that in person or by 
some persons deputed for this purpose by themselves, they may, if they wish, 
be present at the examination aforesaid: otherwise the examination shall not 
be valid. But if the chancellor and proctors of the university aforesaid shall 
not wish to be present at the examination either in person or by their own men, 
the examination shall nevertheless proceed.) 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 1255. Pistores et braciatores Oxonie in 
primo transgressu suo non puniantur, sed in secundo amittant panem, 
et in tercio transgressu habeant indicium de pillorio. Temptacio panis 
fiat bis in anno, videlicet in quindena post festum S. Michaelis, et circa 
festum S. Marie in Marcio; et assisa cervisie fiat eisdem terminis secun- 
dum valorem bladi et brasii. Et quocienscunque fieri debeat temptacio 
panis et cervisie, intersit cancellarius predicte vniuersitatis, vel aliqui 
ex parte sua ad hoc deputati, si super hoc requisiti interesse voluerint: 
quod si non intersint, nee super hoc requisiti fuerint, nihil valeat tempta- 
cio predicta. 

(The bakers and brewers of Oxford shall not be punished for their first 
offence, but for their second shall lose their bread, and for the third shall 
suffer the judgement of the pillory. 

The trial of bread shall be made twice a year, to wit, in the fortnight after 
Michaelmas, and about the feast of St Mary in March: and the assize of beer 
shall be made at the same times according to the value of corn and malt. 

And whenever the trial of bread and beer ought to be made, the chancellor 

of the aforesaid university shall be present, or some persons deputed on his 

part for this purpose, if after being invited they wish to be present; but if 

they are not present nor invited, the aforesaid trial shall by no means be valid.) 


Line 2. For non puniantur read amercientur. 
After panem read vel cervisiam. 
3 . Afier pillorio add vel tumbrello. Both insert Quilibet pistor habeat 
sigillum suum et signet panem suum, per quod possit cognosci 
cujus panis sit; [quod si non fecerit, graviter amercietur]*. Qui- 
cunque de villa Cantebrigg' (Oxon.) braciaverit ad vendendum 
exponat signum suum, alioquin amittat cervisiam. 
* Cambridge only. 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Quod burgenses nostri supradicte ville de 
quolibet bracinio pro assisa cervisie fracta nomine amerciamenti nobis 
et successoribus nostris solvant quattuor denarios tantum et non amplius. 


(And that the burgesses of the abovementioned town pay to us and our 
successors four pence only and no more from every brewing as a fine for the 
breach of the assize of beer.) 

GRIMSBY, 1258. Item, quod omnis pistor dicte ville habeat sigillum 

proprium ad signandam panem quern facit. 

(Item, that every baker of the said town have his own seal for marking the 
bread which he makes.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Quod cum ad querelam alicuius vel ad presen- 

tacionem tastatorum aliqua pandoxatrix de villa de Bauquell' debita 

forma summonita et conuicta super vendicione nimis debilis ceruisie 

vel iniuste mensuracionis seu ex alia causa, secundum consuetum modum 

ad tres denarios tantum qualibet vice amercietur. Et si aliqua iudicialiter 

conuicta fuerit quod bis assisam fregerit, pro qualibet vice amercietur 

ad tres denarios tantum. Et si tercia vice assisam fregerit, pro qua alias 

non fuerit punita, secundum consuetudinem regni iudicio puniatur vel 

faciat finem, saluis eisdem pandoxatricibus duobus anni temporibus, 

videlicet a vigilia Assumpcionis beate Marie usque ad octabas eiusdem 

festi propter tempus nundinarum predicte ville de Bauquell' et a vigilia 

Natalis Domini usque ad festum sancti Hylarii ob reuerenciam festi 

Natalis Domini. In quibus temporibus prout visum fuerit expediens 

absque calumpnia mei siue heredum et assignatonim meorum licite 

poterunt pandoxare et ceruisiam vendere. 

(That when on the complaint of anyone or on the presentment of the ale- 
tasters any ale-wife of the town of Bakewell is summoned in due form and 
convicted of the sale of over-weak beer or of short measure or for other reason, 
she shall be amerced three pence only each time, as is the custom. And should 
any (ale-wife) be judicially convicted of having twice broken the assize, she 
shall be amerced three pence only on each occasion. And if she break the 
assize a third time, and not have been punished for it elsewhere, she shall 
suffer judgement according to the custom of the realm or shall make fine (for 
her offence), saving to the said ale-wives two seasons of the year, viz. from the 
eve of the Assumption of the blessed Mary to the octaves of the said feast on 
account of the fair-time of the aforesaid town of Bakewell, and from the eve 
of Christmas day to the feast of St Hilary out of reverence for the feast of 
Christmas. At which seasons they may lawfully brew or sell beer as seems 
expedient to them without claim on my part or that of my heirs and assigns.) 

KIRKHAM, 1296. [Sit etiam] in dicto burgo assisa panis et cer- 

visie [sicut] libero burgo pertinet. Similiter pondera et mensure.... 

(In the said borough, [let there be] the assize of bread and beer [as] per- 
tains to a free borough. Likewise weights and measures....) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nee aliquis burgensis vel alius de burgo nostro 
predicto pro transgressione assise ceruisie amercietur aut corporali 
pene subiciatur. Verumptamen conquerenti qui sequi voluerit versus 
quemcunque de predictis, si extraneus fuerit, fiat ei remedium et justicia 


sicut pedipuluericato ; intraneo autem et domestico communis iusticia 

exhibeatur, temptatoribus et tastatoribus de dicto burgo nostro de 

Sweyn' totaliter amotis et eliminatis. 

(Nor shall any burgess or other of our aforesaid borough be amerced for 
breach of the assize of ale or subjected to corporal punishment. But to the 
stranger complainant who is willing to prosecute for such breach let a remedy 
and justice be done as to a dusty-foot (in a fair court). The internal and domestic 
complainant, however, shall have the ordinary course of justice, triers and 
tasters being wholly removed and abolished from our borough of Swansea.) 

(7) 1 Recovery of a Burgess's Goods bailed to a Felon 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241 . Item, si burgensis tradit alicui viva 

averia sua et ille de felonia vel latrocinio reitatus vitam amittat, burgensis 

per bonos et legales [? homines] probet averia sua et habeat. 

(Item, if a burgess deliver to any man his living plough cattle, and the latter 
lose his life, being accused of felony or larceny, the burgess shall prove the 
cattle to be his by good and lawful men", and shall have them.) 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. Quod si quis catalla eorum pro alieno foris- 

facto extra burgum ceperit, eis sine citacione reddantur sicut racionabiliter 

monstrare poterint quod sua sint. 

(That if anyone shall seize their chattels for the forfeiture of another, they 
shall be returned to them without summons as they can reasonably prove them 
to be theirs.) 

(8) Grant of Borough Amercements to the Burgesses 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Concessi eciam quod prefati 

burgenses quiete habeant omnia et singula amerciamenta de omnibus 

querelis et placitis ortis in predicto burgo que inter eos placitantur vel 

placitari possunt. 

(I have also granted that the aforesaid burgesses shall quietly have all and 
singular the amercements from all plaints and pleas arising in the aforesaid 
borough which are or can be pleaded among them.) 

(9) Lord's Reservation of Wrongs done to Members 

of his Household^ 

CLITHEROE, 1272-91. Et salvis nobis et heredibus nostris querelis 
et transgressionibus factis familiaribus nostris per eosdem burgenses 
vel alios in dicta villa, scilicet in eorum corporibus tantum, quod hii qui 
deliquerint facient emendas cum seneschallo vel ballivis nostris secundum 
consuetudinem et legem terre. 

^ Subsections s and 6 in vol. i are not represented in this. 

" Are these good and lawful men to be witnesses or compurgators? Cf. Bateson 
B.C. I, 71. See also p. 193 above (Berwick-on-Tweed). 

See also IV d 3 (Penryn, Dunster, Chesterfield). ||: 



IVd io jurisdictional PRIVILEGES 225 

(And saving to us and our heirs plaints and wrongs done to the members of 
our household by the said burgesses or other in the said town, to wit, on their 
bodies only, so that the wrongdoers shall make amends with our steward or 
bailiffs according to the custom and law of the land.) 

(10) Gaoler's Fees 

SWANSEA, 1306. Nullus etiam constabularius, portarius, car- 

cerarius seu alius minister noster capiat amodo feodum aliquod de 

imprisonatis quibuscunque nisi in casibus felonie, set nee tunc quidem 

nisi per unam noctem in prisona nostra de Sweyn' moram quis fecerit, 

et licet pluries repleggietur aut manucapiatur et in prisonam re[tornetur?] 

dum tamen fit pro eodem facto, semel tantum feodum soluet, scilicet 

quatuor denarios. 

(Also no constable, porter, gaoler or other of our officers shall henceforth 
take any fee from any prisoners except in cases of felony, and even then only 
if the person spends a night in our prison at Swansea, and though he be several 
times replevied or bailed and returned to prison, if it is for the same offence, 
he shall pay the fee once only, to wit, four pence.) 

B.n 15 


(i) Authority to Distrain and Lord's Distraint 

(a) Distraint by Burgesses for their Debts 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^ Liceat eisdem burgensibus distringere 

debitores suos per namia sua quae inventa fuerunt in villa K. 

(The said burgesses may distrain their debtors by their distresses in the 
town of Kilkenny,)] 
CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

[DUBLIN, 1200^. Et quod possint distringere debitores suos per 
namia sua in Dublin. 

(And that they may distrain their debtors by their distresses in Dublin.)] 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 


CORK, 1242. 

LIMERICK, 1292. 

SALFORD, c. 1230, Burgenses possunt namare debitores suos pro 
debitis suis in burgo, si debitor cognoverit debitum, nisi sint tenentes 
de burgo. 

(The burgesses can distrain on their debtors for their debts in the borough, 
if the debtor admits the debt, unless they are tenants within the borough.) 
BOLTON, 1253. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 2. For debitis suis read debito suo. 

Line i . For debitores suos read homines sive milites sive sacerdotes sive 
2. After debitis suis read si inventi fuerint. 
Omit si debitor... end. 

[YORK, 1189-99^. Quod iidem cives namia capiant pro debitis suis. 

(That the said citizens may take distresses for their debts.)] 
SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (c). 

NORTHAMPTON, 1257. Et quod possint districionem facere infra 
burgum predictum pro debitis suis, sicuthactenus fieri debuit et consuevit. 

(And that they may distrain for their debts within the aforesaid borough, 
as hitherto it ought and was wont to be done.) 

^ Vol. I, p. 163. ^ Vol. I, p. 163. ^ Vol, I, p. 163. 


OXFORD, 1257 (a). Et quod pro debitis distringere possint infra 

villam Oxonie et suburbium ejusdem capitales debitores suos et plegios 

eomndem pro claris debitis, que sibi a dictis debitoribus seu plegiis 


(And that for debts due to them they may distrain within the town of Oxford 
and its suburb the chief debtors and their pledges for clear debts, admitted by 
the said debtors or pledges.) 

[TRURO, 1166^. Et quod de pecunia eorum accredita et non reddita 

namium capiant in villa sua de debitoribus suis. 

(And that for their money lent and not returned, they may take distress in 
their town from their debtors.)] 

LOSTWITHIEL, 1268. /' 

Line 2. For villa read burgo. 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Quod burgenses predict! licite valeant debitores 

suos infra libertatem de Bauquell' repertos pro debitis suis recognitis 

quoque modo per catalla sua ibidem reperta distringere una cum balliuo 

meo ibidem presente, quia si presens non fuerit seu de facili reperiri non 

poterit, licebit eisdem catalla debitorum suorum ares tare quousque in 

presencia balliui mei se iustificare voluerint, de debitis recognitis satis- 


(That the burgesses aforesaid may lawfully distrain their debtors found 
within the liberty of Bakewell, for their debts admitted in any way by their 
chattels found there, along with my bailiff there present, but if he be not 
present or cannot easily be found it shall be lawful for them to arrest the 
chattels of their debtors until the latter are willing to clear themselves in the 
presence of my bailiff by paying their admitted debts.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Similiter concessimus eisdem licenciam namiandi 

pro debitis suis claris super plegios vel principales debitores ita procul 

sicut terre burgagiorum suorum se extendunt. 

(Likewise we have granted to them license of distraining for their admitted 
debts on the sureties or principal debtors, so far as the lands of their burgages 

(b) Distraint by the Lord for Burgess Debts 
INVERNESS, 1250. Preterea mandamus et precipimus vicecomiti- 
bus nostris et ballivis ex aquilonali parte de Delmoneth constitutis, vel 
omnibus et eorum ballivis, [quod eos] qui debita burgensibus nostris 
debuerunt quod rationabiliter probare potuerunt, ad eadem debita eis 
juste et sine dilatione reddenda juste distringant. Firmiter autem in- 
hibemus ne quis debita quae eis debet injuste detineat aut etiam ipsos 
contra predictam concessionem nostram quam eis fecimus de namis 
suis injuste vexare presumat super nostram plenariam forisfacturam. 

(Further, we order and enjoin upon our sheriffs and bailiffs to the north of 
Delmoneth, or all their bailiffs, that they in accordance with justice distrain 

^ Vol. I, p. 163. 



those who owed debts to our burgesses, which these can reasonably prove to 
be due, to pay them lawfully and without delay. Firmly forbidding, moreover, 
on pain of our full forfeiture, that any one who owes them debts shall detain 
them or presume to annoy them about their distresses contrary to our afore- 
said concession. 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Eodem modo, debeo distringere 

debitores burgensium unde habeant bailiam et testes quod eis reddant 

debitum suum. 

(In the same manner, I am bound to distrain the debtors of the burgesses 
of whom they have bail and witnesses, that they shall pay their debts to them.) 

(c) Distraint for Payments to the Lord 

WYCOMBE, 1226. (Fine.) Et si forte predict! burgenses vel heredes 

sui non reddiderint eidem Alano et heredibus suis predictas triginta 

libras et predictam marcarti ad terminos predictos, secundum quod 

predictum est, vel taillia cum evenerint, turn licebit eidem Alano et 

heredibus suis distringere ipsos burgenses et heredes eorum per catalla 

inventa infra predictum burgum et extra super feodum ipsius Alani et 

heredum suorum usque ad plenam solutionem predictarum triginta 

librarum et unius marce et predictorum taillagiorum. 

(And if perchance the aforesaid burgesses or their heirs shall not pay to the 
said Alan and his heirs the aforesaid thirty pounds and mark at the appointed 
terms, as is aforesaid, or the tallages when they shall arise, then it shall be 
lawful for the said Alan and his heirs to distrain the said burgesses and their 
heirs by their chattels found within the said borough and without on the 
fee of the said Alan and his heirs for the payment in full of the aforesaid 
thirty pounds and mark and of the aforesaid tallages.) 

HELSTON, 1260. Et quod liceat eis sine forinseco ballivo dis- 
tringere omnes burgenses suos ubicunque sint, sive in villa, sive extra 
villam, pro debito nostro vel heredum nostrorum. 

(And that they may without a foreign bailiff distrain on their burgesses 
wherever they may be, whether within or without the borough, for our debt 
or for that of our heirs.) 

(2) Restraints on Distress ^ 

INVERNESS, 1250. Sciatis quod concessimus burgensibus nostris 

de Invernes ut nullus eorum nametur in regno nostro pro aliquo nisi pro 

suo proprio debito, forisfacto aut plegiagio. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our burgesses of Inverness that none of 
them shall be distrained in our realm for anything except for his own debt, 
forfeiture or pledge.) 

[KILKENNY, 1202-102. Quod nullus burgensis in terra vel potes- 
tate mea namietur vel distringatur pro alieno debito, nisi sit debitor 
principalis vel plegius. 

1 Cf. IV B 5 (b). 2 Vol. I, p. 165. 

IVe2] jurisdictional privileges 229 

(That no burgess be distrained in my land or dominion for another's debt, 
unless he be the chief debtor or a security.)] 

CARLOW, 1223 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. Quod nullus burgensis alicubi in terra vel 
potestate mea namietur vel distringatur pro aliquo debito, nisi sit 
debitor vel plegius. 

(That no burgess be distrained anywhere in my land or dominion for any 
debt, unless he be the debtor or a surety.)] 

CORK, 1242. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 

Line i. For alicubi read dicti burgi. 

2. After nisi insert inde. 

3. Before debitor insert principalis. 
LIMERICK, 1292. As Bristol. 

Line i. For alicubi read de Limerico. 

Line i . For alicubi read de predicto burgo. 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Catalla burgensium non debent namari pro 
aliciijus debitis nisi pro suis propriis. 

(The chattels of a burgess ought not to be distrained for the debts of any 
person, except for his own debts.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line 2. For alicujus read aliquibus. 

WARENMOUTH, 1247. Quod nullus eorum per aliquem dis- 
tringatur extra eundem burgum nostrum de Warnemuthe ad reddendum 
alicui debitum aliquod unde non sit capitalis debitor vel plegius. 

(That none of them shall be distrained by any one outside our said borough 
of Warenmouth to pay to any one any debt where he is not chief debtor or 

CARMARTHEN, 1254-7. (Edward son of Henry III.) Quod 
nullus eorum infra potestatem nostram vexetur pro debito alicujus 
vicini, nisi fuerit debitor vel plegius, et quamvis plegius alicujus non 
cogatur solvere dum debitor habeat unde solvere possit. 

(And that none of them be annoyed within our power for the debt of any 
neighbour, unless he be debtor or surety, and that the surety of another be 
not forced to pay so long as the debtor has the wherewithal to pay.) 

LAUGH ARNE, 1278-82. 

Line 2. For potestatem read terram. 

3. For et quamvis read quominus. 

^ Vol. I, p. 165. 


CARDIGAN, 1284. 

Line 3. For alicujus read inveniatur debitum inde. 

4. For dum...end read quandiu de debitore habeat unde debitum 
illud solvere possit. 
Line 3 As Cardigan. 

LINCOLN, 1255. Quod ipsi vel eorum bona, quocunque locorum 
in potestate nostra inventa, non arestentur pro aliquo debito de quo 
fideiussores aut principales debitores non exstiterint, nisi forte ipsi de- 
bitores de eorum sint communa et potestate, habentes unde de debitis 
suis in toto vel in parte satisfacere possint, et dicti burgenses creditoribus 
eorundem debitorum in iusticia defuerint, et de hoc rationabiliter con- 
stare possit. 

(That they or their goods, which may be found in any place in our realm, 
shall not be arrested for any debts of which they are not the sureties or principal 
debtors, unless perchance the said debtors are of their community and power 
and have wherewith they can satisfy their debts in whole or in part, and the 
said burgesses made default of justice to the creditors of the same debtors, 
and this can be reasonably proved.) 

LYNN, 1255. 
NORTHAMPTON, 1268 {a). 

Lines 1,2. For vel... arestentur read non distringantur. 

Line 3. Omit nisi... end. 
NORWICH, 1255. As Lincoln. 
NOTTINGHAM, 1255 {a). Do. 

Line 3. Omit nisi... end. 
BASINGSTOKE, 1256 {b). As Lincoln {reading homines /or burgenses). 
BATH, 1256 (6). Do. 
BEVERLEY, 1256. 

Line 3. Omit nisi... end. 
BRIDGENORTH, 1256 (b). As Lincoln. 
CAMBRIDGE, 1256 {a). Do. 
CANTERBURY, 1256 {b). Do. 
DERBY, 1256. 

Line 3. Omit nisi... end ^. 
HEREFORD, 1256 {b). As Lincoln. 

KINGSTON-ON-THAMES,i256(a). Do. (rmrfm^ homines/or burgenses). 
MONMOUTH, 1256. Do. 
ORFORD, 1256(0). Do. 

Line i . After locorum insert in regno ac. 
PORTSMOUTH, 1256. As Lincoln. 
SCARBOROUGH, 1256 {aY. Do. 
SHREWSBURY, 1256 (6). Do. 
SOUTHAMPTON, 1256 (a). Do. 

^ Unless this was omitted in making the entry on the Originalia Roll. 
^ Including the men of the king's manor of Palsgrave which he had granted to 
them to be held at fee farm. 


IVe2] jurisdictional privileges 231 

YARMOUTH, GREAT, 1256 (b). As Lincoln. 
YORK, 1256 (b). Do. 
GUILDFORD, 1257 (a). Do. 

Line 5. For burgenses read homines. 
OXFORD, 1257(6). Do. 
STAMFORD, 1257. Do. 
RETFORD, 1259. Do. 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1260. Do (To Alexander, king of Scots.) 

Lines i, 2. For ipsi...arestentur read nuUus eorundem civium vel here- 
dum suorum distringatur. 

Line 3. Omit forte. 

5. For et...debitorum read et ipsi creditoribus suis. 
LEICESTER, 1269. As Lincoln. 

Line 5. Before burgenses insert major et. 
CONWAY, 1284. 

Line 2. After in insert terra vel. 

5. After burgenses i7isert nostri 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 
BERE, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 
OVERTON, 1292. Do. 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. Do. 
CHESTER, 1300. 

Line i. For bona read catalla. 
2. After in read terra vel. 

Line 3. Omit nisi... end. 

COVENTRY, 1267. (To Prior of Coventry.) Et quod died prior 
et monachi, burgenses, mercatores et homines sui quicunque vel eorum 
bona quocunque locorum in potestate nostra inventa non distringantur 
pro aliquo debito de quo fidejussores aut principales debitores non 

(And that the said Prior and monks and burgesses and merchants and their 
men, whomsoever they be, or their goods wheresoever in our realm they may 
be found, shall not be distrained for any debt of which they are not the 
sureties or principal debtors.) 

Statute Westminster I, 1275^ Purveu est ensement q en Cite, Burg, 
Vile, Feire, Marche, ne seit nul home forein q seit de cest reaume des- 
treint dont il ne seit dettur ou plegge, et qi le fra il serra grevement puni, 
et saunz delai la destresce delivere par les Bailliffs del liu ou par autres 
Baillifs le Rey. 

(It is provided also that in no City, Borough, Town, Fair or Market, there 
be any foreign person which is of this realm distrained for any debt wherefore 

^ Text and translation from Statutes of the Realm, i, 33. 


he is not debtor or pledge : and whosoever doth it shall be grievously punished, 
and without delay the distress shall be delivered unto him by the bailiffs of 
the place or other the King's bailiffs.) 

ABERDEEN, 1277. Concessimus etiam eisdem ut nullus namos 
suos vel alicujus ipsorum seu hominum suorum capiat pro alicujus 
debito, plegiagio vel forisfacto, nisi pro suo proprio debito, plegiagio vel 
forisfacto, firmiter inhibentes ne quis eos vel aliquem ipsorum contra 
hanc concessionem nostram vexare presumat injuste, super nostram 
plenariam forisfacturam. 

(We have also granted to them that none shall take distress from them or 
any of them or from their men for the debt, pledge or forfeiture of any person, 
except for their own debt, pledge or forfeiture, firmly forbidding any person 
from unjustly presuming to vex them, or any of them, contrary to this grant, 
upon pain of our full forfeiture.) 

LEICESTER, iz'j']. E pur ceo ke horn soleit destreindre veysin pur 
veisin a auer le auaunt, est ore purueu ke nul seit destreint pur altre si 
il ne fust son plegge ou son meinpernor, ou altre resun seit pur quel il 
deiue estre destreint pur ly. 

(And whereas a man was wont to distrain neighbour for neighbour to 
produce him, it is now provided that no one be distrained for another if he 
were not his surety or his mainpemour, or unless there is some other reason 
why he ought to be distrained for him.) 

LANARK, 1285. Ita quod nullus eos namare presumat seu injuste 
gravare in via nostra regia eundo ad dictam villam de Lanark vel redeundo 
ab eadem, super nostram plenariam forisfacturam. 

(So that none dare to distrain or unjustly annoy them on our royal highway 
in going to the said town or returning therefrom, under pain of our full 

BODMIN, 1225-57. Et quod ipsi burgenses non possint namiari 
in Cornubia pro debito alicujus vicinorum suorum, nisi sint debitores 
vel plegii. 

CAnd that the same burgesses shall not be distrained in Cornwall for the 
debt of any of their neighbours, unless they be the debtors or pledges.) 

BODMIN, 1225-57. Et si contingit quod aliquis de Bodminia in 
aliquo loco in Cornubia forisfecerit, prohibemus ne alii burgenses ejus- 
dem ville nee eorum catalla pro delicto forisfactoris impediantur: et si 
aliquis contra hanc prohibitionem nostram dictos burgenses vel eorum 
catalla impedient precipimus quod vicecomes Cornubie, accepta cautione 
juri parendi, eos et eorum catalla deliberet. 

(And if it happens that any man of Bodmin incur forfeiture in any place in 
Cornwall, we command that the other burgesses of the same town or their 
chattels shall not be detained for the fault of him who has incurred forfeiture : 

IVe3] jurisdictional privileges 233 

and if any person contrary to this prohibition shall detain the said burgesses 
or their chattels, we order that the sheriff of Cornwall shall deliver them and 
their chattels, having taken security for their appearing at Court.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Quod nuUus de balliuis meis intret domos suas 
ad aliquam districcionem faciendam preterquam pro debito domini 
regis, cum necesse fuerit, leuando. 

(That none of my bailiffs shall enter their houses to make any distraint save 
for levying a debt due to the king, when need shall be.) 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et quod nullus de libere tenentibus distringatur 
per balliuos meos sine warda seu iudicio nisi pro firma debita seu pro 
debito domini regis. Et quod in huiusmodi casibus debito modo fiat 

(And that none of the freeholders shall be distrained by my bailiffs without 
award or judgement except for rent due or for a debt owing to the king. And 
that in these cases the distress be taken in due manner ) 

(3) Dealing with Distresses 

[KILKENNY, 1 202-10 1. Concessi etiam eis quod si quis catalla 
eorum pro alieno forisfacto extra burgum ceperit, sine occasione red- 
dantur sicut rationabiliter monstrare poterint quod sua sunt. 

(I have also granted to them that if anyone take their chattels outside the 
borough for the fault of another, they shall be restored without let or hindrance, 
as they can reasonably show that they are theirs.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 

MOONE, 1223. 

ROSBERCON, 1289-95 

GRIMSBY, 1258. Item, si aliquis burgensium dicte ville namietur 
pro vicino suo comburgensi infra comitatum Lincoln', ostendat illud 
ballivis dicte ville, qui statim precipiant illi pro quo namiatus fuerit, quod 
namia capta deliberet infra octo dies sub pena viginti solidorum sol- 
vendorum communi utilitati dicte ville; et si extra dictum comitatum 
namiatus fuerit, dicti ballivi precipiant ei pro quo namiatus fuerit, quod 
namia capta deliberet infra quadraginta dies, sub pena quadraginta 
solidorum solvendorum communi utilitati dicte ville ; et si extra regnum 
Anglie namiatus fuerit, et de hoc constare fecerit dictis ballivis, statim 
precipiant ei pro quo namiatus fuerit, quod satisfaciat dicto namiato 
super namiacione ilia infra quadraginta dies, aut infra tres dies arripiat 
iter versus ilium qui ceperit namia ilia ad faciendam deliberacionem 
namiorum illorum, et hoc sub pena sexaginta solidorum solvendorum 
communi utilitati dicte ville^. 

^ Vol. I, p. 167 and B.C. i, 115. 
2 Quoted B.C. I, 116. 



(Item, if any burgess of the said town is distrained for his neighbour 
comburgess within Lincolnshire, he shall show it to the bailiffs of the said 
town, who shall forthwith order him for whom he was distrained to deliver 
the pledges so taken within eight days, under penalty of twenty shillings to 
be paid to the common good of the said town, and if he was distrained without 
the shire, the said bailiffs shall order him for whom he was distrained to deliver 
the pledges within forty days, under penalty of forty shillings to be paid to 
the common good of the town, and if he was distrained without the realm of 
England and has made this known to the said bailiffs, they shall forthwith 
order him for whom the distraint was made to satisfy the distrained man on 
his distraint within forty days, or within three days to start his journey to him 
who took the said distresses so as to deliver the distresses, and this under 
penalty of sixty shillings to be paid to the common good of the said town.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Derechef purvou est ke si nul de la 

vile soit en foren lu namee u arestu, ou face paement par achesun de 

nul de ses veisins, celi veisin seit justice par le avauntdite destresce de 

aler iloc a fere la deleveraunce, u a gre fere a sun veisin du chatel ke il 

auera lesce pur li, ensem[b]lement ove le damage ke il avera resceou par 

lavauntdite destresse. Et si il ne ad dunt il pusse estre destraint a gre 

fere, ke il seit engete hors de la communaute de la vile ciketaunt ke il 

gre feit^. 

(Moreover, it is provided that if any man of the town is, in a foreign place, 
distrained or arrested or makes any payment by default of any of his neigh- 
bours, that neighbour shall be compelled by the aforesaid distress to go forth- 
with to make replevin or make satisfaction to his neighbour concerning that 
chattel which he has left for him, and likewise payment of the damage which 
he has suffered by the aforesaid distress. And if he has not wherewith he may 
be distrained to make satisfaction, he shall be put out of the community of the 
towTi, until he has made satisfaction.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1272. Derechef, purvou est ke tuz ceus 

ke en la vile marchaundent ben et leaument paynt pur tut marchaundises 

surlun le foer et le covenaunt fet en le ascat, si la marchaundise par tut 

seit trouve lele et bone, et si miz seit al esgard de quatre prodeshoumes 

et ce eluz par la vile ke del avauntdite marchaundise se coneissent, et 

si le achatur issi ne face, et pleinte ensurde, les bailifs et le prodes hommes 

de la vile le justicent a cestefere par ce chateus,issi ke si il ne face gre de de- 

denz les treis jor se avauntdiz chateus seiint venduz par la vewe de prodes- 

hommes a gre fere, et si ses chateus a se ne suffisent, ke ses teres, rentes 

et mesons seient liverez en la mein del merchaunt par estimaciun de 

bone gent, si katant ke le remenaunt de sa dette seit plenerement par- 

rendue, sawe la rente dewe a chefs seynurages del fe, et la sustenaunce 

des avaunt dites mesons. 

(Moreover it is provided that all those who buy in the town well and law- 
fully pay for all merchandise according to the agreement and covenant made 
at the purchase, if the merchandise everywhere is found true and good, and 

1 Quoted B.C. I, 116. 

IVe5,6] jurisdictional privileges 235 

if not, (the price) shall be (fixed) by the decision of four wise men and these 
elected by the town, and who know the value of the aforesaid merchandise, 
and if the buyer does not do so, and plaint ensues, the bailiffs and the wise 
men shall compel him to do this by his chattels, and unless he makes satis- 
faction within three days his aforesaid chattels shall be sold by view of the 
wise men to make satisfaction, and if his chattels do not suffice, his lands, 
rents and houses shall be delivered into the hand of the merchant by the valua- 
tion of good men until the balance of the debt be fully satisfied, saving the 
rents due to the chief lords of the fee, and the repairs of the aforesaid houses.) 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Si burgensis homini villano aliquid como- 

daverit in burgo et terminus inde transierit, in burgo sumat namium 

de villano et per namium suum certificet eum, et reddat namium per 

plegios usque ad terminum octo dierum et tunc reddant plegii sive namium 

sive denarios. 

(If a burgess lend anything to a villein in the borough and the term for 
which the loan is made shall have elapsed, he may take distress of the villein 
within the borough and by his distress may certify him. And he shall restore 
the distress by sureties for the term of eight days, and then the sureties shall 
give him either the distress or the money.) 

(5)^ Distress to enforce an Agreement 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item, si burgensis locaverit terram 

de aliquo libero homine et ille liber homo convencionem ei infringere 

voluerit, ego debeo ilium distringere ad convencionem illam tenendam. 

(Item, if a burgess hire land from any freeman, and the freeman wish to 
break the agreement, I am bound to distrain on the freeman (to compel him) 
to keep the agreement.) 

(6) Distress to compel Appearance 

LEICESTER, 1277. Enprimes pur ceo ke quant vn houme se fu 
pleint de vn altre de dette ou de trespas, demi an ou vn an enter passa 
souent auaunt ke il poeit mener sun aduersaire a respuns, partie par 
fieble destresce de baillifs, e pur ceo ke eus muscerent lor choses en 
chaumbres ou ailors ke hum ne lor poeit destreindre, e ausi pur ceo ke 
eus passerent saunz amerciement de lors defautes : En amendement de 
ceste chose est purueu quant vn homme se pleint de vn altre reseaunt 
en la vile en sa absence de dette ou de chatels a tort prises ou detenuz, 
seit celi de ki il se est pleint somuns par tesmoinage de dous veysins de 
estre a la procheine Curt a respundre. E si a cele Curt ne vegne, seit 
fet vne simple destresce sur li dek il se atache par pleggis de estre a 
lautre Curt; e si il trusse pleggis e ne vegne pas ou si il ne voile pleggis 
trouer, seit comaunde a destreindre de estre a la terce Curt par la grant 
destresce par quanqe horn troue del soen dedenz mesun ou dehors, issi 

^ Subsection 4 in vol. i is not represented in this. 


ke si il face muscer ou enclore ses biens en chaumbre ou ailors, le baillif, 

par veue de les veisins, se face entre par tut a li destreindre dek ataunt 

kil se justise ; e sil ad troue pleggis de uenir, seient les pleggis en la merci 

pur ceo ke els ne le aueient mie a lor ior, si eus ne puissent mustrer 

resnable enchesun pur quei eus ne le aueyent mie. En mesme la manere 

seit fet en plai de trespas quant a destresces, mes ke tut a de primes seit 

mis par pleggis. Puis quant le defendaunt ad fet defautes issi kil vent 

par la grant destresce ke seit issue sur li, seit en la mercie, sil ne puisse 

ses defautes sauuer par dire ke il fu hors de vile e ren saueit del plai, ou 

ke il fu desturbe par altre achesun resnable, e ceo uoille auerrer^. 

(In the first place because it happened that when a man has impleaded 
another for debt or trespass, half a year or a whole year often passed before 
he could bring his adversary to answer, partly by reason of the feeble distress 
of the bailiffs and partly because men hid their goods in rooms or elsewhere 
so that no one could distrain them, and partly because they escaped without 
amercement of their defaults: For amendment of this, it is provided that 
when a man impleads another resident in the town, in his absence, for debt 
or for chattels wrongfully taken or detained, let him whom he impleads be 
summoned by witness of two neighbours, to be at the next court to answer. 
And if he come not to that court, let a simple distress be made on him until 
he be bound by sureties to be at the next court, and if he find sureties and 
does not come, or if he will not find sureties, let order to distrain be issued to 
make him attend the third court by the Great Distress, by whatsoever may 
be found of his, within his house or without; so that if he causes his goods to 
be hidden or shut up in a room or elsewhere, the bailiflf by view of the neigh- 
bours may enter everywhere to distrain him till justice be done ; and if he has 
found sureties to come, let the sureties be in mercy because they did not have 
him [in court] on the day appointed, unless they can show reasonable excuse 
why they did not have him ; in the same manner let it be done in plea of tres- 
pass as to distresses, but so that everything from the first shall be done by 
sureties. Afterwards when the defendant has made defaults so that he comes 
by the Great Distress which is to be issued against him, let him be in mercy, 
unless he can save his defaults by saying that he was out of town and knew 
nothing of the plea, or that he was hindered by some other reasonable excuse 
and is willing to aver the same. 

(7) Distress for Rent or Service ^ 

LEICESTER, 1277. Purueu est ausi ke si rente ou servise de terre 
ou de tenement seit du au seignor de la vile ou a acun autre, e son fe li 
seit forclos par mur ou par haye ou par mesun, ke le bailif ou le seignor 
ne puisse entrer a son fe destreindre pur son servise ke arere est, bien list 
al bailif ou al seignor fere sei entre, e mur ou pareie percer, si le tenaunt 
ne li face entre e partut destreindre des kil eit son servise. Mes ceo seit 
primes mustre en la curt de la vile e asent demande. E puis le facent 
seurement si eus quident dreit auer, solum ceo ke de aunciente ad este 


1 Quoted B.C. i, io8. 

2 See also Bakewell, 1286 (p. 233). ' Quoted B.C. i, 293. 


(It is provided also that if rent or service of land or tenement be due to the 
lord of the tov^^n or any other, and his fee be closed to him by a wall or hedge 
or house, so that the bailiff or the lord cannot enter on his fee to distrain for 
his service vi^hich is in arrear, it shall be lawful for the bailiff or the lord to 
make his entry and to pierce through wall or partition, if the tenant does not 
let him enter, and distrain everywhere until he has his service. But this must 
first be shown in the court of the town and assent asked. And then they may 
do it securely, if they think that they have right, according as of old has been 
the custom.) 

(8) Distress for Tallages and Aids 

LYNN, 1305. Et liceat maiori eiusdem burgi qui pro tempore fuerit 

pro tallagiis et aliis auxiliis racionabilibus super communitatem dicti 

burgi pro utilitate eiusdem assessis leuandis, quotiens opus fuerit, 

racionabiles facere districtiones, sicut hactenus in casu huiusmodi 

racionabiliter fieri consueuit, 

(And the mayor of the said borough for the time being shall have power to 
make reasonable distraints for levying tallages and other reasonable aids 
assessed upon the community of the said borough for its advantage, as often 
as need shall be, as has hitherto been reasonably wont to be done in the like 

(9) Distress on Surety 

LEICESTER, 1277. E pur ceo ke auent acune fiez ke vn homme se 

pleint de vn altre de grant quantite de dette ou de gref trespas e celi de 

ki se est pleint ne seit mie asez iustisable par teres ne tenemenz ne par 

altre chose ke il ad en la vile a vne fiez, vent e meine chatels en la vile, 

e est par ceus chatels destreint a sei iustiser, e face deliuerer ces chatels 

par plegges ou meinpernors a uenir e a estre a dreiture, puis lest ses 

plegges ou ses meinpernors en cure, e se sustret e li e ses biens, ke nule 

destresce sur li ne put estre troue: E pur ceo ke les plegges en tel kas 

soleyent fere lor pes vers le Baillif de vn sis deners ou de duzze, de ceo 

ke eus ne le auoyent mie si cum els le pleivirent ou meinprisent, e par 

taunt passerent quit, e le pleintif perdi issi sa dette ou ses amendes 

ke auer dust : sur ceo est purueu en tel cas si destresce seit deliuere par 

pleggage ou meinprise de acuni, si celi ki est repleui ou meinpris ne 

vegne a sei iustiser cum fere deit, seient ses plegges ou ses meinpernors 

destreint a auer le auaunt, si eus le puissent auer, e seyent en la merci 

pur ceo ke eus ne le aueient mie, si eus ne se puissent par resnable 

enchesun sauuer, e dunk a meins eyent la Chose auaunt ke par lor pleuine 

ou par lor meinprise fu deliuere, ou la value^. 

(And whereas it sometimes happens that a man sues another for a great 
quantity of debt or for grievous trespass, and the person thus impleaded is 

1 Quoted B.C. i, 98. 



[IV E 9 

not sufficiently justiciable by lands or tenements or other goods that he has 
in the town at one time, and he comes and brings chattels into the town, and 
is distrained by these chattels to come to justice, and causes his chattels to be 
delivered by pledges or mainpernours to come and be at right, and then leaves 
his pledges or mainpernours in charge, and withdraws himself and his goods, 
so that no distress can be found on him. And whereas pledges in such case 
were wont to make their peace with the bailiff for a sixpence or a shilling, 
because they had not got him there as they pledged or mainprised, and passed 
quit for so much and so the plaintiff lost his debt or the amends that he ought 
to have ; for this it is provided that in such case if distress have been delivered 
by pledges or mainprise of any one, if he who is replevied or mainprised does 
not come to justify himself as he ought to do, his pledges or mainpernours 
shall be distrained to have him there, if they can, and shall be in mercy because 
they have not produced him, unless they can save themselves by some reason- 
able excuse, and then at least they shall produce the chattel which was delivered 
by their plevin or mainprise, or its value.) 


(i) County Courts and Assizes 

DUNHEVED, 1225-56. Concessimus etiam ipsis et heredibus suis, 
pro nobis et heredibus nostris, habere octo comitatus per annum in 
burgo suo prenominato, incipiendo a proximo comitatu post clausum 
Pasche usque ad finem octo comitatuum proximorum sequentium. 

(We have granted also to them and their heirs, for us and our heirs, that 
they shall have eight county courts every year in their aforenamed borough, 
beginning from the court next following the close of Easter, until the end of 
eight courts next following.) 

GUILDFORD, 1257 (b). Quod comitatus noster Surreye imper- 

petuum teneatur in eadem villa de Guildeford. Et quod justiciarii nostri 

itinerantes ad communia placita in comitatu predicto, quociens ipsos 

contigerit, sedeant et teneant assisas illas et placita ilia in eadem villa ^ 

de toto comitatu predicto. 

(That our county court of Surrey shall be held at Guildford for ever, and 
that our justices in eyre for common pleas in the aforesaid county, as often as 
they shall happen to go on circuit, shall sit and hold those assizes and those 
pleas in the said town for the whole county aforesaid.) 

WINDSOR, 1277. Et quod justiciarii nostri in comitatu Berks, 
itinerantes tam ad communia placita quam ad placita forestarum itinera 
sua de cetero teneant in eodem burgo. 

(And that our justices in eyre in the county of Berks, shall henceforth hold 
their eyre in the said borough, both for common pleas and for pleas of the 

(2) County Gaol 

WINDSOR, 1277. Et etiam quod capitalis gaola nostra eiusdem 

comitatus sit in ipso burgo, liberatione^ dicte gaole semper facienda 


(And that the chief gaol of the said county shall be in the said borough, 
and that the delivery of the said gaol shall be there made.) 

^ Instead of Leatherhead. About two years later there were complaints of incon- 
venience caused by the change, but Edward I is said to have confirmed the privilege 
in 1278-9 (Brayley, Hist, of Surrey, i, 312, referring to Rot. Itin. 7 Edw. I). 

^ Corrected from "liberatio." 



(i) Power to make Ordinances and Agreements 

OSWESTRY, 1263. Noverit universitas vestra (nos) de speciali 
gracia et favore quam penes burgensibus nostris^ ville nostre de Oswaldes- 
tria gerimus et habemus, in melioracionem eorundem burgensium et 
incrementum utilitatis burgensium nostrorum, dedisse et concessisse 
pro nobis et heredibus nostris prefatis burgensibus nostris et eorum 
heredibus et successoribus plenam [et] liberam potestatem et auctoritatem 
ordinandi, faciendi et conficiendi infra seipsos laudabiles ordinaciones 
et composiciones que erunt et sonabunt^ honestum et proficuum et 
emolumentum predictorum burgensium et eorum successorum, prero- 
gativa nostra reservata. 

(Be it known to you all that we, of our special grace and favour which wej 
bear and have towards our burgesses of our town of Oswestry and for the 
amelioration of the said burgesses and the increase of the profit of our burgesses,] 
have given and granted for us and our heirs to the aforesaid burgesses theii 
heirs and successors full and free power and authority to ordain, make an( 
complete between themselves praiseworthy ordinances and agreements which' 
shall be and sound to the honour and profit and advantage of the said burgesses 
and their successors, saving our prerogative.) 

^ Sic. The text is corrupt. - Corrected from "son 'at." 





(i) Ban of Trade to Borough 

[INVERKEITHING, 1165-1214. Sciatis me concessisse burgensi- 
bus meis de Inuyrkethin ut capiant tolneium et consuetudines et omnes 
rectitudines ad burgum pertinentes inter aquam de Leuene et aquam de 
Douane et in aquis et terris tarn de batellis quam de navibus. Et pro- 
hibeo firmiter ne quis tolneium aut aliquam consuetudinem ad predictum 
burgum pertinentem aut in aquis aut in terris infra predictas divisas 
absque eorum licencia capiat aut aliquam mercaturam extra burgum 
exerceat super meam plenariam forisfacturam. 

(Know ye that I have granted to my burgesses of Inverkeithing the right 
to take toll and customs and all rights pertaining to a burgh between the water 
of Leven and the water of Devon both on water and on land from boats and 
from ships. And I firmly forbid any from taking toll or any custom pertaining 
to the aforesaid burgh either on water or on land within the aforesaid bounds 
without their license or from exercising any trade outside the burgh under 
penalty of my full forfeiture.)] 

INVERKEITHING, 1223 (a) Add Sicut carta Domini Regis Willelmi 

patris nostri inde facta predictis burgensibus testatur. 
INVERKEITHING, 1259. Add Sicut carte Domini Regis Willelmi avi 
nostri et domini Regis Alexandri fratris nostri inde facte predictis 
burgensibus plenius testantur. 

[PERTH, 1165-1214^. Prohibeo firmiter ne quis mercator extraneus 
infra vicecomitatum de Perth extra burgum meum de Perth aliquid emat 
vel vendat super meam defensionem, sed mercator extraneus veniat cum 
mercandisis suis ad burgum meum de Perth et ibi eas vendat et denarios 
suos implicet. Si quis vero mercator extraneus super hanc defensionem 
meam inventus fuerit in vicecomitatu de Perth aliquid emens vel ven- 
dens, capiatur et detineatur donee voluntatem meam de eo precepero. 

Prohibeo etiam firmiter ne quis extraneus extra burgum meum de 
Perth emat vel vendat coria vel lanam nisi in burgo meo de Perth. 

(I firmly forbid any stranger merchant buying or selling anything within 
the sheriffdom of Perth except in my burgh of Perth against my prohibition, 
but the foreign merchant shall come with his merchandise to my burgh of 
Perth and shall there sell them and expend his money. If any foreign merchant 
in defiance of this prohibition is found in the sheriffdom of Perth buying or 
selling anything, he shall be taken and detained till I declare my will con- 
cerning him. 

I also firmly forbid any foreigner from buying or selling hides or wool 
without my burgh of Perth, except within my burgh of Perth.)] 

^ Vol. I, p. 169 (corrected). • 

B.ii 16 


STIRLING, 1226. 

Line i. For prohibeo read prohibemus. Plurals throughout. 
Lines 3, 4. For mercator...suis read mercatores extranei deferant mer- 
candisas suas. 
4, 5. For vendat and implicet read vendant and implicent. 
8. Omit prohibeo... end. 

STIRLING, 1226. Prohibemus etiam firmiter ne quis manens extra 
burgum nostrum de Strivelin in vicecomitatu de Strivelin faciat pannum 
tinctum vel tonsum infra vicecomitatum de Strivelin nee facere faciat, 
preter burgenses nostros de Strivelin qui sint de gilda mercatoria et qui 
communicent ad auxilia nostra solvenda cum burgensibus nostris de 
Strivelin, exceptis illis qui de hac libertate cartas suas hucusque habue- 
runt. Quare prohibemus firmiter ne quis in vicecomitatu de Strivelin 
facere presumat pannum tinctum vel tonsum super nostram plenariam 
forisfacturam. Si vero aliquis pannus tinctus vel tonsus inventus fuerit 
factus super hanc defensionem nostram precipimus vicecomiti nostro 
quatenus capiat ipsum pannum et inde faciat secundum quod con- 
suetudo fuerit tempore regis David. 

(We also strictly forbid anyone dwelling outside our borough of Stirling 
in the county of Stirling to make any dyed or sheared cloth within the county 
of Stirling, or to have it made, except our burgesses of Stirling who are of the 
merchant guild and who join with our burgesses of Stirling in paying aids to us, 
saving those who have hitherto had their charters for this liberty. Wherefore 
we strictly forbid anyone in the county of Stirling to presume to make dyed 
or sheared cloth on pain of our full forfeiture. If, however, any such cloth 
shall be found made contrary to this prohibition we order our sheriff to seize 
the cloth and deal with it as was customary in the time of king David.) 

LANARK, 1285. Prohibemus etiam ne quis infra vicecomitatum 
nostrum de Lanark emat lanas vel coria vel aUquam aliam mercaturam 
exerceat vel pannum latum et tinctum et tonsum faciat preter burgenses 
nostri de Lanark; item, ne aliquis alius mercator infra dictum vicecomi- 
tatum nostrum vel in burgo nostro de Lanark aliquam mercaturam emat 
nisi a dictis burgensibus de Lanark, super nostram plenariam foris- 
facturam. Si quis alienus mercator inventus fuerit in dicto vicecomitatu 
nostro de Lanark emens lanas, coria vel aliquam mercaturam aUam 
consimilem exerceat, cum bonis suis capiatur et teneatur donee de eo 
nostram fecerimus voluntatem. 

(We also forbid that anyone within the sheriffdom of Lanark, buy wool or 
hides or carry on any other trade or make broad cloth or dyed and shorn 
cloth except our burgesses of Lanark; also, that no other merchant buy any 
merchandise within our said sheriffdom or in our burgh of Lanark except 
from the said burgesses of Lanark, under pain of our full forfeiture. If any 
foreign merchant is found in the said sheriffdom of Lanark buying wool or 
cloth or carrying on any similar trade, he shall be taken with his goods and 
held in custody, until we have wrought our will on him.) 


HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-31. Quod nuUus mercator sit in terra 

qui non sit residens in burgis nostris, et quod naves venientes cum 

mercaturis in Milford non vadant alibi in terra nostra ad merces suas 

vendendas nisi apud Pembroc vel Haverford, sal vis tamen consue- 

tudinibus inde debitis. 

(That no merchant be in our land except he be resident in our boroughs, 
and that ships coming with merchandise to Milford (Haven), do not go else- 
where in our land to sell their merchandise than to Pembroke and Haverford, 
saving however to us the customs due therefor.) 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Nullus infra wapontak Salford ut sutor, peli- 

parius, fuUo vel aliquis talis exerceat officium suum nisi sit in burgo, 

-salvis libertatibus baronum. 

(None within the wapentake of Salford, such as a shoemaker, skinner, fuller 
or any such tradesman shall carry on his trade except he be in the borough, 
saving the liberties of the barons.) 

BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 2. For talis read alius. 
3. Omit baronum. 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 

Line i . For wapontak Salford read terram meam de Stokeport. 
3. Omit salvia libertatibus baronum. 

WATERFORD, c. 1230. Henricus...venerabili patri in Christo 
Henrico... Dublin' archiepiscopo et justiciario suo Hibernie, Salutem. 
Monstraverunt nobis fideles nostri cives Waterford quod naves plenes 
cum mercandisis applicant frequenter ad portum comitis Willelmi 
Mareschalli de Ros ad grave dispendium nostrum et dampnum et detri- 
mentum maximum civitatis nostre Waterfordie. Et ideo vobis man- 
damus quod non permittatis aliquam navem ad portum illud applicare 
cum mercandisis ad dispendium nostrum et dampnum predicte civitatis 
nostre aliter quam naves ibidem applicare solebant temporibus domini 
Johannis regis patris nostri ante guerram motam inter ipsum et barones 
suos in Anglia. 

(Henry... to the Venerable Father in Christ Henry... archbishop of Dublin 
and justiciar of Ireland, Greeting. Our faithful citizens of Waterford have 
shown to us that ships laden with merchandise touch frequently at the port 
of earl William Marshal at (New) Ross to our grave loss, and to the very great 
damage and detriment of our city of Waterford. And therefore we command 
you that you do not permit any ship to touch at that port with merchandise 
to our loss and the damage of our aforesaid city otherwise than ships were 
wont to touch there in the time of our lord king John before the war waged 
between him and his barons in England.) 

WATERFORD, 1267. Edwardus illustris regis Anglie primogenitus 
omnibus mercatoribus et rectoribus navium que non sunt de terra here- 
dum Walteri le Mareschal, quondam comitis Pembrock, in Lagenia, 
"Venturis cum navibus et mercandisis in Hiberniam, Salutem. 

16 — 2 


Sciatis quod per totam Lageniam clamari et prohiberi fecimus quod 
nulla navis que non sit de terra heredum predictorum in Lagenia de 
cetero accedat usque Ros vel Insulam vel applicet ibidem cum vinis 
et mercandisis aliis ad negociandum ibidem, sicut mercatores quorum 
vina et mercandise ille fuerint ea perdere noluerint, et sicut rectores 
navium predictarum que sunt aliunde quam de terra heredum pre- 
dictorum dampnum et gravamen sive impedimentum de navibus suis 
incurrere noluerint. Et quod civitas nostra Waterford, cujus portum 
naves predicte devitant et applicare malunt apud Ros et Insulam quam 
apud Waterford, per applicationem predictam plurimum deteriorata est, 
ut audivimus, et nos per consequens valde inde sumus perdentes. Et 
ideo vobis mandamus, firmiter inhibentes ne de cetero, omisso portu 
Waterford, cum vinis et aliis mercandisis vestris accedere presumatis 
usque Ros vel Insulam, sicut volueritis quod vina et alie mercandise 
vestre et naves similiter nobis non incurrantur. 

(Edward, the first born son of the illustrious King of England to all mer- 
chants and masters of ships which are not of the land of the heirs of Walter 
Marshal, formerly Earl of Pembroke, in Leinster, who shall come with their 
ships and merchandise into Ireland, Greeting. Know ye that throughout all 
Leinster we have caused it to be proclaimed and forbidden that any ship which 
is not of the land of the aforesaid heirs in Leinster shall henceforth go to 
(New) Ross or Island^ or touch there with wines and other merchandise fori 
trading there, as the merchants, whose wines and merchandise they are, wish 
to avoid loss of them, and as the masters of the ships aforesaid, which are from 
other places than the land of the aforesaid heirs, wish to avoid loss and damage 
or hindrance to their ships. And because our city of Waterford, whose port] 
the aforesaid ships avoid and prefer to resort to Ross and Island rather than 
to Waterford, by the aforesaid resort is very much deteriorated, as we have \ 
heard, and consequently we have much lost thereby. And therefore we order 
you, firmly enjoining that you shall not presume to avoid the port of Waterford 
with your wines and other merchandise and to resort to Ross or Island as ye 
wish that your wines and other merchandise and your ships likewise shall not 
be forfeited to us.) 

NEWPORT (Kemmes), c. 1241. Item, nullus mercator forensis 
emat vel vendat extra villam meam de Novo Burgo. 

(Item, no foreign merchant shall buy or sell without my town of Newport.)! 

SCARBOROUGH, 1256 (b). Et quod nullus portus aut kayum ullo 
modo fiat aut fieri permittatur per nos vel heredes nostros aut per aliquem 
alium inter predictum burgum et Raveneser'. 

(And that no harbour or quay be made or be permitted to be made by us 
or our heirs or by any person between the aforesaid borough and Ravenser.) 

^ I.e. the great Island, parish of Kilmokea. For the rivalry of Waterford and Ross 
see P. H. Hore, Old and New Ross (1900), p. 133. Similar writs were issued in 1275 
and 1277 {Chart. Hib. 34). 

Va i] mercantile privileges 245 

SHREWSBURY, 1265. Et quod nuUus mercator de lanis venalibus 
alicubi locorum infra comitatum Salopp' empciones aliquas facere possit, 
nisi in villis mercatoriis ejusdem comitatus. 

(And that no wool merchant shall buy anywhere in the county of Salop, 
except in the merchant towns thereof.) 

GREAT YARMOUTH, 1306. Nos, pro eo quod (villa) predicta 
nostra de Magna Jernemutha est liber burgus noster, et per progenitores 
nostros situata extitit super portum nostrum predictum, occasione pro- 
ficui de eodem portu nostro provenientis ad melioracionem ejusdem ville 
nostre percipiendi, Concessimus burgensibus nostris ejusdem ville 
nostre et successoribus suis, burgensibus ville illius, pro nobis et heredi- 
bus nostris, Quod omnia mercandise et mercimonia, quecunque sint, 
sive de piscibus sive de aliis rebus quibuscunque, que infra dictum 
portum nostrum dicte ville nostre Magne Jernemuthe in navibus sive 
batellis seu alio modo adduci seu deferri contigerit, vel ibidem negocietur 
de eisdem, licite et aperte apud villam de Magna Jernemutha et non 
alibi infra portum predictum discarcentur. 

(We, because our aforesaid town of Great Yarmouth is our free borough and 
by our ancestors has been placed on our aforesaid port, with a view to taking 
the profit of the aforesaid port for the improvement of our same town, Have 
granted to our burgesses of the same town and their successors, burgesses of 
that town, for us and our heirs. That all merchandise and wares, whatever they 
may be, whether fish or other things whatsoever, which may happen to be 
brought within the said port of our said town of Great Yarmouth in ships or 
boats or in any other way, or are the subject of bargains made there, shall be 
lawfully and openly unloaded at the town of Great Yarmouth and not else- 
where within the aforesaid port.) 

CONWAY &c., 1284-1307. In a lawsuit of 1370, the follov^ing 
citation of a charter of Edward I was pleaded. 

Dicit enim quod idem Rex proavus (i.e. Edwardus nuper rex Anglie 
proavus predicti principis) post conquestum predictum statuit, ordinavit, 
et publice proclamari fecit quod nulle ferie nee mercate forent nee alique 
mercimonie, videlicet de bovis, vaccis, equis et aliis, preterquam de 
minutis rebus, videlicet de victualibus &c fierent alicubi in tota North- 
wallia alibi quam in villis de Conewey, Beaumarais, Neuburgh, Caern' 
Crukyth, Hardelagh et Bala^. 

(He says moreover, that the same king (i.e. Edward, formerly king of 
England, greatgrandfather of the aforesaid prince) after the aforesaid conquest, 
decreed, ordained, and caused public proclamation to be made, that no fairs 
or markets should be held nor any trafficking, to wit of oxen, cows, horses and 
other wares, except small traffic such as victuals, should be done anywhere 
in North Wales elsewhere than in the towns of Conway, Beaumaris, New- 
borough, Carnarvon, Criccieth, Harlech and Bala.) 

^ Cf. Arch. 4th ser. x, Suppl. p. xxxiii. 


CARNARVON, ? 1284. In a charter of Edward, prince of Wales, 
dated 20 January in the 28th year of his principate is a recital : 

Cum dominus Edwardus nuper rex Anglie proavus noster ad funda- 

cionem ville predicte ordinavit et proclamari fecit quod omnes homines 

commotorum vicinorum habere debent et uti mercatum suum ad dictam 

villam et nullibi alibi. 

(Whereas our lord, Edward, formerly king of England, our greatgrandfather, 
at the foundation of the aforesaid town, ordained and caused proclamation 
to be made, that all the men of the neighbouring commotes should have and 
use their market at the said town and nowhere else.) 

CONWAY, ? 1284. 

BEAUMARIS, ? 1296. In a charter of Edward prince of Wales of 
1366 is a recital: 

Cum serenissimus dominus Edwardus, nuper rex Anglie, proavus 

noster, ad fundacionem et situm ville nostre Belli Marisci ordinari fecit 

et publice proclamari quod omnes homines commotorum de Wyndathe, 

Thelyn et Salebolyen^ haberent et tenerent mercata sua ad predictam 

villam Belli Marisci ad vendendum et emendum et nullibi alibi, in 

auxilium et relevacionem ville predicte. 

(Whereas our most excellent lord Edward, formerly king of England, our 
greatgrandfather, at the foundation and establishment of our town of Beau- 
maris caused it to be ordained and publicly proclaimed that all the men of 
the commotes of Wyndathe, Thelyn and Salebolyen should have and hold 
their markets at the aforesaid town of Beaumaris for selling and buying and 
nowhere else, for the aid and relief of the aforesaid town.) 

(2) Grant and Regulation of Market^ 

DUMBARTON, 1221 . Concedo eciam in predicto burgo in quahbet 

septimana unum diem fori, scilicet diem Mercurii. 

(I grant also one market day in every week in the aforesaid burgh, to wit^ 

DINGWALL, 1226. For Mercurii read Lune. 

STIRLING, 1226^. Sciatis...nos concessisse...burgensibus nostris 

de Strivelin diem fori in burgo nostro de Strivelin, scilicet, diem sabbati 

in qualibet ebdomada ; nostramque firmam pacem iuste dedisse omnibus 

qui ad forum illud venient; et prohibemus firmiter ne quis illis qui ad 

predictum forum nostrum venient in veniendo vel in redeundo iniuriam 

vel molestiam aut grauamen aliquod iniuste inferat, super nostram ple- 

nariam forisfacturam. 

(Know ye... that we have granted... to our burgesses of Stirling a market 
day in our burgh of Stirling, namely Saturday in each week ; and that we have 

^ Corruptly for Tindaethwy, Turcelyn and Talybolion (T.). 

* See also I 3 (Camelford, 1260, Newburgh, 1266). List incomplete. 

^ Cf. Inverness, 1199-1214, vol. i, p. 172. 


given our firm peace in accordance with law to all who shall come to that 
market; and we firmly forbid that anyone unlawfully inflict any injury, 
molestation or annoyance upon those who shall come to the said market either 
in coming or returning, on pain of full forfeiture to us.) 

MONTGOMERY, 1227. Et unum mercatum ibidem per diem 
Jovis singulis septimanis cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consue- 
tudinibus ad huiusmodi ferias et mercatum pertinentibus. 

(And a market there on Thursday in every week, with all liberties and free 
customs to fairs and a market of this kind appertaining.) 

CHIPPING SODBURY, 1227. Thursday. 

SALISBURY, 1227. (To the bishop.) Tuesday. 

LOOE, WEST, ? 1243. (To Odo of Trevorbyn.) Wednesday. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Wednesday. 

DEGANWY, 1252. Tuesday. 

CLIFTON (Wore), 1270. (To Roger de Mortimer.) Thursday. 

LYDHAM (Salop), 1270. (To Adam de Montgomery.) Wednesday. 

ABERYSTWYTH, 1277. Monday. 

NOVA VILLA, 1286 (6). Tuesday and Friday. 

HULL, 1299. Tuesday and Friday. 

"RAVENSEROD," 1299. Tuesday and Saturday. 

"SKYNBURGH," 1301. Thursday. 

KIRKBYJOHANNIS, 1305. Thursday. 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230. Et in qualibet hebdomada libera mercata 
scilicet die martis. 

(And in every week a free market, to wit, on Tuesday.) 

TINTAGEL, 1225-56. Et quod qualibet die Mercurii cujuslibet 
septimane habeant apud Tyntajoil quoddam mercatum. 

(And that they shall have every Wednesday in every week a market at 

MORPETH, 1239-66 (c). Concessi insuper et confirmavi prefatis 
burgensibus et eorum heredibus illam placiam quietam ubi forum eorum 
esse solebat, exceptis tamen tofto Alicie Hudde et pistrina eiusdem ville, 
et excepta quadam fabrica quam Philippus faber quondam tenuit. In 
qua placia volo quod stalla eorum construant ubi carnes et pisces vendant 
usque ad horam nonam. Et prohibeo super plenam forisfacturam mei 
et heredum meorum ne quis presumat vendere carnes nee pisces ante 
horam nonam alibi quam super dicta stalla, nisi in grosso. 

(Moreover, I have granted and confirmed to the said burgesses and their heirs 
that place, quit of rent, where their market was wont to be, except, however, 
the toft of Alice Hudde and the bakehouse of the said town, and except a certain 
smithy which Philip the smith formerly held, in which place I will that they 
build their stalls and sell flesh and fish till the ninth hour. And I forbid, on pain 
of full forfeiture to me and my heirs that anyone presume to sell flesh or fish 
before the ninth hour elsewhere than on the said stalls, except wholesale.) 



LOSTWITHIEL, 1268. (Quod habeant) mercatum in die Martis in 
qualibet septimana. 

(That they shall have a market on Tuesday in each week.) 

CHARD, 1271-2. Et mercata sua quolibet die Lune libere, sicut 
habere consueverunt^. 

(And their markets every Monday freely, as they have been wont to have 

KINGHORN, 1285. Sciatis nos pro utilitate et melioracione burgi 
nostri de Kyngorne concessisse burgensibus et communitati ejusdem 
loci forum infra dictum burgum omni die Jovis. Tenendum et habendum 
adeo libere, quiete et honorifice sicut aliqui alii burgenses et communi- 
tates infra regnum nostrum habent in burgis suis diebus eis concessis 
empcionibus et vendicionibus utendo. 

(Know ye, that, for the good and improvement of our burgh of Kinghorn, 
we have granted to the burgesses and community of the same burgh a market 
within the said burgh on every Thursday. To hold and to have as freely, 
quietly and honourably as any burgesses and communities within our realm 
have in their burghs on their market days granted to them in buyings and 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Concedimus insuper...prefatis 
burgensibus quod ipsi et eorum heredes habeant infra eundem burgum 
duo mercata singulis septimanis, unum, videlicet per diem Lune et aliud 
per diem Veneris. 

(We grant moreover to the aforesaid burgesses that they and their heirs 
shall have in the same borough two markets every week, one, to wit on Monday 
and the other on Friday.) 

(3) Grant of Fair^ 

DUMBARTON, 1226. Fair of eight days on 24 June, with the 
customs and liberties of the fairs of Roxburgh. 

MONTGOMERY, 1227. Quod habeant singulis annis imperpetuum 
duas ferias in predicto burgo, scilicet unam ad festum Sancti Bartholo- 
maei per quattuor dies duraturam, scilicet in vigilia et die et duabus 
diebus sequentibus, et aliam ad festum Omnium Sanctorum per octo 
dies duraturam, scilicet in vigilia et die et sex diebus sequentibus. 

(That they shall have every year for ever two fairs in the aforesaid borough, 
to wit, one at the feast of St Bartholomew to last for four days, to wit, on the 
eve and the day and on two following days, and the other at the feast of All 
Saints, to last for eight days, to wit, on the eve and the day and the six fol- 
lowing days.) 

^ See p. 250. 2 ggg 3jgQ J 2 (Camelford, 1260). List incomplete. 



CHIPPING SODBURY, 1227. 8 days from St John Baptist. 

SALISBURY (NEW), 1227. (To Bishop.) One fair from eve of Assump- 
tion of B.V.M. to morrow of the octave. 

Do. 1270. 8 days at St Remigius. 

HEREFORD, 1227 (b). 3 days at St Denis. 

CASHEL, 1228. 8 days from eve of Holy Trinity. 

DERBY, 1229. 2 days in Whitsun vi^eek and 15 days from morrow of 

LEICESTER, 1229^ 8 days before and after St James. 

LOOE, WEST, ? 1243. 3 days at Michaelmas. 

MARLBOROUGH, 1246. 4 days from eve of SS. Peter and Paul. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. 8 days at Assumption of B.V.M. 

HUNTINGDON, 1252. 10 days from Monday before Ascension. 

DEGANWY, 1252. 6 days at St Martin. 

DUBLIN, 1252. 15 days at Translation of St Thomas the Martyr. 

Do. 1280^ 15 days at St Benedict abbot. 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. 15 days at St Luke. 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (b). Assumption of B.V.M. to Michaelmas. 

KINGSTON-ON-THAMES, 1256 (b). 8 days from 3 November. 

STAFFORD, 1261. 8 days at St Matthew. 

HYTHE, 1261. 4 days at St Edmund^. 

AYR, 1 26 1. 15 days at St John Baptist. 

LISKEARD, 1266. 3 days at Assumption of B.V.M. (second fair). 

CLIFTON (Wore), 1270. 4 days at St Margaret. 

LYDHAM, 1270. 4 days at St Ethelbert and 4 at St Michael in Monte 

ABERYSTWYTH, 1277. 4 days at Whitsuntide and 8 at Michaelmas. 

NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYME, 1281. 3 days at Holy Trinity. 

NOVA VILLA, 1286. 5 days at St Lawrence. 

LIMERICK, 1292. 15 days from eve of St James the Apostle. 

HULL, 1299. 30 days at St Augustine after Easter. 

^'RAVENSEROD," 1299. 30 days at Nativity B.V.M. 

HIGHAM FERRERS, 1300. 3 days at Michaelmas. 

"SKYNBURGH," 1301. 17 days at Nativity of St John Baptist. 


GLOUCESTER, 1302. 7 days from eve of Nativity of St John Baptist. 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230^. Volumus et concedimus quod in dicta villa 
de Hertilpole sint singulis annis ad festum S. Laurencii libera feria que 
duret per quindecim dies. 

(We will and grant that in the said town of Hartlepool shall be every year 
a free fair to last for fifteen days at the feast of St Lawrence.) 

MARLBOROUGH, 1246. Sciatis quod volumus et concedimus pro 
nobis et heredibus nostris quod pro melioratione ville nostre de Merleberge 
decetero teneatur ibidem, in parochia sancti Petri circa ecclesiam extra 
cimiterium et infra, una feria duratura singulis annis per quatuor dies, 

^ Change of date. 

2 No toll, stallage or custom to be taken from any persons coming or from their 
goods or merchandise. 

^ A few grants are given in full to illustrate various features. 


videlicet in vigilia et in die apostolorum Petri et Pauli et duobus diebus 


(Know ye that we will and grant for us and our heirs that for the bettering 
of our town of Marlborough there be henceforth held there, in the parish of 
St Peter about the church without and within the churchyard, a fair to last 
annually for four days, viz. on the eve and the day of the apostles Peter and 
Paul and the two days following.) 

SALT ASH, before 1246. Et quod feria eiusdem ville in media villa 
teneatur, ubi consueverat tempore antecessorum meorum. 

(And that the fair of the same town be held in the middle of the town, 
where it was wont to be held in the time of my ancestors.) 

FARNHAM, 1247. Habere debent feriam unam de Farnham inte- 
gram ad festum Omnium Sanctorum sine aliqua diminucione. 

(They ought to have a full fair at Farnham at the feast of All Saints without 
any diminution.) 

RETFORD, 1259. Sciatis quod ad emendacionem burgi nostri de 
Retford concessimus...quod ipsi et eorum heredes imperpetuum habeant 
unam feriam apud Retford singulis annis per octo dies duraturam, vide- 
licet in vigilia et in die et in crastino Sancte Trinitatis et per quinque 
dies sequentes, nisi feria ilia sit ad nocumentum vicinarum feriarum^. 

(Know ye, that, for the improvement of our borough of Retford, we have 
granted... that they and their heirs shall have a fair at Retford to last for eight 
days, to wit on the eve and the day and the morrow of the feast of the Holy 
Trinity and for five days following, provided that that fair be not a nuisance 
to the neighbouring fairs.) 

TINTAGEL, 1225-56. Et quod habeant quolibet anno quasdam 

nundinas apud Tyntajoil in Octabis Sancti Michaelis, duraturas per tres 

dies scilicet in Vigilia Sanctae Fidis et in festo et in crastino Sanctae 


(And that they shall have every year a fair at Tintagel in the Octave of 
St Michael, to wit, on the Eve and the Feast and the morrow of St Faith.) 

LOSTWITHIEL, 1268. Quod habeant semel in anno nundinas in 
burgo suo, scilicet in vigilia et in die et in crastino Sancti Earth. 

(That they shall have a fair once a year in their borough, to wit, on the 
eve and the day and the morrow of St Bartholomew.) 

CHARD, 1271-2. Quia desideramus promotionem burgensium 
nostrorum de Cerde volumus et concedimus...quod predicti burgenses 
habeant imperpetuum nundinas S. Jacobi integre et sine diminucione 
infra metas burgi de Cerde, et mercata sua quolibet die Lune libere sicut 
habere consueverunt. Salvis nobis et successoribus nostris theoloneo et 

* Cf. vol. I, p. 172. ** A common condition. 

Va3] mercantile privileges 251 

amerciamentis et aliis profectibus in predictis nundinis et mercatis pro 
quibuscunque transgressionibus factis. 

(Because we desire the welfare of our burgesses of Chard, we will and grant 
...that the aforesaid burgesses shall have for ever St James's Fair completely 
and without diminution within the bounds of the borough of Chard, and their 
market every Monday as they were wont to have. Saving to us and our 
successors the toll and amercements and other profits made in the aforesaid 
fair and market for all kinds of trespasses.) 

ABERDEEN, 1273. Ut habeant singulis annis a die sancte Trinitatis 
nundinas in burgo nostro de Aberden' per duas septimanas continue 
sequentes duraturas, cum omnibus iuribus, libertatibus, rectitudinibus 
et consuetudinibus ad alias nundinas nostras in burgis nostris per regnum 
nostrum constitutis iuste pertinentibus. 

(That they may have every year from Trinity Sunday a fair in our borough 
of Aberdeen to last for two weeks in succession, with all rights, liberties, dues 
and customs lawfully belonging to our other fairs in our burghs established 
throughout our realm.) 

NEATH, 1280. Sciatis quod volumus et concedimus pro nobis et 
heredibus nostris quod una feria sit in burgo nostro de Neeth singulis 
annis per tres dies ibidem duratura, scilicet in vigilia in die et in crastino 
Sancte Margarete virginis. 

(Know ye that we will and grant for us and our heirs that there shall be one 
fair in our borough of Neath every year to last there for three days, to wit, on 
the eve, the day and the morrow of St Margaret the virgin.) 

NOTTINGHAM, 1284. Et quod ipsi et eorum successores preter 
feriam suam per octo dies ad festum Sancti Matthaei Apostoli durantem, 
habeant imperpetuum unam aliam feriam in eadem villa singulis annis 
per quindecim dies duraturam, videlicet in vigilia, die et in crastino festi 
Sancti Edmundi Regis et Martiris et per duodecim dies sequentes, nisi 
feria ilia sit ad nocumentum vicinarum feriarum. 

(And that they and their successors in addition to their fair lasting for eight 
days at the feast of St Matthew the Apostle, shall have for ever one other 
fair lasting for fifteen days, to wit, on the eve, the feast day and the morrow 
of the feast of St Edmund, King and Martyr, and for twelve days following, 
provided that that fair be no nuisance to the neighbouring fairs.) 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. Et quod habeant unam feriam 
singulis annis in eodem burgo, cum omnibus ad ea spectantibus, a festo 
Inventionis Sancte Crucis usque ad festum Nativitatis S. Johannis 
Baptiste duraturam. 

(And that they shall have one fair in the said borough every year, with all 
things to it pertaining, to last from the feast of the Finding of the Holy Cross 
to the feast of the Nativity of St John the Baptist.) 


(4) Grant of Toll 1 

NOTTINGHAM, 1230. Concessimus etiam...eisdem burgensibus 

et heredibus suis quod capiant tronagium in villa de Notingham de 

mercandisis quae consistunt in pondere, sicut capi consuevit^ in aliis 

burgis et civitatibus per Angliam. 

(We have also granted to the said burgesses and their heirs that they may 
take tronage (i.e. dues for use of pubhc weights) in the town of Nottingham 
from merchandise which is sold by weight, as is wont to be taken in other 
boroughs and cities throughout England.) 

EARN HAM, 1247. Item, habere debent totum tolum quod aliquo 

modo potest accidere in spatio predicto. 

(Item, they ought to have all the toll which in any manner can arise within 
the aforesaid district.) 

HUNTINGDON, 1252. Sciatis quod pro xx libris de nouo incre- 

mento quas burgenses nostri de Huntindon' nobis reddent annuatim 

ad scaccarium nostrum cum firma sua quam actenus soluerunt et adhuc 

soluent ad idem scaccarium nostrum ad duos terminos, concessimus eis. . . 

quod ipsi in perpetuum libe/e capiant et habeant totum theoloneum infra 

uillam sancti luonis et extra in omnibus locis tam tempore nundinarum 

eiusdem uille quam alio tempore, sicut idem burgenses illud theolonium 

melius, plenius et liberius perceperint antequam illud cepissemus in 

manum nostram. 

(Know ye that in consideration of an increase of £20 which our burgesses 
of Huntingdon are to pay to us yearly at our exchequer with the farm which 
they have hitherto paid and will still pay at our said exchequer at two terms, 
we have granted to them... that they shall for ever freely take and have all the 
toll within and without the town of St Ives in all places as well at the time 
of the fair there as at other times, as the said burgesses best and most fully 
and freely took that toll before we took it into our hands.) 

CHRISTCHURCH, 1245-62. Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego 

Baldwinus de Redveriis, filius et heres Baldwini de Redveriis quondam 

comitis Devon et domini Insule, dedi... burgensibus meis Christi ecclesie 

de Twynham et eorum heredibus sive successoribus imperpetuum totum 

thelonium et stallagium et omnes consuetudines cujuscunque mercature 

nundinarum Sancte Fidis cum omnibus suis pertinentiis in villa Christi 

ecclesie de Twynham, tam extra villam quam infra, hereditarie. Salvis 

mihi et heredibus meis attachiamentis et placitis earundem nundinarum. 

(Know all men, present and future, that I Baldwin de Redvers, son and 
heir of Baldwin de Redvers formerly earl of Devon and lord of the Island, 
have given... my burgesses of Christchurch Twynham and their heirs or 
successors for ever in inheritance all the toll and stallage and all customs from 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 176. For grant of tolls to Inverkeithing, see p. 241, and to Brecon, 
P- 317- 

^ Correction from "consueverunt." 

Va6] mercantile privileges 253 

every kind of merchandise at the fair of St Faith with all its appurtenances in 
the town of Christchurch Twynham, both within the town and without. 
Saving to me and my heirs the attachments and pleas of the same fair.) 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Et etiam quod habeant totum 

theolonium et custumam quae ad me pertinet in predicto burgo et extra 

burgum, simul cum potestate distringere pro eisdem theolonio et cus- 

tuma in omnibus locis ubi ea aliquando tempore consueverunt, exceptis 

tredecim placeis et dimidia supradictis, et salvis libertatibus a me con- 

cessis abbati et conventui de Quarr et hominibus suis, priori Christi 

ecclesiae de Twynham et hominibus suis et priori de Appledurcombe et 

hominibus suis,prout cartaeeorum pleniuset melius testantur : Habenda 

et tenenda omnia premissa data et concessa predictis burgensibus et 

eorum heredibus cum omni commoditate et incremento quae in predicto 

burgo accessere poterint sine contradictione, reclamatione seu impedi- 

mento nostri vel heredum aut assignatorum meorum libere &c. 

(And also that they shall have all the toll and custom belonging to me within 
and without the borough together with power to distrain for the same toll 
and custom in all places where they were ever wont to do so, excepting the 
13I places aforesaid, and saving the liberties granted by me to the abbot and 
convent of Quarr and their men, to the prior of Christchurch at Twynham 
and his men, and to the prior of Appledurcombe and his men, as their charters 
testify more fully and better: To have and to hold all the above-mentioned 
given and granted to the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs with all profit 
and increase which can accrue within the borough aforesaid without any 
contradiction, reclamation or hindrance on the part of me or my heirs or 
assigns freely etc.) 

(6) ^ Penalties for Evasion of Toll 

LONDON, 1268. Et quod nullus exponat mercimonia sua vendi- 
cioni que custumam debeant quousque custuma debita levetur, sub 
forisfactura totius averii de quo secus fieri continget. 

(And that no one expose for sale their wares which owe custom until the 
due custom is paid, under forfeiture of the whole of the load in the case of 
which the contrary shall happen to have been done.) 


LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 

NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Et si aliquis de alia schiria venerit qui 

debeat consuetudinem reddere, si cum tolneto decesserit et retentus 

[fuerit] a prefecto vel ab alio, ejus forisfactura erit duodecim solidi ad 

opus domini et reddat tolnetum suum. 

(And if anyone from another shire shall come who ought to pay custom, 
and departs with his toll, if he is detained by the prefect or anyone else, his for- 
feiture shall be twelve shillings to the use of the lord, and he shall pay his toll.) 

^ Subsection 5 — Schedule of Tolls — not represented in this volume, but for one 
at Shrewsbury see 15 Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm. App. 10, p. 2. 


(7) Freedom from Toll (General) 

[AYR, 1202-7^. Concessi etiam burgensibus qui illuc venient ad 
burgum meum inhabitanduin, et ibi sedentes et manentes erunt, ut 
quieti sint a tolneio et omni consuetudine per totam terrain meam de 
dominicis catallis suis. Prohibeo itaque firmiter ne quis in regno meo 
ab aliquo illorum tolneium aut aliquam aliam consuetudinem de dominicis 
catallis exigat, super meam plenariam forisfacturam. 

(I have granted also to my burgesses who shall come thither to inhabit 
my borough, and shall be there settled and dwelling, that they shall be 
quit of toll and of every custom throughout my whole land for their own 
chattels. I forbid therefore that any in my kingdom shall exact from any 
of them for their own chattels toll or any other custom, under my full 
AYR, 1223. 
DINGWALL, 1226^ 
STIRLING, 1227. 

Lines 1,2. For qui... erunt read qui in eodem burgo erunt manentes. 
Line 3. After sint insert inperpetuum. 
Omit omni. 

For terram read regnum. 
LANARK, 1227. As Stirling. 
RUTHERGLEN, 1214-48. As Stirling. 

Lines 1,2. For qui... manentes read et eorum successoribus. 
Line 3. Read liberi sint et quieti. 

[LONDON, 1194^. Omnes cives Londoniarum sint quieti de the- 
loneo et lestagio per totam Angliam et per portus maris. 

(All the citizens of London shall be quit of toll and lestage throughout all 
England and the seaports.)] 
LONDON, 1227 {d). 
Line 2. Omit per totam... mar is. 

Add et omni alia consuetudine per omnes terras nostras 
citra mare et ultra et per portus maris citra mare et ultra 
(as 1 199). 

LONDON, 1268. Quod per totam terram et potestatem nostram 

ubi venerint alibi cum rebus et mercandisis suis, et etiam per omnes 

portus maris tam citra mare quam ultra, quieti sint de thelonio et las- 

tagio et omni alia consuetudine. 

(That throughout all our land and realm wherever they come with their 
goods and merchandise, and also throughout all the seaports both on this 
side of the sea and the other, they be quit of toll and lastage and all other 

LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

^ Vol. I, p. 191. 2 Tj^g recital omits "prohibeo... end." ' See vol. i, p. 181. 

Va7] mercantile privileges 255 

LONDON, 1253 . Et quod iidem cives per totam potestatem nostram, 

tarn citra mare quam ultra, sint quieti de omni theolonio et consuetudine 

in perpetuum, sicut in cartis predictorum regum continetur. 

(And that the same citizens through all our realm, on both sides of the sea, 
shall be quit of all toll and custom for ever, as is contained in the charters of 
the kings aforesaid.) 

LONDON, 1299. Quod ipsi et eorum successores, cives eiusdem 
civitatis, in perpetuum sint quieti de pavagio, pontagio et muragio per 
totum regnum nostrum et totam terram et potestatem nostram. 

(That they and their successors, being citizens of the said city, shall be for 
ever quit of pavage, pontage and murage throughout the whole of our king- 
dom and land and dominion.) 

ROCHESTER, 1227. As London, 1194. 

CAMBRIDGE, 1227 (a)^. Quod cives Cantabrigiae de gilda mer- 
catorum sint quieti de theloneo et passagio et lestagio et pontagio et 
stallagio in feria et extra et per portus maris Angliae et omnium terrarum 
nostrarum citra mare et ultra mare, salvis in omnibus libertatibus civi- 
tatis Londoniae. 

(That the citizens of C. of the merchant guild be quit of toll, etc. in and 
out of fairs and in the seaports of England and of all our lands on both 
sides the sea, saving, etc.) 

WARENMOUTH, 1247. (Cf. Winchester, 1190, vol. i, p. 181.) 

Line i. For cives C. read omnes burgenses predicti burgi de Wame- 
muth et heredes sui. 
For mercatorum read mercatoria. 

2. Omit et stallagio. 

3. Read tam in feria quam extra. 

Insert omnes before portus and omit maris Angliae et. 

4. Omit sal vis... Londoniae. 

HEREFORD, 1227^. Et quod quieti sint de theloneo et lestagio 

et passagio et pontagio et de leue^ et de Danegeld et de gaiwite et de 

omnibus aliis consuetudinibus et exactionibus per totam potestatem 

nostram tam in Anglia quam in omnibus aliis terris nostris. 

(And that they shall be quit of murder and lestage and passage and pontage 
and leave and Danegeld and gaiwite and of all other customs and exactions 
throughout all our realm both in England and all our other lands.) 

BRIDGENORTH, 1227(6). 

Line i. After quieti sint add per totam terram nostram. 
2. After pontagio insert stallagio. 
MONTGOMERY, 1227. As Bridgenorth. 
SHREWSBURY, 1227(a). Do. 

Line 4. Add salvis civitati nostrae Londoniae libertatibus suis. 
WORCESTER, 1227. As Shrewsbury. 
WORCESTER, 1264. Do. 
DEGANWY, 1252. As Bridgenorth. 

^ As 1201 (vol. I, p. 182), inserting "et stallagio." - Cf. vol. i, p. 189. 

^ "Quod est Itcentia" (Worcester confirmation of 1264). 


ABERYST^VYTH, 1277. As Bridgenorth. 
BUILTH, 1278. 

Line 2. For Danegeld read Danegeldis. 
4. For Anglia read Wallia. 

Add sicut villa nostra de Hereford predictis libertatibus et 
quietantiis hactenus usa [est] et gavisa. 
RHUDDLAN, 1278. As Builth. 

Line i . Ajter quieti sint insert per totam terram suam per omnes portus 
2. After passagio insert et stallagio and omit et de leue. . .end. 
WIGAN, 1246. As Liverpool. 
CONWAY, 1284. As Bridgenorth (6). 

Line 2. After passagio insert muragio. 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 
BERE, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 
OVERTON, 1292. Do. 

Line 2. For leue read ostallagio. 
BEAUMARIS, 1296. As Conway. 
CHESTER, 1300. 

Line i. After lestagio znserfmuragio,pavagio<3nrfa/ferpontagio,ettallagio. 

SALISBURY (NEW), 1227. Et quod cives ejusdem civitatis ibidem 

manentes per totam terram sint quieti de theloneo, pontagio, passagio, 

paagio, lestagio, stallagio, cariagio et omni alia consuetudine per totam 

terram nostram de omnibus rebus suis quas per terram vel per aquam 

deportare fecerint. 

(And that the citizens of the said city, living there, shall be quit of toll, 
pontage, passage, paage, lestage, stallage, carriage and of every other custom 
throughout the whole of our land for all their goods which they are transporting 
by land or water.) 

[KILKENNY , 1202-10^. lidem autem burgenses sint quieti de 
theloneo et lastagio et passagio et pontagio et de omnibus aliis consue- 
tudinibus per totam terram et potestatem meam. 

(Moreover the said burgesses shall be quit of toll and lastage and passage 
and pontage and of all other customs throughout my whole land and do- 

CARLOW, 1223. Add preter quam in villa mea de Pembroc et villa mea de 

Weys' (Wexford). 
MOONE, 1223. As Carlow. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. As Kilkenny. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. Do. 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. As Kilkenny, reading Quod for lidem autem 

WATERFORD, 1232. As Bristol. 
CORK, 1242. Do. 
LIMERICK, 1292. Do. 

^ See vol. I, p. 184. ^ See vol. i, p. 184. 

Va7] mercantile privileges 257 

[IPSWICH, 1200^. Quod omnes burgenses de Gipeswic quieti sint 
de theloneo, passagio, pontagio, stallagio, lestagio et omnibus aliis 
consuetudinibus per totam terram nostram et per portus maris. 

(That all the burgesses of Ipswich shall be quit of toll, passage, pontage, 
stallage, lestage, and all other customs throughout the whole of our land and 
the seaports.)] 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line i . Omit omnes burgenses de Gipeswic. 

2. Omit omnibus... et. 

3. Add per omnia dominia nostra que fuerint in manu nostra 
tempore confeccionis hujus carte. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 

Line 2. Omit stallagio. 
NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYME, 1235. As Ipswich, but for per totam 

terram... maris read salvis in omnibus libertatibus civitatis 


CARDIGAN, 1230. Quod ipsi et heredes eorum imperpetuum sint 
quieti de theloneo, passagio et pontagio et omnibus consuetudinibus per 
totam terram nostram. 

(That they and their heirs for ever be quit of toll, passage and bridge dues 
and of all customs throughout all our land.) 

CARDIGAN, 1284. Et quod ipsi a prestacione theolonii per totam 
terram et potestatem nostram immunes sint de cetero et quieti. 

(And that they shall be immune and quit in future from payment of toll 
throughout all our land and dominion.) 

WEST LOOE, } 1243. Et quod burgenses de eodem burgo sint 
liberi et quieti de omnibus consuetudinibus. 

(And that the burgesses of the said borough be free and quit of all customs.) 

MARLBOROUGH, 1239^. Sciatis quod cum contencio mota fuisset 
in curia nostra coram nobis inter probos homines nostros de Merleberg 
querentes et probos homines nostros Suhampton' deforciantes de tel- 
lonio quod predicti homines de Suhampton' capiebant de hominibus 
nostris de Merleberg contra libertates suas quas habent per cartam 
domini Johannis regis patris nostri et per cartam nostram, ut asserebant, 
tandem de licentia nostra taliter inter eos convenit quod omnes homines 
de Merleberg qui sunt in gilda mercanda de Merleberg et hoc affidare 
voluerint, quieti sint imperpetuum de omni consuetudine et omnimodo 

1 See vol. I, p. 188. 

^ An inflated copy printed by Farrer, Lanes. Pipe Rolls, 414 (see critical note), adds 
"ulnagio" after "lestagio." 

^ Placed by Mr Ballard under V a 8, but as the Marlborough claim rested on a 
grant of general freedom from toll by King John in 1204 (omitted in vol. i, p. 190), its 
proper place seems to be here. 

B.ii 17 


tellonio in villa Suhampton' et in omnibus pertinenciis suis de quibus 
homines Suhampton' infra libertatem suam dictos homines de Merleberg 
acquietare possint, non obstante eo quod carta nostrorum hominum de 
Suhampton' prior est cartis predictorum hominum de Merleberg. Et 
similiter homines de Suhampton quieti sint de omni consuetudine et 
tellonio in villa de Merleberg. Nos igitur volentes quod predicta con- 
vencio firma sit et stabilis imperpetuum, ipsam pro nobis concedimus 
et confirmamus. 

(Know ye that whereas a suit had been commenced in our court before us 
between our good men of Marlborough plaintiffs and our good men of South- 
ampton defendants concerning the toll which the aforesaid men of South- 
ampton took from our men of Marlborough contrary to their liberties which 
they had by the charter of our lord king John our father and by our own charter, 
as they alleged, at length by our license it was thus agreed between them, that 
all the men of Marlborough who are of the merchant guild, and are willing 
to swear to that effect, shall for ever be quit of all custom and all manner of 
toll in the town of Southampton and in all its appurtenances, from which tolls 
our men of Southampton can acquit the men of Marlborough within their 
liberty, notwithstanding that the charter of the aforesaid men of Southampton 
is prior to the charters of the aforesaid men of Marlborough, and likewise 
the men of Southampton shall be quit of all custom and toll in the town of 
Marlborough. We therefore willing that the aforesaid agreement shall be 
firm and stable for ever, grant and confirm the same for ourselves.) 

BATH, 12461. Precipimus quod cives de Bathon' qui sunt de gilda 
eorum mercatoria habeant in omnibus eandem quietacionem et liber- 
tatem de omnibus mercatis suis, quocumque venerint per terram vel 
aquam, de theloneo, de passagio, de lestagio et de omnibus aliis con- 
suetudinibus et rebus quam plenius et liberius habent cives nostri 
Winton' de gilda eorum mercatoria. 

(We enjoin that the citizens of Bath who are of their merchant guild shall 
have in all things that quittance and freedom for all their goods, wherever 
they come by land or water, of toll, of passage, of lestage, and of all other 
customs and things which our citizens of Winchester of their merchant guild 
have most fully and freely.) 

BATH, 1275. Sciatis nos concessisse...venerabili patri Roberto 
Bathon. et Wellen. episcopo quod omnes cives et omnes homines sui 
et successorum suorum de civitate sua Bathonie, et ipsorum civium et 
hominum heredes, quieti sint per totum regnum nostrum de theolonio 
et prestatione ejusdem theolonii imperpetuum. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our Venerable Father, Robert, Bishop of 
Bath and Wells, that all the citizens and all the men of himself and his suc- 
cessors of the city of Bath and the heirs of the same citizens and men shall 
be for ever free from toll and the payment of the same toll throughout all our 

^ Confirming a clause of 11 89 omitted in vol. i. 

Va7] mercantile privileges 259 

FAVERSHAM, 1252. Sciatis nos concessisse, etc. baronibus nostris 

de Faveresham quietanciam de theoloneo et omni consuetudine de tota 

vendicione et acato suo per totam Angliam et Normanniam, in cuiuscum- 

que terram venerint. 

(Know ye that we have granted, etc., to our barons of Faversham quittance 
of toll and of all custom on every sale and purchase made by them throughout 
England and Normandy, into whosoever land they shall come.) 

FAVERSHAM, 1252. Werkfri^, witefri, lestagefri et locoffri. 
(Wreck-free, wite-free, lestage-free and lovecop-free.) 

READING, 1253. Quod omnes burgenses de Radinges qui sunt in 

gilda mercatoria^ in Rading' imperpetuum quieti sint de...theloneis, 

passagiis et cariagiis; et vendant et emant vbicunque voluerint, per 

totam Angliam, sine theloneo. 

(That all burgesses of Reading who are in the merchant guild in Reading 
shall for ever be quit of tolls, passages and carriages; and shall sell and buy 
wheresoever they will, over all England, without (payment of) toll.) 

[YORK, 1189-99^. (Henry III in a charter of 1252 recites that he 
has inspected a charter of Richard I granting to citizens of York) 
quietantiam cujuslibet theolonei, lastagii, et de wrek, pontagii, et pas- 
sagii, et de trespas, et de omnibus costumis per totam Angliam, Nor- 
manniam, Aquitaniam, Andegaviam et Pictaviam et per omnes portus 
et costas maris Angliae, Normanniae, Andegaviae, Aquitaniae et Pic- 

(Quittance of every toll and lastage and wreck and pontage and passage 
and from trespass and from all customs throughout all England, Normandy, 
Aquitaine, Anjou and Poitou and through all the ports and coasts of the sea of 
England, Normandy, Anjou, Aquitaine and Poitou.)] 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (c). 

BASINGSTOKE, 1256 (a), (b). Et quod omnes de manerio pre- 

dicto quieti sint de theolonio per totam terram nostram. 

(And that all of the aforesaid manor shall be quit of toll throughout our 
whole land.) 

ORFORD, 1256 (b). Et quod ipsi et eorum heredes imperpetuum 
sint quieti de theolonio per totum regnum et potestatem nostram. 

(And that they and their heirs for ever shall be quit of toll throughout our 
kingdom and dominion.) 

WORCESTER, 1264. Concedimus etiam eisdem ciuibus quod ipsi 
per totam terram et potestatem nostram quieti sint, quantum ad nos 

1 Usually written "wrecfri" (see Cinque Ports, 1278, below). In the Hythe charter 
of 1 156 (vol. I, p. 182) it is "werecfri." For "locoffri," see Index. 

- "In gilda mercatoria" omitted in the copy in Coates' Hist, of Reading (App. vii). 
Por the words omitted, see p. 164. 

* See vol. I, p. 187. 



pertinet, de murag(iis) et de prisa mercandisarum suarum, salua recta 
prisa nostra. 

(We also grant to the said citizens that they shall be quit throughout our 

land and dominion, as far as we are concerned, of murage and of prise of their 

merchandise, saving our right prise.) 

SHREWSBURY, 1265. Quod ipsi et eorum heredes inperpetuum 

sint quieti de omnimoda contribucione muragii facienda in regno nostro. 

(That they and their heirs be quit for ever from every kind of murage 
payment in our realm.) 

MONTGOMERY, 1267. Sciatis quod ad instantiam Edwardi primo- 

geniti nostri carissimi concessimus...nostris burgensibus et probis 

hominibus de Mountgomery quod ipsi et heredes sui imperpetuum quieti 

sint a prestatione muragii per totum regnum nostrum Anglie. 

(Know ye that at the request of our most dear eldest son, we have granted 
to our burgesses and upright men of Montgomery that they and their heirs 
for ever shall be quit of the payment of murage throughout all our realm of 

LYDHAM, 1270. Et quod iidem homines et burgenses imperpetuum 

quieti sint de teoloneo et tallagio per totum regnum et potestatem nostram. 

(And that the same men and burgesses be for ever quit of toll and tallage 
throughout our whole realm and dominion.) 

WINDSOR, 1277. Et quod quieti sint de theoloneo prestando in 

omnibus burgis et villis et dominicis per totum regnum nostrum pre- 


(And that they shall be quit of paying toll in all boroughs, towns and 
demesnes throughout the whole of our realm aforesaid.) 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Ita quod quieti sint de omni theoloneo et 
omni consuetudine, videlicet ab omni lestagio, tallagio, passagio, cayagio, 
rivagio, sponsagio et omni wreceo et de tota venditione, achato et rechato 
suo per totam terram et potestatem nostram^. 

(So that they be quit of every toll and of every custom, to wit, from all 
lestage, tallage, passage, quayage, rivage, sponsage and all wreck and from 
all sale, purchase and repurchase throughout all our land and realm.) 


CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Et quod sint wrecfry, wittefry, lestagefry 
et lovecopfry^. 

(And that they be wreck-free andwite-freeandlestage-freeandlovecop-free.) 

^ This is an expanded copy of the similar clause in the Hastings charter of 1155-8 
(vol. I, p. 183). 

^ For an earlier grant in 1252 see above. 

^ This is practically a copy of a clause in the Hythe charter of 1156 (vol. I, p. 182).. 
See also Faversham, 1252, above, and note. 

Va7] mercantile privileges 261 

NETHER WEARE, 1278-9. Sciatis nos...confirmasse dilecto et 
fideli nostro Auncelmo de Gornay, militi, nobiscum in obsequio nostro 
in partibus Scotie commoranti, quod ipse et omnes burgenses sui et 
heredes eorum de Nethenvere in comitatu Somerset erunt liberi de 
omnibus custumis in omnibus mercandizis quecunque mercandise in 
toto regno nostro ubi per nos liberari possunt imperpetuum, sicut coram 
nobis recordatum est quod dicti Auncelmus et burgenses sui habuerunt 
ex concessione antecessoris nostri Henrici primi (sic) Mauricio le (sic) 
Gaunt^ militi. 

(Know ye that we have confirmed to our beloved and faithful knight, 
Anselm de Gornay, serving with us in the parts of Scotland, that he and all 
his burgesses of Nether Weare in the county of Somerset shall be free of all 
customs on all their merchandises, whatever merchandise can be freed from 
custom by us in all our realm, according as it has been recorded in our presence 
that the said Anselm and his burgesses had this right by the grant of our 
ancestor Henry the First to Sir Maurice le Gaunt.) 

NEWPORT (Salop), 1287. Et quod quieti sint de muragio per totum 
regnum nostrum. 

(And that they be quit of murage throughout our realm.) 

HULL, 1299. Quod dicti burgenses et eorum heredes per totum 
regnum et potestatem nostram de theolonio, pontagio, passagio, paviagio, 
muragio et omnibus aliis consuetudinibus de rebus et mercandisis suis 
propriis prestandis inperpetuum sint quieti^. 

(That the said burgesses and their heirs throughout all our kingdom and 
realm shall be quit of paying toll, pontage, passage, pavage and murage and 
all other customs on their own goods and wares for ever.) 


Line 3. After muragio insert cavagio (due for cellarage), lastagio, car- 
riagio, picagio, kaiagio, ryvagio, et de tota vendicione, achato et 
rechato suo per totum regnum etc. (as above) cum socco et 
sacca, et tol et theam, warda et wardpeny. 

BRISTOL, 1300. Quod ipsi et successores sui, burgenses ejusdem 
villae, inperpetuum sint quieti de muragio, stallagio et pavagio^ per totum 
regnum nostrum et potestatem nostram. 

(That they and their successors, burgesses of the same town, shall be for 
ever quit of murage, stallage and pavage throughout the whole of our kingdom 
and dominion.) 

EXETER, 1300. 

Line 2. Omit stallagio. 

^ Maurice de Gaunt called also Maurice Paynel (? 1 184-1230) was the son of Robert 
de Were who died 1 195 (15 E.H.R. 309) ; so that the grantor of the charter cannot have 
been Henry I. 

^ Ravenserod, 1299, in same terms. ^ Corrected from "pannagio." 


BARNSTAPLE, 1272-1307. Quod ipsi et successores sui burgenses 
eiusdem burgi imperpetuum sint quieti de muragio et pavagio per totum 
regnum nostrum et potestatem nostram. 

(That they and their heirs, being burgesses of the said borough, may for 
ever be quit of murage and pavage throughout all our realm and dominion.) 
BEVERLEY, 1307. 

LINCOLN, 1301. Quod ipsi et successores sui, cives ejusdem civi- 
tatis, inperpetuum sint quieti de muragio, pavagio, pontagio, cayagio^ 
stallagio et terragio per totum regnum nostrum, terram nostram et 

(That they and their heirs, citizens of the said city, shall be for ever quit 
of murage, pavage, pontage, wharfage, stallage and terrage throughout our 
realm, etc.) 

NORWICH 1305. Quod ipsi et successores sui predicti in perpetuum 
sint quieti de theolonio, pontagio, passagio, muragio, pavagio, lastagio, 
cariagio, picagio, cayagio, et rivagio per totum regnum nostrum et 
potestatem nostram. 

(That they and their successors for ever be quit of toll, pontage, passage, 
murage, pavage, lastage, carriage, picage, quayage, and rivage throughout 
all our kingdom and all our power.) 

(8) Freedom from Toll (Partial) ^ 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-29. Quod de cetero sint liberi de 
stallagio in villa Penbroc. 

(That from henceforth they shall be quit of stallage in the town of Pem- 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1 219-31. Noveritis nos concessisse...di- 
lectis et fidelibus burgensibus nostris de Haverford ut quieti sint per 
totam terram nostram de tonnagio. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our beloved and faithful burgesses of 
Haverford(west) that they shall be quit of tonnage throughout all our land.) 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1234-41. Noverit universitas vestra nos 
concessisse. . .dilectis burgensibus nostris de Haverford(west) et heredibus 
suis quod per totam terram nostram tam in Anglia quam in Wallia, 
Hibernia et Scocia et ubicunque posse nostrum extendit, exceptis 
dominicis nostris, ubi consuetudines dare consueverunt, quieti sint de 
toloneo, pontagio, et passagio, et de omnibus consuetudinibus, sicut 
ipsos melius et liberius super premisses quietos facere possumus et 

1 See also I 7 (Poole, c. 1248) and I 8 (Yamiouth, 1240-62). 


(Be it known to you all that we have granted... to our beloved burgesses of 
Haverford(west) and their heirs that throughout the whole of our land as well 
in England as in Wales, Ireland and Scotland and wherever our power extends, 
except our demesnes, wherever they are wont to pay customs, they shall be 
free from toll and pontage and passage and from all customs, as we can best 
and most freely make them quit and free in respect of the premises.) 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230. Et salvis nobis et successoribus nostris quod 
homines nostri, tarn liberi quam alii, de feodo nostro et homines prioris 
et conventus Dunelmensis, tam Hberi quam alii, sint liberi de theloneo 
in perpetuum de predicto burgo de Hertilpole. 

(And saving to us and our successors that our men of our fee, both free 
and others, and the men of the prior and convent of Durham, both free and 
others, shall be free of toll for ever in the aforesaid borough of Hartlepool.) 

SALFORD, c. 1230. Burgenses predicti et omnes sui, de quocunque 
emerint vel venderint, ubicunque fuerint in dominicis meis, sive in 
nundinis sive in foris, erunt quieti de tolneto, salvo tolneto salis. 

(The aforesaid burgesses and all their men of whomsoever they may buy 
or sell wherever they may be in my demesnes, whether in fairs or markets, 
shall be quit of toll, saving the toll of salt.) 
BOLTON, 1253. 

Line 3. After foris read sive in omnibus terris nostris. 

Omit salvo... salis and read salvis libertatibus nostris per cartas 
nostras prius datas et usitatas. (Pdatis et usitatis.) 
STOCKPORT, c. 1260. 
Line i. Omit et omnes sui. 

2. For dominicis meis read comitatu Cestrie. 

3. After salvo insert in les Wyches. 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Burgensis, de quocunque emerit vel 
venumdaverit in feodo predicti domini, liber erit a tolneto. 

(A burgess, of whomsoever he may buy or sell within the fee of the aforesaid 
lord, shall be quit of toll.) 

LEEK, after 1224^. Ut sint liberi per totam Cestresiriam et quieti 
de tolneio in aquis et villis et in omnibus locis, sicut carta que de domino 
comite habemus de quietancia tolneii testatur, excepto sale in Wychis. 

(That they be quit throughout all Cheshire of toll in waters, towns and all 
places, as is witnessed by the charter which we have from our lord the earl 
concerning quittance of toll, except salt in the Wyches.) 

DUNHEVED, 1225-56. (Richard, Earl of Cornwall.) Et quod 
quieti sint per totam terram nostram de puntage, de astalage, de suillage, 
et omnibus aliis consuetudinibus. 

(And that they be quit throughout all our land of pontage, stallage, and 
suUage, and all other customs.) 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 194. 


PLYMPTON, 1242. Preterea concessimus dictis burgensibus et 

heredibus suis quod sint liberi et quieti a tolneto et omni consuetudine 

per omnes terras nostras. 

(Moreover, we have granted to the said burgesses and their heirs that they 
shall be free and quit of toll and every custom throughout all our lands.) 

CHIPPING CAMPDEN, 1247. (Letters patent of Henry HI con- 
firming) Concessionem quam Ranulfus quondam Comes Cestrie^ fecit 
eisdem burgensibus de eo quod ipsi et omnes qui venient ad forum suum 
de Campeden sint quieti de theloneo.... 

Et concessionem quod Rogerius de Sumery^ fecit predictis burgensi- 
bus de eo quod ipsi et eorum heredes, et omnes illi qui venient ad 
mercatum et feriam de Campeden, quieti sint imperpetuum de omni- 
modo theloneo et consuetudine ad dictum mercatum et predictam feriam 
pertinentibus, et quod habeant inperpetuum eandem libertatem de 
theloneo et consuetudine in predictis mercato et feria quam habuerunt 
tempore predicti comitis. 

(The grant wrhich Ranulf, formerly Earl of Chester, made to the same 
burgesses, that they and all who should come to the market of Campden should 
be quit of toll 

And the grant which Roger de Sumery made to the aforesaid burgesses 
that they and their heirs, and all who should come to the market and fair of 
Campden, should be free for ever from all kind of toll and custom pertaining to 
the said market and fair, and that they should have for ever the same liberty 
from toll and custom in the same market and fair as they had in the time of the 
aforesaid Earl.) 

UTTOXETER, 1252. (Wm de Ferrers) [Concessimus etiam pre- 
dictis burgensibus, ut predictum est, et omnibus infra communitatem 
suam]^ quod sint in omnibus terris nostris et libertatibus propriis quieti 
a tolneto ubicumque transierint imperpetuum, salvis aliorum cartis ante 
istam cartam confectis et usitatis. 

(We have granted also to the aforesaid burgesses, as aforesaid, and to all 
within their community, that they shall be quit of toll for ever wherever they 
go in all our lands and in their own liberties, saving the charters* of others 
made and used before this charter.) 

WEYMOUTH, 1252. Quod omnes burgenses nostri infra metas 
prescriptas in dicta villa manentes liberi sint et quieti de thelonio in 
aquis et in terris. 

(That all our burgesses dwelling in the said town within the aforesaid 
bounds be free and quit of toll in waters and lands.) 

^ Probably Ranulf de Blundeville (1181-1232). 
^ Died 1272; Cal. Inqiiisitionum, Edw. I, Nos. 16, 813. 
^ Reconstructed from the translation by Mosley. 
■* The translation adds: "and liberties." 

Va8] mercantile privileges 265 

LEICESTER, c. 1254. Noverit vniuersitas vestra nos remisisse et 
quietos clamasse imperpetimm pro nobis et heredibus nostris omnes 
illos denarios qui aliquo modo nomine pontagii ad pontes nostros Ley- 
cestrie exigi et capi solebant, qui vocabantur Briggesiluir et insimul 
omnes illos denarios qui in villa nostra Leycestrie exigi et capi solebant 
qui vocabantur gouilpeniis, ita quod nee nos nee heredes nostri nee 
aliquis nomine nostro decetero de burgensibus nostris Leycestrie uel 
eorum heredibus seu successoribus uel ab aliquibus aliis de quocunque 
loco fuerint, nomine predictorum denariorum qui vocabantur Briggesiluir 
et gouilpeniis aliquid capere uel exigere valeamus, nee quod dicti bur- 
genses vel heredes sui siue successores aliquid ab aliquibus nomine 
Briggesiluir et gouilpeniis aliquo modo capere possint uel exigere. 

(Be it known to you all that we have remised and quitclaimed for ever for 
us and our heirs all those pence which in any manner under the name of 
pontage were wont to be exacted and taken at our bridges in Leicester, and 
were called Bridgesilver, and also all those pence which were wont to be 
exacted and taken in our town of Leicester and were called Gavelpennies, so 
that neither we nor our heirs nor any person in our name henceforth shall be 
able to take or exact anything from our aforesaid burgesses of Leicester and 
their heirs, nor from any persons from whatever place they may be, in the 
name of the aforesaid pennies called Bridgesilver and Gavelpennies. And 
that the said burgesses or their heirs or successors shall not be able to take or 
exact anything from any persons in any manner under the name of Bridge- 
silver and Gavelpennies. 

TINTAGELy 1225-56. Et quieti per totam terram nostram Cor- 
nubie de pontagio et stallagio. 

(And shall be quit throughout all our land of Cornwall of pontage and 

BODMIN, 1225-57, (Richard, earl of Cornwall to prior and canons 
of Bodmin.) Volumus etiam et concedimus quod burgenses sui de 
Bodmin sint liberi et quieti de omnibus consuetudinibus et exaccionibus 
per totam Cornubiam. 

(We will also, and grant that their burgesses of Bodmin shall be free and quit 
of all customs and exactions throughout the whole of Cornwall.) 

DUNSTER, 1254-7. Et quod emptores vel venditores in foro de 

Dunsterre sint quieti de tholoneto, nisi eorum emptio vel venditio 

transeat duodecim denariis. 

(And that purchasers and vendors in the market of Dunster be quit of toll, 
unless their purchase or sale exceeds twelve pence.) 

Similiter, piscatores et mercatores bladorum sint in eodem foro quieti 

de tholoneto in perpetuum. 

(Similarly, fishermen and commerchants shall be quit of toll in the same 
market for ever.) 


MACCLESFIELD, 1261. Et quod quieti sint per totam terram 
Cestersirie, tarn per aquam quam per terram, de tolneo, passagio, pon- 
tagio, stallagio, lestagio et omnibus aliis consuetudinibus, excepto sale 
in Wycis. 

(And that they be quit throughout the whole of our land of Cheshire, both 
by water and by land, of toll, passage, pontage, stallage, lestage and all other 
dues, except salt in the Wyches.) 
ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. 

Line 2. For Cestersirie read meam. 

3. After aliis insert servilibus (corrected from servis). 
Omit excepto sale in Wycis. 

AGARDSLEY, 1263. Quod liberi et quieti sint passagiis et 

tolneto per totam terram meam imperpetuum. 

(That they shall be free and quit of ^... and of passage and tolls throughout 
the whole of my land for ever.) 

[TRURO, 1 166. (Reginald, earl of Cornwall.) Et quod quieti sint de 

theloneo dando per totam Cornubiam in feriis et in foris et ubicunque 

emerint et vendiderint. 

(And that they be quit of giving toll throughout all Cornwall in fairs and 
markets and wherever they buy and sell.)] 

LOSTWITHIEL, 1268. Add et etiam de pontagio, passagio, lastagio et 

CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274. ^t quod pretextu carte concessionis et 

confirmacionis libertatum burgorum nostrorum quam a domino rege 

habemus, sint absoluti in perpetuum per omnia loca Cestresirie ac tam 

per terram quam per aquam, sub defensione et protectione nostra et 

heredum nostrorum, cum omnibus mercandisis suis de tolneto, stallagio, 

passagio, pontagio, lestagio, et muragio et omnibus aliis impechiamentis 

que mercandisas tangunt, nisi de racionabilibus emendis, si trans- 


(And that, by virtue of a charter of grant and confirmation of liberties to 
our boroughs which we have from our lord the King, they are absolved for 
ever through all places of Cheshire both by land and by water, under the 
guard and protection of us and our heirs, with all their merchandise, from toll, 
stallage, passage, pontage, lestage, and murage, and all other hindrances which 
concern merchandise, except from reasonable fines, if they transgress.) 

LAUNCESTON, 1274. Earl Edmund granted that the men of the 

prior and convent of Lanceuaton and of La Niweport might freely bake 

and brew in those towns, and might sell and buy bread, wine, ale, flesh, 

fish and all other victuals needful as well for horses as for men, without 

market or having claim made for toll, excepting nevertheless to the said 

prior, etc., their former accustomed fairs and markets and the liberties 

thereto belonging 2. 

^ See II B II. 2 Pqj. continuation see VI 2. 


WELSHPOOL, 1241-C. 1286. Concessi etiam burgensibus eisdem 
et heredibus suis quod sint quieti de theolonio et theam, de passagio, 
pontagio per omnes terras meas, de herieto, de relevio, de talliagio, et 
de omnibus consuetudinibus mihi et heredibus meis pertinentibus. 

(I have also granted to the same burgesses and their heirs that they be quit 
of toll and team, of passage and pontage throughout all my lands, of heriot 
and relief, of tallage and all customs to me and my heirs appertaining.) 

LLANFYLLIN, after 1286. 

BAKEWELL, 1286. Et quod quilibet burgensis liber sit a prestacione 

(And that every burgess shall be free from payment of toll.) 

DENBIGH, 1290. Sciatis quod concessimus pro nobis et heredibus 
nostris dilecto et fideH nostro Henrico de Lasce, comite Lincoln', quod 
omnes homines sui villam suam de Dinebegh nunc inhabitantes seu 
inposterum inhabitaturi per omnes terras nostras Wallie et eciam per 
comitatus nostros Cestr', Staff', Sallop', Glouc', Wygorn' et Heref de 
theolonio, stallagio, paiagio, pavagio, muragio, pontagio et passagio 
imperpetuum sint quieti. 

(Know ye that we have granted for us and our heirs to our beloved and 
faithful Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, that all his men now dwelling in his 
town of Denbigh, or who shall dwell there hereafter, shall be quit for ever 
throughout all our lands of Wales, and also our counties of Chester, Stafford, 
Salop, Gloucester, Worcester and Hereford, of toll, stallage, paiage, pavage, 
murage, pontage and passage.) 

NEWPORT (Isle of Wight), 1262-93. Sciant presentes et futuri 
quod ego Isabella de Fortibus, comitissa Albemarl' et Devon' et domina 
Insulae, in ligia viduitate et plena potestate mea dedi et concessi... bur- 
gensibus meis de Novo Burgo de Medina omnimodam libertatem de 
theolonio et de omnibus aliis consuetudinibus unde liberi burgenses 
libertatem habeant, quantum in me pertinet, per totam terram meam 
in villis, in viis, in terra, in mare, in portu, in nundinis, in mercatis, in 
vendicionibus, in empcionibus, in burgo et extra burgum, et in omnibus 
locis et omnibus rebus suis. 

(Know all men, present and future, that \, Isabella de Forz, countess of 
Albemarle and Devon, and lady of the Island, in my loyal widowhood and full 
power have given and granted to my burgesses of the New Borough of Medina 
all manner of liberty from toll and all other customs from which free burgesses 
have freedom, as far as pertains to me, in towns, in ways, on land, on sea, in 
harbour, in fairs, in markets, in sales, in purchases, in borough and without 
borough, and in all places and for all their goods.) 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et quieti de tollonio et releviis in per- 
petuum, et de sectis curiarum...Wappentach', et de misis, scotagio 
omnimodo, et talliagio. 


(And that they be quit of toll and relief for ever, and of suits of the courts. . . ^ 
wapentake, and of mises^ and all manner of scotage, and tallage.) 

TENBY, 1265-94. Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos Willelmus 

de Valencia, dominus Pembrochie, ex assensu et voluntate Johanne 

uxoris nostre dedimus concessimus et...confirmavimus...dilectis et fide- 

libus burgensibus nostris de Tenebia quietanciam stallagii, passagii, 

tollonei, lastagii, muragii, et pontagii ad nos vel heredes nostros vel ad 

terras nostras pertinencium in perpetuum. 

(Know all men, present and future, that we, William de Valence, lord of 
Pembroke, with the assent and free will of Joan our wife, have given granted 
and confirmed to our beloved and faithful burgesses of Tenby quittance for 
ever of stallage, passage, toll, lastage, murage, and pontage pertaining to us 
or our heirs or our lands.) 

DENBIGH, 1282-90. Estre ceo nous avoms graunte a les avaunt- 

ditz burgeis et a lour heirs et a lour assignez avauntditz qils soyent 

fraunkes de Tolune et de estalage par totes nos terres de Gales et 


(We have also granted to the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs and assigns 
aforesaid that they shall be free of toll and stallage in all our lands in Wales 
and England.) 

SHEFFIELD, 1297. Quod dicti tenentes et eorum heredes tarn 

ementes quam vendentes sint quieti per totum Hallumschire ubicunque 

ex omni exactione et peticione tolonei, sicut esse solebant tempore 

antecessorum meorum, imperpetuum. 

(That the said tenants and their heirs, as well buyers as sellers, shall every- 
where throughout all Hallamshire be quit from all exaction and demand of 
toll, as they were wont to be in the time of my ancestors, for ever.) 

SWANSEA, 1306. Concedimus eciam quod passagium de Sweyn' 
presto habeatur omnibus et singulis burgensibus predictis et de eorum 
manupastu existentibus et animalibus eorum ac rebus uniuersis in per- 
petuum sine naulo conferendo preter communem coUectam garbarum 
quam custos dicti passagii faciet, si voluerit, tempore messionis. Et si 
aliqui predictorum requisiti garbas soluere recusauerint, soluant naulum, 
si voluerint transfretare. Et si dictus custos super negligencia conuincatur, 
pro demeritis suis punietur [immediate?]. 

(We grant also that Swansea ferry shall be for ever at the service of all and 
singular the aforesaid burgesses and those of their mainpast and their animals 
and all their possessions without payment of fare save the common collection 
of sheaves which the ferryman shall make, if he pleases, in harvest time. And 
if any of the aforesaid shall refuse to pay sheaves when requested, they shall pay 
the fare, if they wish to cross. And if the said ferryman is convicted of negli- 
gence he shall [at once?] be punished for his faults.) 

^ Erasure between "cur"' and " wapentach'." 
^ Local taxation. 


(9) Prohibition of Illegal or Wrongly Levied Toll 

GLASGOW, 1226. Sciant presentes et futuri nos concessisse...Deo 
et ecclesie Sancti Kentegerni de Glasgu et Waltero, episcopo ejusdem 
loci, et successoribus suis episcopis, ne prepositi vel ballivi vel servientes 
nostri de Rutherglen tolneum aut consuetudinem capiant in villa de 
Glasgu, set ilia capiant ad Crucem de Schedenestun sicut ilia antiquitus 
capi solebant. 

(Know all men, present and future, that we have granted to God and St Ken- 
tegem of Glasgow, and to Walter, bishop of the same place and his successors 
being bishops, that no provost or baillie or serjeant of ours of Rutherglen 
shall take toll or custom in the town of Glasgow, but shall take them at the 
cross of Shettleston as they were of old wont to be taken.) 

(10) Retaliation 

[LONDON, 1155-^. Et si quis in tota Anglia theloneum vel consue- 
tudinem ab hominibus Londoniarum ceperit, postquam ipse a recto 
defecerit, vicecomes Londoniarum namium inde apud Londonias capiat. 

(And if any in the whole of England take toll or custom from the men of 
London, after he has failed to redress, the sheriff of London shall take distress 
therefor at London.)] 

LONDON, 1227 (d). 

Line i . For in tota Anglia read in aliqua terrarum nostrarum citra mare 
vel ultra sive in portubus maris citra mare vel ultra (as 1199). 
Before consuetudinem insert aliquam aliam (as 1199). 
3. For vicecomes read vicecomites. 
LONDON, 1 268-. As 1227. 

Line i. Before theloneum insert contra banc concessionem. 
2. After ceperit insert excepta prisa predicta. 
MELCOMBE [REGIS], 1280. As London, 1268. 
LYME [REGIS], 1285. As Melcombe. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. Do. 

LINCOLN, 1227^. As London, 1155, reading prepositus. 
ROCHESTER, 1227. Do. reading prepositi. 

WARENMOUTH, 1247. As London, 1155 (revised for Winchester, 11 90*). 
Line i. For Anglia read terra nostra. 

2. After hominibus de W. read de gilda mercatoria. 

3. For vicecomes Londoniarum rea^ vicecomes Norhumbr' vel pre- 
positus de Warnemuth. 

[BRISTOL, 1188^. Et si aliquis alicubi in terra mea ceperit thelo- 
neum de hominibus Bristalli, si non reddiderit postquam requisitus 
fuerit reddere, prepositus Bristalli capiat inde namium apud Bristallum 
et distringat reddere. 

^ Vol. I, p. 195. Quoted B.C. i, 120. 

^ Cf. Lynn, 1268, in VII 2. * Cf. vol. I, p. 195 n. 

' Vol. I, p. 196. 5 j^-j. 


(And if any person anywhere in my land take toll from the men of Bristol, 
if he does not return it when asked to return, the reeve of Bristol shall take 
distress therefor at Bristol and distrain him to return it.)] 

BRISTOL, 1252. 

Line i. Omit mea and insert injuste. 

2. For si read et. For Bristalli read BristoUiae. 

3. For inde read pro eo. 
WATERFORD, 1232. As Dublin, 1200. 

Line i . After terra add vel potestate. 

Lines 2, 3. For Bristalli, etc. read civitatis. 
CORK, 1242. As Waterford. 
LIMERICK, 1292. 

Line 2. For si read et illud. 

Line 3. After inde insert in. 

DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Quod si aliquis in terra vel potestate 
nostra a dictis burgensibus theolonium vel consuetudinem injuste ceperit, 
et postquam requisitus fuerit quod sic iniuste cepit non restituerit, tunc 
liceat eisdem burgensibus vel prepositis inde namium capere infra pre- 
dictum burgum. 

(That if any person in our land or realm unjustly take toll or custom from 
the said burgesses, and after he has been asked, will not return what he has 
thus unjustly taken, then it shall be lawful for the same burgesses or reeves 
to take distress therefor within the borough aforesaid.) 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Si forte contigerit quod theloneum captum 
fuerit de aliquo burgensi in terra mea vel potestate, si ille qui ceperit 
reddere requisitus fuerit et contradixerit, per namia ejusdem loci unde 
ipse est, si inventa fuerint apud Kylkenn', reddere distringatur 

(If by chance it should happen that toll should be taken of any burgess in 
my land or dominion, and if the taker be asked to return it, and refuse to do 
so, he shall be distrained to repay it by distress from the place to which he 
belongs, if such can be found at Kilkenny.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 

Line 2. For ille qui read quis. 

4. For distringatur read distringantur. 
MOONE, 1223. 

NEW ROSS, c. 1279. As Kilkenny. 

Line 4. For distringatur read distringantur. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. As New Ross. 

(11) Reservation of Toll 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230. Salvis nobis et successoribus nostris rectis 
consuetudinibus nobis debitis et consuetis in omnibus. 

(Saving to us and our successors the right customs due to us and accustomed 
in all things.) 

^ Vol. I, p. 196. 


POOLE, c. 1248. Salvis mihi et heredibus meis de singulis navibus 

ad partes transmarinas peregrines transferentibus duobus solidis. 

(Saving to me and my heirs two shillings from every ship carrying pilgrims 
to parts across the sea.) 

POOLE, c. 1248. Salvo tamen mihi et heredibus meis, de singulis 

vasis alienigenarum blada venalia apportantibus, per conductionem modii 

curie mee de Kaneford eisdem ad mensurandum bladum suum comodati, 

uno busello bladi. 

(Saving nevertheless to me and my heirs, from every ship belonging to 
aliens laden with com for sale, one bushel of corn for the hire of the measure 
of our court of Canford lent to them for measuring their corn.) 

CLITHEROE, 1272-91. Excepto quocunque thelonio quod ad opus 

nostrum et heredum nostrorum retinuimus. 

(Except the toll of every kind, which we have retained for the use of our- 
selves and our heirs.) 

(12) Liberty of Access to Markets and Fairs 

[AYR, 1 202-7 1. Mando itaque et firmiter precipio ut omnes homines 

qui cum merchaturis suis ad vendendum et emendum ad ilium predictum 

burgum meum venerint, firmam pacem meam habeant et forum exerceant 

et in bene et pace {sic) redeant. 

(I command therefore and firmly ordain that all men who with their 
merchandise shall come to that my aforesaid burgh to sell or buy, shall have 
my firm peace and shall make use of the market, and shall return well and 
in peace.)] 


Line i. For Mando... precipio read Precipio eciam. 
2. For merchaturis read mercansis. 
4. Add Salvis rectitudinibus predicti burgi mei. 

[ABERDEEN, 1214^. Meamque firmam pacem dedi juste omnibus 

probis hominibus qui ad forum illud venient. Et prohibeo ne quis eis 

in veniendo ad forum vel in redeundo injuriam vel molestiam aut 

gravamen injuste inferat, super meam plenariam forisfacturam. 

(And I have justly given my firm peace to all upright men who shall come 
to that market. And I forbid any unjustly to do any injury or annoyance or 
hurt to them either in coming to the market or returning, under pain of my 
full forfeiture.) 

STIRLING, 1226. 

Line 2. For eis read illis qui ad predictum forum venient. 

MONTGOMERY, 1227. Volumus insuper quod omnes mercatores 
terrarum nostrarum et mercatores aliarum terrarum qui sunt ad pacem 
nostram et eorum mercandisae, ad predictum burgum venientes et 
1 Vol. I, p. 199. 2 Tjj^ 


ibidem morantes et inde recedentes, habeant libertatem venire, stare et 
recedere, tarn per aquas quam per terram, et quod habeant liberos in- 
troitus in terram nostram et liberos exitus^ a terra nostra sine omni 
impedimento ballivorum nostrorum et aliorum, faciendo debitas et 
rectas consuetudines. 

(We will moreover that all merchants of our own lands and merchants of 
other lands who are at peace with us and their merchandise, coming to the 
aforesaid borough and there sojourning and thence departing, shall have 
liberty of coming, staying and departing, both by water and by land, and that 
they shall have free entrances into our land, and free exits from our land 
without any hindrance on the part of our bailiffs and those of other persons, 
on paying their wonted and right dues.) 


DEGANWY, 1252. 


MONTGOMERY, 1228-9. Quod omnes secure 

veniant ad predictam villam de Mungumery cum rebus et mercandisis 

suis, faciendo rectas et usitatas consuetudines et sint sub protectione 

nostra et heredum nostrorum in veniendo, morando, et redeundo. 

(That all merchants... and shall come safely to the aforesaid town of 
Montgomery with their goods and merchandise, doing the right and usual 
customs and shall be under our protection and that of our heirs in coming, 
tarrying and returning.) 

[LYNN, 1204^. Et quicunque mercatores petierint burgum ilium 
cum mercatu suo, de quocunque loco sint, sive extranei sive alii qui de 
pace nostra fuerint vel de licentia nostra in terram nostram venerint, 
veniant, morentur et recedant in salva pace mea, reddendo rectas con- 
suetudines illius burgi. 

(And whatever merchants shall seek that borough with their merchandise, 
of whatever place they may be, whether strangers or others who are of our 
peace or have come into our land by our license, they may come, sojourn and 
depart in my safe peace, on paying the due customs of that borough.)] 

Line 4. For veniant... mea read salvo et secure ad predictum burgum 
veniant cum mercandisis suis et salvo inde recedant. 
For reddendo read faciendo. 
After rectas insert et debitas. 
WIGAN, 1246. As Liverpool. 

WARENMOUTH, 1247. (As Winchester, 1215, vol. i, p. 197.) 
Line i . Read quicunque adierint. 

2. For mercatu read mercandisa. 
Omit qui... venerint. 

4. After rectas insert debitas. 

5 . Omit illius burgi and add et prohibemus ne quis super hoc eis 
faciat impedimentum. 

BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. As Liverpool (Lynn) omitting the first 
and third variants in line 4. 

^ For intoU and outtoU at Durham, see vol. i, p. 192. ^ Vol. I, p. 197. 


DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. Et quod nulius impediat aliquod 
genus mercandise que ad predictum burgum venire voluerit, nee per 
mare, nee per terram, sed in pace veniat et redeat sine aliquo impedi- 

(And that no one hinder any kind of merchandise which wishes to come to 
the aforesaid borough, neither by land nor by sea, but it shall come and return 
in peace without any hindrance.) 

DROGHEDA (Louth), 1253. 

Line 2. For que... voluerit read quod aliquis mercator ad predictum 
burgum ducere voluerit. 
3. After redeat insert libere et. 
SCARBOROUGH, 1253 (&)• 
Line 2. As Drogheda (Louth). 

3. For et redeat read moretur et recedat libere et. 

GLASGOW, 1243. Concessimus etiam... omnibus venientibus ad 
nundinas et forum de Glasgu et inde recedentibus firmam pacem et 
protectionem nostram, firmiter prohibentes ne quis ad dictas nundinas 
et forum de Glasgu venientibus et inde recedentibus malum, injuriam, 
molestiam inferat aut gravamen, contra hanc concessionem nostram, 
quominus ad dictas nundinas libere et ad forum de Glasgu cum voluerint 
venire et inde recedere possint sine alicujus ballivi impedimento, super 
nostrum plenarium merciamentum^ decern librarum. 

(We have also granted... our firm peace and protection to all coming to the 
fair and market of Glasgow and returning thence, straitly forbidding every 
one from inflicting any evil, injury, harm or trouble on those who are going 
to the said fair and market or returning thence, against this our grant, whereby 
they may be hindered from coming to the said fair and market of Glasgow 
freely when they wish and returning thence, without hindrance from any 
baillie of ours, under penalty of our full amercement of £10.) 

GLASGOW, 1275. (Abstract.) Charter granted be king Alexander 
(the Third).,. which beirs the said king Alexander to direct his charter 
to the Shirreff, baillies and proveists of Dumbartan, and to say to them, 
theirby that they know full weill how his majestic had granted to the 
bishop of Glasgow that his men of Glasgow might goe to and return 
from Argyle with their merchandize frielie and without any impediment, 
and becaus the same wes granted by his majestic to the said bishop 
before the foundation of the burgh of Dumbarton, commanding theirfor 
that if they had taken ony thing from the said bishop, his men, that 
without delay they would make restitutione, and that non should vex or 
trouble them against this concession, upon his majesties heighest dis- 

^ Corrected from "mercimoniam." 
B.ii 18 


LANARK, 1285. Et quod omnes qui ligna aut meremium attrahunt 

ad dictum nostrum burgum de Lanark sustendandum nostram firmam 

pacem habeant. 

(And that all who bring beams or timber for the support of our burgh of 
Lanark shall have our firm peace.) 

" SKYNBURGH," 1301. Et concessimus eidem abbati et conventui 

quod omnes mercatores tam terrarum nostrarum quam mercatores 

alienigene, dumtamen de amicitia nostra et ad pacem nostram existant, 

ad predictum burgum cum rebus et mercandisis suis per terram vel per 

aquam venire volentes, libere ibidem tam per terram quam per aquam 

venire et ibidem morari et de mercandisis suis predictis negotiare et 

exinde redire possint sine impedimento, dumtamen legales mercandisas 

exerceant et inde faciant consuetudines debitas et consuetas in regno 


(And we have granted to the said abbot and convent that all merchants 
both from our lands and aliens, so long as they are in friendship and peace 
with Us, who wish to come to the aforesaid borough with their goods and 
wares by land or by water, may freely come there by land or by water and 
remain there and do business with their aforesaid wares and return thence 
without hindrance, provided that they exercise lawful trades and pay therefor 
the customs due and wonted in our realm.) 


(13) Free Navigation of Rivers 

LONDON, 1227 {ay. Noverit universitas vestra nos pro salute 
animae nostrae et pro salute animae Johannis regis, patris nostri, et ani- 
marum antecessorum nostrorum, necnon et pro communi utilitate 
civitatis nostrae Londoniae, et totius regni nostri, concessisse et firmiter 
precepisse quod omnes kidelli qui sunt in Thamisia vel in Medeweie 
amo%'eantur, ubicunque fuerint in Thamisia vel in Medeweie, super 
forisfacturam x librarum sterlingorum, et ne decetero kidelli alicubi 
ponantur in Thamisia vel in Medeweie ; quietum etiam clamavimus omne 
id quod custodes turris nostrae Londoniae annuatim percipere solebant 
de predictis kidellis. 

Quare volumus et firmiter precipimus ne aliquis custos prefatae 
turris aliquo tempore post hoc aliquid exigat ab aliquo, nee aliquam 
demandam aut gravamen vel molestiam alicui inferat ratione predictorum 

Satis enim nobis constat et per fideles nostros sufficienter datum est 
intelligi quod maximum detrimentum et incommodum predictae civitati 
nostrae Londoniae, necnon et toto regno nostro, occasione kidellorum 
illorum proveniebat. 

^ Cf. vol. I, pp. 200-1. 


(Know ye that, for the salvation of our soul, and for the salvation of the 
soul of King Henry our father, and of the souls of our ancestors, and also 
for the common utility of our city of London and of our whole realm, we have 
granted and firmly enjoined that all weirs which are on the Thames or the 
Medway be removed, wherever they are, and that henceforth no weirs be 
placed anywhere on the Thames or the Medway: we have also quit-claimed 
all that the wardens of our tower of London were wont annually to receive 
from the aforesaid weirs ^. 

Wherefore we will and firmly enjoin that no warden of our aforesaid tower 
shall at any time after this exact anything from anyone, nor make any demand 
or hurt or disturbance on anyone on account of the aforesaid weirs. 

For we are well satisfied, and by our lieges we have been given to understand 
that the greatest loss and inconvenience is caused to our city of London and 
also to our whole realm on account of these weirs.) 

(14) Interference with Market^ 

CINQUE PORTS, 1278. Et prohibemus ne quis eos iniuste dis- 
turbet neque mercatum eorum super forisfacturam nostram decern 

(And we forbid any to disturb them or their market unjustly, on pain of 
forfeiting £10.) 


(15) Stalls in Markets and Fairs 

CHESTERFIELD, 1226-7. (Fine.) Preterea dictus Willelmus 
Briwerr et heredes sui concesserunt quod predicti burgenses et heredes 
sui habeant et teneant celdas in foro quas^ de cetero tenere voluerint: 
reddendo per annum pro qualibet celda sex denarios, except© tamen quod 
dictus Willielmus Briwerr et heredes sui habebunt omnes celdas in 
tempore nundinarum ad opus suum singulis annis. 

(Moreover, the said William Brewer and his heirs have granted that the 
aforesaid burgesses and their heirs shall have and hold the stalls in the market 
place which they for the future wish to hold, rendering yearly for each stall dd., 
except that the said William Brewer and his heirs shall have all the stalls at 
the time of the fairs every year for his own use.) 

CHESTERFIELD , 1294. Et burgenses assidebunt et figere facient 
seldas suas ubi voluerint in feria* sine licentia mea et heredum meorum 
vel ballivorum nostrorum sicut ab antiquo facere consueverunt, sine 
aliquo dono. Et ego Johannes et heredes mei habebimus omnes seldas 
eorum quas tenent de me et heredibus meis tempore nundinarum, si 

^ For other perquisites of the constables of the Tower see C.C.R. 1381-5, p. 178 (T.). 

* See also V a 2 (Stirling, 1226). 

^ "Qui" MS. * Sic for "foro." 



(And the burgesses shall assess their stalls and cause them to be fixed where 
they will in the market without the license of myself and my heirs or our 
bailiffs, as they were wont to do of old, without any fee. And I John and my 
heirs shall have all the stalls which they hold of me and my heirs at the 
time of the fairs, if we wish.) 

MANCHESTER, 1301. Prepositus debet tradere cuilibet burgensi 
et tensariis seudas suas in foro, et prepositus debet inde recipere unum 
denarium ad opus predicti domini. 

Si burgensis vel tensarius voluerit stare in seudis mercatorum ipse 
debet pacare predicto domino quantumcunque extraneus, et si stet in 
propria seuda, tunc nil daturus est predicto domino. 

(The reeve ought to deliver to each burgess and to the tensers their stalls 
in the market place, and the reeve should receive therefrom one penny to the 
use of the lord aforesaid. 

If a burgess or a tenser stand in the stalls of the merchants he ought to 
pay to the lord aforesaid as much as a stranger, and if he stand in his own stall, 
he ought to pay nothing to the lord aforesaid.) 

(16) Free incoming and outgoing for Burgesses 

and their Goods 

PLYMPTON, 1242. Concessimus insuper dictis burgensibus et 

heredibus suis liberum introitum in burgo et liberum exitum a burgo. 

(Moreover, we have granted to the said burgesses and their heirs free 
entrance into the borough and free exit from the borough.) 

SOUTHAMPTON, 1252. (Abstract.) The barons of the Cinque 
Ports to discontinue forcibly taking cargoes on their ships from men of 
Southampton and Portsmouth wishing to cross to their port of Ports- 
mouth, which they hold from the king to farm, and making attachments 
without permission of the bailiff's of the same port. 

(17) Foreign Merchants' Goods to be weighed by the 

King's Scales 

LONDON, 1268. Et quod nullus mercator extraneus vel alius vendat 

vel emat aliquod averium quod ponderari debet vel tronari nisi per 

stateram vel tronam sub forisfactura averii predicti. 

(And that no foreign merchant or other sell or buy any goods which ought 
to be weighed, unless they have first been weighed by our scales or beam^^ 
on pain of forfeiture of the aforesaid goods.) 

LYME [REGIS], 1285. 
NOVA VILLA, 1286. 

^ For heavy weights. 


(18) Site of Markets and Fairs ^ 

WYCOMBE, 1226. (Fine.) Sciendum etiam quod feria de averiis 

remanebit singulis annis in campo ipsius Alani et sicut prius esse solebat, 

salvis eisdem burgensibus et heredibus ipsorum consuetudinibus inde 


(Be it also known that the fair of cattle shall remain every year in the field 
of the said Alan, and as it was formerly wont to be, saving to the said burgesses 
and their heirs the customs thence arising.) 

READING, 1254. (Fine.) Quod predictus abbas concessit pro se 

et successoribus suis et ecclesia sua de Rading' predictis burgensibus et 

eorum heredibus quod mercatum bladi in villa de Rading' sit in loco illo 

in perpetuum ubi prius esse solebat et quod omnia alia vendantur in 

locis illis in quibus prius vendi consueverunt. 

(That the aforesaid abbot, for himself and his successors and for his church 
of Reading, granted to the aforesaid burgesses and their heirs, that the com 
market in the town of Reading shall for ever be in that place where it was 
formerly wont to be, and that all other goods be sold in those places where 
they were formerly wont to be sold.) 

^ Cf. Morpeth, 1239-66 (above, p. 247). 



(i) Merchant Guild 

STIRLING, 1226^. Concedimus etiam eisdem burgensibus nostris 

de Strivelyn ut habeant gildam suam mercatorialem, exceptis fuUonibus 

et telariis. 

(We grant also to our said burgesses of Stirling that they may have their 
merchant guild, except the fullers and weavers.) 

HEREFORD, 1227^. Quod habeant gildam mercatoriam cum hansa 
et aliis consuetudinibus et libertatibus ad gildam illam pertinentibus. 

(That they may have a merchant guild with hanse and other customs and 
liberties belonging to that guild.) 
BRIDGENORTH, 1227 (6). 
SHREWSBURY, 1227 (a). 
DROGHEDA (Louth), 1229. 

Line 2. Before consuetudinibus insert liberis. 
DROGHEDA (Meath), 1247. As Drogheda (Louth). 
WIGAN, 1246. As Liverpool. 

Line 2. For aliis read omnibus. 
DEGANWY, 1252. As Montgomery. 
BRECON, 1277-82. 

Line i. Before habeant insert libere. 
2. Before aliis insert omnibus. 
ABERYSTWYTH, 1277. As Montgomery. 
BUILTH, 1278. As Hereford. 
RHUDDLAN, 1278. Do. 
-j CONWAY, 1284. Do. 

Line i. After quod insert ipsi. 
CARNARVON, 1284. As Conway. 
CRICCIETH, 1284. Do. 
HARLECH, 1284. Do. 
BERE, 1284. Do. 
FLINT, 1284. Do. 
^\ RHUDDLAN, 1284. Do. 
^ OVERTON, 1292. Do. 

BEAUMARIS, 1296. Do. 
'NJ CAERWYS, 1290. Do. 

Line 2. For aliis... end read omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudi- 
nibus ad liberum burgum pertinentibus. 

^ Cf. Perth, 1165-1214 (vol. i, p. 205). =* Cf. vol. i, p. 207. 

Vbi] mercantile privileges 279 

NEWBOROUGH (Anglesey), 1303. As Caerwys. 

Line 2. Add quales videlicet habent liberi burgenses nostri de Rothelan 
in burgo suo. 
BERWICK-ON-TWEED, 1302. As Hereford. 

HAVERFORDWEST, 1219-29. Universitati vestre duximus signi- 
ficandum quod nos dilectis et fidelibus burgensibus Hauerford con- 
cessimus quod habeant gildam mercatoriam ad comodum eorum et 
ville sue. 

(We have thought fit that it should be notified to you all that we have 
granted to our beloved and faithful burgesses of Haverford(west) that they 
may have a merchant guild for the advantage of themselves and of their town.) 

[KILKENNY, 1202-10^. Liceat burgensibus meis gyldam mer- 
catoriam et alias gildas habere et suos scotenos, cum omni libertate ad 
ipsos spectante, sicut consuetudo est aliarum bonarum villarum. 

(It shall be lawful for my burgesses to have a merchant guild and other 
guilds, and their scot-payers, with every liberty relating to them, as is the 
custom of other good towns.)] 

CARLOW, 1223. 
MOONE, 1223. 
NEW ROSS, c. 1279. 
ROSBERCON, 1289-95. 

HARTLEPOOL, 1230. Quod dicti burgenses habeant libertatem 
de maiore habendo et gilda mercatoria, sicut alii burgenses habent melius 
et honorabilius in burgis domini regis in Anglia. 

(That the burgesses shall have liberty to have a mayor, and a merchant 
guild, as other burgesses best and most honourably have in the boroughs of 
our lord the king in England.) 

[DUBLIN, 1200^. Et quod habeant omnes rationabiles gildas suas 
sicut burgenses de Bristoll habent vel melius habere consueverunt. 

(And that they shall have all their reasonable guilds as the burgesses of 
Bristol have them or have been best wont to have them.)] 

CORK, 1242. 
LIMERICK, 1292. 

ELGIN, 1234. Sciatis nos concessisse... burgensibus nostris de 
Elgyn ut ipsi ad melioracionem burgi nostri de Elgyn habeant in eodem 
burgo gildam suam mercatricem adeo liberam sicut aliquis burgorum 
nostrorum in toto regno nostro gildam suam habeat liberiorem. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our burgesses of Elgin, that, for the 
improvement of our burgh of Elgin, they may have their merchant guild in 
the same burgh as free as any of our burghs in all our kingdom has its 

'■ Vol. I, p. 207. 2 Vol j^ p^ 206. 


NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYME, 1235. Et quod burgenses ejusdem 

ville habeant gildam mercatoriam in eodem burgo cum omnibus liber- 

tatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad huiusmodi gildam pertinentibus. 

(And that the burgesses of the same town have a merchant guild in the 
same town with all liberties and free customs to a guild of this kind belonging.) 


Line i. After burgenses insert nostri. 

CONGLETON, 1272-c. 1274- 
Line I. After burgenses insert nostri. 

2. After habeant insert pro libito suo in perpetuum. 
Omit in eodem burgo. 

ALTRINCHAM, c. 1290. 

Line i. After burgenses insert mei. 

3. Add secundum consuetudines burgi de Macclesfield. 

CHESTER, 1233-7^. Itemi, concessi et.,.confirmavi dictis civibus 

meis Cestrie gildam suam mercalem, habendam et tenendam adeo libere 

quiete et honorifice sicut earn habuerunt in tempore avunculi mei 

domini Ranulfi comitis Cestrie et Lincolnie. 

(Item, I have granted and confirmed to my citizens of Chester their mer- 
chant guild to be had and holden as freely, quietly and honourably as they 
held it in the time of my uncle, lord Ranulf, earl of Chester and Lincoln.) 

HELSTON, 1225-40. Quod burgenses nostri in eadem villa habeant 

gildam mercatoriam. 

(And that our burgesses in the said town have a merchant guild.) 

HELSTON, 1260. For in... villa read de eodem burgo. 

LISKEARD, 1240. 

LOSTWITHIEL, 1268. As Helston, 1260. For de eodem burgo read ibidem. 

WARENMOUTH, 1247. Concessimus etiam eis gildam merca- 
toriam. (As Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1216^.) 

(We have also granted to them a guild merchant.) 

CARDIGAN, 1249. Sciatis quod concessimus hominibus nostris de 

Kardigan quod in villa sua de Kardigan sit gilda mercatorum sicut in 

villa nostra de Bristoll'. 

(Know ye that we have granted to our men of Cardigan that in their town of 
Cardigan there shall be a guild of merchants as there is in our town of Bristol.) 

SCARBOROUGH, 1253 W- Concedimus etiam et confirmavimus 

eisdem burgensibus omnes libertates, leges et consuetudines suas, et 

nominatim gildam suam mercatoriam et hansas suas in Anglia et Nor- 

mannia, et lastagia sua per totam costam maris quieta ; et quod predictas 

leges et consuetudines habeant et teneant cum omnibus libertatibus 

predicte gilde sue et hansis suis pertinentibus. 

(We grant also and confirm to the said burgesses all their liberties, laws and 
customs and especially their guild merchant and their hanses in England and 

^ Cf. vol. I, p. 206. 2 jij p 207. 


Normandy, and their lastages quit along the whole sea-coast; and that they 
shall have and hold the aforesaid laws and customs with all the liberties 
pertaining to their aforesaid guild and their hanses.) 

READING, 12$^. (Fine.) Et quod habeant gildam suam mercandam 
cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in perpetuum. Et pro hac concessione, 
fine et concordia predicti burgenses concesserunt...quod predictus abbas 
et successores sui de cetero assumant unum burgensem de predictis bur- 
gensibus qui sint in gilda mercanda et de quo predicti burgenses sint 
content!, qui sit custos gilde mercande et qui faciat sacramentum tam 
dictis abbati quam burgensibus ad omnia que ad gildam mercandam 
pertinent fideliter observanda: et quod de anno in annum amovebitur, 
et tunc loco illius substituetur secundum quod predictum est. Con- 
cesserunt etiam predicti burgenses pro se et heredibus ipsorum quod 
predictus abbas et successores sui habeant de cetero de filio cujuslibet 
burgensis legitime nato iiii solidos ad introitum gilde mercande, et de 
quolibet homine forinseco medietatem finis quem facere poterit cum 
predicto custode per visum unius monachi dicti abbatis et successorum 
suorum ad hoc testificandum assignati, ita quod si finis ille testificetur 
per sex legales homines dicte gilde quod finis ille sit rationabilis dictus 
monachus non poterit ilium finem refutare. Et preterea dicti burgenses 
concesse runt... quod predictus abbas et successores sui de cetero habeant 
singulis annis ad festum Sancti Petri ad Vincula v denarios de quolibet 
burgense in gilda mercanda nomine cheping gavel. 

(And that they shall have their merchant guild with all its appurtenances 
for ever. And for this grant, fine and agreement the aforesaid burgesses have 
granted... that the aforesaid abbot and his successors shall henceforth choose 
one of the aforesaid burgesses who are in the merchant guild, and with whom 
the aforesaid burgesses are content, to be warden of the merchant guild, who 
shall make oath as well to the said abbot as to the burgesses for his faithful 
observance of all things pertaining to the said merchant guild; and that he 
shall be removed from year to year, and then another shall be substituted 
according to what is aforesaid. The aforesaid burgesses have also granted for 
themselves and their heirs that the aforesaid abbot and his successors shall 
from henceforth have from every legitimate son of every burgess 4s. on his 
entrance to the merchant guild, and from every foreigner one half of the fine 
which he can make with the aforesaid warden, under the supervision of a 
monk assigned by the said abbot and his successors to witness this, provided 
that if it be testified by six lawful men of the said guild that that fine be reason- 
able, the said monk shall not be able to refute it. And moreover the aforesaid 
burgesses have granted that the aforesaid abbot and his successors shall hence- 
forth have from every burgess in the merchant guild e,d. every year at the 
Feast of St Peter ad Vincula under the name of Cheping gavel.) 

BODMIN, 1225-56. Et habeant gildam mercandam liberam, sicut 
habent et habere solent, pro redditu quadraginta solidorum et quadra- 
ginta denariorum quod annuatim reddent attornato nostro. 


(And they shall have a free merchant guild, as they now have and were wont 
to have, for the rent of 405. and 4od. which they shall pay yearly to our 

ORFORD, 1256(6). Et quod habeant imperpetuum gildam mer- 

catoriam cum omnibus ad hujusmodi gildam pertinemibus. 

(And that they shall have a merchant guild for ever, with all things per- 
taining to such a guild.) 

COVENTRY, 1267. (To prior of Covemry.) Et quod homines 

dictorum prioris et monachorum de Coventre habeant in eadem villa 

gildam mercatoriam cum omnibus Ubertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus 

ad huiusmodi gildam pertinentibus. 

(And that the men of the said prior and monks of Coventry shall have a 
merchant guild in the same town with all the liberties and free customs per- 
taining to a guild of this kind.) 

KINGSTON-ON-THAMES, 1256 (c). Quod habeant gildam suam 

mercatoriam in villa sua sicut eam prius habuerunt et sicut homines 

nostri de Guldeford habent, et quod ea utantur unacum aliis Ubertatibus 

et justis legibus et consuetudinibus suis quas habent in villa sua predicta 

sicut hucusque usi sunt tempore nostro et temporibus predecessorum 

nostrorum, regum Anglie. 

(That they may have their merchant guild in their town as they had it 
before and as our men of Guildford have it, and that they may enjoy it along 
with their other liberties and just laws and customs which they have in their 
said town as they have enjoyed them until now in our time and the times of 
our predecessors, kings of England.) 

PORTSMOUTH, 1256. Ipsi et eorum heredes habeant gildam 

mercatoriam in predicta villa de Portsmouth cum omnibus libertatibus 

ad huiusmodi gildam pertinentibus. 

(They and their heirs shall have a merchant guild in the said town of Ports- 
mouth with all liberties belonging to a guild of this kind.) 

WINDSOR, 1277. Et gildam mercatoriam habeant. 
(And have a merchant guild.) 

^ LYME [REGIS], 1284. Ita quod gildam habeant mercatoriam cum 

omnibus ad hujusmodi gildam spectantibus in predicto burgo. 

(So that they may have a merchant guild with all things relating to a guild 
of this kind in the aforesaid borough.) 

WELSHPOOL, 1241-C. 1286. Quod predicti burgenses gildam 

habeant mercandizandi cum hamso (sic) et cum assisa panis ac cervisie 

et cum omnibus libertatibus ad dictam gildam spectantibus. 

(That the aforesaid burgesses have a merchant guild with hanse and with 
the assize of bread and beer, and with all the liberties to the said guild per- 

LLANFYLLIN, after 1286. 

Vb2] mercantile privileges 283 

CHESTERFIELD, 1294. Et burgenses habebunt gildam suam 

mercatoriam cum omnibus rebus dictam gildam tangentibus. 

(And the burgesses shall have their merchant guild with all matters touching 
the said guild.) 

KIRKHAM, 1296. [Et habeant] liberam gildam in eodem burgo 

cum libertatibus quae ad liberum burgum et liberam gildam pertinent 

[sicut melius] et liberius continetur in carta quam nos de domino rege 


(And they shall have a free guild in the same borough, with the liberties 
which pertain to a free borough and free guild as is better and more freely 
contained in the charter which we have from our lord the king.) 

LYNN, 1305. (Grant to the burgesses, in consideration of their 

expenses on behalf of the king and for a fine.) Quod ipsi et eorum heredes 

ac successores, burgenses ville predicte, in perpetuum habeant gildam 

suam mercatoriam cum omnibus terris et edificiis ad gildam illam perti- 

nentibus, saluis capitalibus dominis seruiciis inde debitis et cons